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LIFE   AND    LETTERS   OF 
GENERAL   SAMUEL   HOLDEN    PARSONS 


This  Edition  consists  of 
Jive  hundred  copies  of  which  this  is 

No. 


LIFE  AND   LETTERS 

OF 

SAMUEL  HOLDEN  PARSONS 

MAJOR    GENERAL    IN    THE    CONTINENTAL 

ARMY    AND    CHIEF   JUDGE    OF    THE 

NORTHWESTERN     TERRITORY 

1737  —  1789 


BY 

CHARLES    S.    HALL 

n 


BIXGHAMTOX,  N.  Y. 

OTSENINGO   PUBLISHING   CO. 

1905 


COPYRIGHT,  1905, 
BY  CHARLES  S.   HALL 


PRINTED    BY 

HERALD    COMPANY    OF    BINGHAMTON 
BINGHAMTON,  N.   Y. 


IN    MEMORIAM 

SAMUEL   HOLDEN   PARSONS 

Soldier,  scholar,  judge,  one  of  the  strongest  arms 
on  which  Washington  leaned,  who  first  suggested 
the  Continental  Congress,  from  the  story  of  whose 
life  could  almost  be  written  the  history  of  the 
Northern  War." — Senator  Geo.  F.  Hoar. 


PREFACE 


A  considerable  part  of  the  correspondence  of  General  Parsons 
during  and  before  the  Revolutionary  War  and  while  in  the 
Northwestern  Territory,  together  with  valuable  official  papers, 
was  lost  by  the  burning  of  the  building  in  Middletown  in  which 
they  were  stored.  A  grandson  and  namesake  of  the  General, 
noted  as  an  antiquarian,  genealogist  and  historian,  procured 
duplicates  of  the  lost  papers,  so  far  as  he  was  able,  intending  to 
publish  a  biography  of  the  General ;  but  ill-health  unfortu 
nately  forced  him  to  abandon  the  undertaking  for  which  he  was 
unusually  well  equipped.  The  papers  preserved  by  him,  and 
the  remnants  of  the  General's  letters — many  of  them  having 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  collectors — were  inherited  by  a  great- 
grandson  of  the  General,  Samuel  H.  Parsons  of  New  York, 
who  still  has  them  in  his  possession.  Among  them  are  the  Gen 
eral's  Letter  Book  and  the  Order  Book  of  his  Adjutant,  David 
Humphreys.  Having  access  to  this  collection  through  the 
courtesy  of  Mr.  Parsons,  and  to  the  Washington  Papers  by 
favor  of  the  librarian  of  the  State  Department,  and  having  for 
another  purpose  already  collected  much  valuable  material  relat 
ing  to  the  General's  life  and  public  services,  the  writer  was  led 
to  take  up  the  work  laid  down  by  the  General's  grandson.  This 
volume  is  the  outcome  of  the  undertaking.  The  letters  and 
documents  of  which  this  work  is  largely  made  up  are  most  of 
them  given  in  full,  and,  having  been  arranged  chronologically, 
furnish,  with  the  intermediate  text,  a  complete  and  continuous 
story  of  the  General's  life. 

Among  these  papers  are:  Parsons'  letter  to  Samuel  Adams 
in  1773,  first  suggesting  a  Continental  Congress ;  the  account 
of  his  setting  on  foot  the  expedition  against  Ticonderoga, 
which  "  gave  to  Connecticut  the  honor  of  compelling  the  first 
surrender  of  the  British  flag  to  the  coming  republic  " ;  his 


viii  PREFACE 

spirited  correspondence  with  Governor  Tryon  in  1777,  which 
Tryon  deemed  important  enough  to  send  to  Lord  George 
Germain ;  his  remarkable  and  almost  prophetic  letter  of  Decem 
ber,  1778,  to  his  classmate,  the  Rev.  Dr.  William  Walter,  then 
a  refugee  in  New  York;  his  letter  of  August,  1779,  to  Colonel 
Root  in  Congress,  discussing  the  effect  on  the  country  of  the 
depreciation  of  the  currency;  the  account  of  his  observations 
and  discoveries  in  the  West  while  there  to  treat  with  the  Sha- 
wanese  Indians ;  his  memorial  to  Congress  in  1787  for  the 
sale  of  lands  on  the  Ohio  to  the  Ohio  Company,  thereby  enabling 
Revolutionary  soldiers  to  exchange  their  almost  worthless  pay- 
certificates  for  homes  in  the  West ;  the  Thanksgiving  Sermon 
which,  in  the  absence  of  a  clergyman,  he  preached  at  Marietta 
in  December,  1788,  being  the  first  thanksgiving  sermon  preached 
in  the  Northwestern  Territory ;  and  several  letters  giving  par 
ticulars,  hitherto  unknown,  of  the  General's  sad  death  and  of  his 
burial  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that,  although  careful  search  has 
been  made  for  a  portrait  of  the  General,  none  can  be  found. 
If  any  ever  existed  it  probably  has  been  destroyed. 

To  Mr.  Parsons,  to  the  librarians  of  the  State  Department  at 
Washington,  of  the  State  library  at  Albany,  of  the  Astor  and 
Lenox  libraries  in  New  York,  of  the  Boston  and  the  other 
libraries  where  I  have  had  occasion  to  search,  and  to  my  many 
correspondents,  I  avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  to  make 
due  acknowledgments  for  valuable  assistance  ever  courteously 
rendered. 

C.  S.  H. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 

1775—1783 

The  days  after  Lexington  and  Concord.     The  organization  and  officers  of 

the    Connecticut    Line 1 


CHAPTER   II 

The  Parsons  lineage  and  family  connections 8 

CHAPTER  III 

Parsons  graduates  at  Harvard  and  studies  law.     The  French  and  Indian 

war  and  the  events  between  1762  and  1775 13 

CHAPTER  IV 
1762—1775 

Parsons  a  member  of  the  Connecticut  General  Assembly  and  of  the  Com 
mittee  of  Correspondence.  Is  the  first  to  suggest  a  Congress  of  all 
the  Colonies.  Capture  of  Ticonderoga 18 

CHAPTER  V 

April,  1775— March,   1776 
Siege  of  Boston.     Reorganization  of  the  Army.     March  to  New  York     .     28 

CHAPTER  VI 

April — September,   1776 

The  army  in  New  York.  The  Hickey  plot.  Arrival  of  General  Howe. 
Parsons  promoted  brigadier  general.  Sent  to  reinforce  the  Brook 
lyn  lines.  The  British  prepare  to  attack 39 


x  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  VII 

August,   1776 
The  battle  of  Long  Island.     Retreat  to  New  York 50 

CHAPTER  VIII 

September,   1776 

Bushnell's  torpedo.  Kip's  Bay  affair.  Retreat  from  New  York.  Bat 
tle  of  Harlem  Heights 59 

CHAPTER  IX 

September,  1776 — February,  1777 

Battle  of  White  Plains.  Parsons  holds  extreme  left  of  line  at  Rye  Pond. 
Marches  to  attack  General  Agnew.  In  the  Highlands  and  New 
Jersey.  Expedition  with  Clinton.  Returns  to  Peekskill.  Battles 
of  Trenton  and  Princeton.  Commands  the  left  in  Heath's  attack 
on  New  York 71 

CHAPTER  X 

January — June,    1777 

Recruiting  the  Connecticut  Line.  Inoculation  of  the  troops.  Tryon's 
raid  on  Danbury.  Death  of  Wooster.  Correspondence  with  Wash 
ington.  Meigs'  expedition  to  Sag  Harbor 85 


CHAPTER  XI 

/\  *' 

December,   1787 — December,   17<8 

Campaign  of  1777.  Parsons  reinforces  Washington  in  New  Jersey. 
Letter  to  his  wife.  Burgoyne's  movement.  Parsons  ordered  to  the 
defense  of  the  Highlands.  His  expedition  to  Setauket.  Brandy- 
wine  and  Germantown.  Surrender  of  Burgoyne 101 


CHAPTER  XII 

September — December,   1777 

Parsons  at  White  Plains.  Putnam  plans  to  attack  New  York,  Clinton 
reinforced,  attempts  to  relieve  Burgoyne.  Captures  the  Posts  on 
the  Hudson.  Parsons  forwards  reinforcements  from  Connecticut. 
James  DeLancey  a  prisoner.  Tryon  burns  Phillips  Manor.  The 
Parsons-Try  on  correspondence 113 


CONTENTS  xi 

CHAPTER  XIII 

October,  1777— April,  1778 

Parsons'  expedition  to  Long  Island.  In  command  at  West  Point.  Cor 
respondence  with  Governor  Clinton.  Letter  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton  .  133 

CHAPTER  XIV 

January — March,  1778 

At  West  Point.  Difficulties  encountered  in  constructing  the  Works. 
Correspondence  with  Washington.  Social  life.  Dwight's  "  Con 
quest  of  Canaan." 151 


CHAPTER  XV  . 

/    \ 

March — August,   1788 

At  West  Point.  Correspondence  with  Generals  McDougall  and  Gates. 
Arrest  of  Oliver  DeLancey.  Letter  to  Dr.  William  Walter.  Par 
sons  joins  Washington's  Army  at  White  Plains 166 


CHAPTER  XVI 

June,  1778— March,   1779 

Treaty  with  France.  Evacuation  of  Philadelphia.  Army  at  White 
Plains.  Arrival  of  D'Estaing.  Camp  at  Fredericksburgh.  Par 
sons'  military  opinions.  Camp  at  Redding 187 

CHAPTER  XVII 

February — June,   1779 

Parsons  in  command  at  New  London.  Correspondence  with  Washington 
and  Greene.  The  right  of  private  warfare.  Returns  to  Redding. 
Commands  the  Division.  The  march  to  the  Highlands  ....  -217 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

May — December,    1779 

Clinton's  expedition  up  the  Hudson.  Tryon's  raid  on  New  Haven,  Fair- 
field  and  Norwalk.  Wayne  retakes  Stony  Point.  Sullivan's 
expedition  against  the  Six  Nations.  Parsons  succeeds  Putnam  in 
the  command  of  the  Connecticut  Division 245 


xii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XIX 

December,   1779 — July,   1780 

Winter  quarters  at  Morristown.  The  spy  system  of  the  Revolution. 
"  Midshipman  Billy."  Parsons  asks  Congress  to  accept  his  resigna 
tion.  His  estate.  Supervises  recruiting  in  Connecticut.  Condition 
of  the  army 272 

CHAPTER  XX 

July — October,  1780 

The  summer  of  1780.  Arrival  of  Ternay  and  Rochambeau.  Arnold  in 
command  at  West  Point.  His  treason.  Heron  delivers  to  Par 
sons  Arnold's  letter  to  Andre.  Parsons'  ill-health 296 

CHAPTER  XXI 

October,    1780— May,    1781 

Parsons'  promotion  as  Major  General.  Mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania  and 
Jersey  Lines.  Morrisania  expedition.  Receives  thanks  of  Congress. 
Fairfield  investigation.  His  dangerous  illness.  Yale  and  Harvard 
confer  upon  him  a  Master's  degree 317 

CHAPTER  XXII 

June — October,  1781 

The  march  of  the  French  army  through  Connecticut.  Junction  of  the 
two  armies  on  the  Hudson.  Failure  of  the  attempt  on  New  York. 
Letters  of  Washington,  Parsons,  and  Trumhull.  Reconnaisance  in 
force.  Abandonment  of  the  siege.  The  Allies  move  to  Virginia. 
Surrender  of  Cornwallis 361 

CHAPTER  XXIII 

August,    1781— July,    1782 

Heath  commands  in  the  Highlands.  Parsons  takes  charge  of  the  defense 
of  Connecticut.  Prepares  to  attack  Lloyd's  Neck.  Heath  fails  to 
support  him.  The  Connecticut  troops  winter  in  the  Highlands. 
As  to  disabled  officers.  Parsons'  farewell  address  to  his  troops. 
Resigns  his  commission  as  Major  General 394 

CHAPTER  XXIV 

1780—1781 

William  Heron  of  Redding  and  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  "  Secret  Serv 
ice  Record  "  .  '  418 


CONTENTS  xiii 

CHAPTER  XXV 

July,   1782— October,   1786 

Shay's  Rebellion.  Letters  to  Johnson.  Appointed  Commissioner  to  treat 
with  the  Shawanese.  Journey  to  the  Miami.  Visits  the  Falls  of  the 
Ohio.  Negotiations  with  the  Indians.  Treaty  concluded  February 
first.  Terms  of  the  treaty.  Letter  to  President  Willard  giving  an 
account  of  his  observations  and  discoveries  in  the  Ohio  country  .  .  461 

CHAPTER  XXVI 

January,   1786 — April,   1789 

The  Ohio  Company.  Parsons  presents  memorial  to  Congress  for  the 
purchase  of  lands  in  Ohio.  Bill  authorizing  sale  to  Company. 
Ordinance  of  1787.  Organization  of  the  Northwest  Territory. 
Parsons  appointed  Chief  Judge.  Ratification  of  the  Federal  Con 
stitution  and  organization  of  the  government 495 

CHAPTER  XXVII 

December,   1787 — December,    1788 

Settlement  of  Ohio.  Letters  to  General  Washington  and  Dr.  Cutler. 
Arrival  of  St.  Clair,  Parsons  and  Varnum  and  the  establishment  of 
civil  government  in  the  Territory.  They  prepare  a  code  of  laws. 
Celebration  of  the  Fourth  of  July.  Parsons'  Thanksgiving  sermon. 
The  importance  of  the  new  settlement 515 

CHAPTER  XXVIII 

1789—1790 

The  Connecticut  Reserve.  Parsons  appointed  to  survey  it.  Forms 
syndicate  to  buy  lands  in.  At  Philadelphia  for  the  Ohio  Company. 
Returning,  visits  Gen.  Gates.  Chief  Justice  Ellsworth.  Thirteenth 
anniversary  of  Independence  celebrated  at  Marietta.  Appointed 
to  treat  with  the  Indians  on  the  Reserve.  Goes  to  Lake  Erie  to 
complete  the  surveys.  Returning,  is  drowned  in  Great  Beaver 
Creek.  Body  found  and  buried;  afterwards  removed  to  New 
Brighton.  Letters  from  Gen.  Butler  and  Lieut.  McDowell.  Par 
sons'  family.  His  career  and  character 548 


Life  and  Letters  of 
General  Samuel  Holden  Parsons 


CHAPTER    I 

THE  DAYS  AFTER  LEXINGTON  AND  CONCORD.     THE  ORGANIZATION 
AND  OFFICERS  OF  THE  CONNECTICUT  LINE. 

1775—1783 

THE  fighting  at  Lexington  and  Concord  was  still  in  progress 
when  the  Massachusetts  Committee  of  Safety  at  Watertown 
sent  out  "  horse  expresses  charged  to  alarm  the  country  quite 
down  to  Connecticut."  It  was  not  long  after  the  noon  of 
Thursday,  the  20th  of  April,  1775,  that  the  news  reached 
Jonathan  Trumbull,  the  War  Governor  of  Connecticut,  at  his 
home  in  Lebanon,  and  not  many  hours  after  this  before  he  had 
issued  his  Proclamation  convening  the  General  Assembly  in 
special  session  at  Hartford  the  following  Wednesday,  April 
26th.  At  this  session,  which  lasted  ten  days,  an  Act  was  passed 
providing  for  the  enlistment  and  equipment  of  one-fourth  of  the 
militia,  about  six  thousand  men,  to  be  distributed  into  six 
regiments  of  ten  companies  each,  with  a  full  complement  of 
field,  staff  and  line  officers,  and  to  serve  for  seven  months.  This 
force  was  to  be  commanded  by  one  major  general  and  two 
brigadier  generals.  All  the  officers  were  appointed  by  the 
Assembly.  David  Wooster  was  made  major  general  and  colonel 
of  the  First  Regiment ;  Joseph  Spencer  and  Israel  Putnam 
were  made  brigadier  generals  and  colonels,  respectively,  of  the 
Second  and  Third  Regiments;  and  Benjamin  Hinman,  David 
Waterbury  and  Samuel  Holden  Parsons  were  made  colonels  in 
the  order  named  of  the  Fourth,  Fifth  and  Sixth  Regiments  and 
also  captains,  each  of  the  first  company  of  his  regiment.  This 
peculiar  arrangement  extended  to  the  lieutenant  colonels  and 


2  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

majors,  who  were  made  captains  of  the  second  and  third  com 
panies  of  their  respective  regiments.  In  July  two  more  regi 
ments  were  raised,  to  be  commanded  by  Colonels  Charles  Webb 
and  Jedidiah  Huntington,  making  eight  regiments  in  all,  con 
sisting  of  seventy-four  hundred  men  and  including  all  who 
served  that  year  outside  the  limits  of  the  State.  Of  these 
eight  regiments,  the  five  under  Spencer,  Putnam,  Parsons, 
Webb  and  Huntington,  were  ordered  to  the  Boston  camps  under 
Washington,  while  the  remaining  three  under  Wooster,  Hin- 
man  and  Waterbury,  were  sent  to  the  Northern  Department. 
These  regiments  up  to  this  point  were  State  troops,  not  militia, 
but  volunteer  regiments  enlisted  by  the  State  from  the  militia 
for  a  special  purpose ;  but  in  July  following,  the  entire  force 
was  placed  upon  a  Continental  Establishment  and,  as  Wash 
ington  expressed  it,  became  the  "  troops  of  the  United  Prov 
inces  of  North  America."  These  troops  were  the  "  regulars  " 
of  the  Revolution,  "  Continentals,"  as  they  were  called,  and 
formed  the  main  army  in  the  field  and  the  chief  dependence  of 
the  Colonial  cause.  These  eight  regiments  were  the  beginning 
of  what  later  on  was  known  as  the  "  Connecticut  Line." 

The  militia  of  Connecticut  averaged  during  the  war  about 
twenty-three  thousand  men,  and  was  divided  into  twenty-eight 
regiments  of  infantry  and  five  regiments  of  light  horse.  These 
organizations  were  frequently  called  out  to  assist  in  emergencies 
and  furnished  the  levies  made  from  time  to  time  for  special  serv 
ice,  as  for  "  Coast  Guards,"  when  they  were  known  as  State 
troops. 

The  terms  of  enlistment  of  most  of  the  regiments  called  out 
in  1775  expiring  in  December  of  that  year,  Congress  early  in 
the  autumn  prepared  to  organize  a  new  army  for  the  year  1776. 
After  consultation  it  was  determined  to  raise,  exclusive  of 
riflemen  and  artillery,  twenty-six  regiments  of  foot  of  eight 
companies  each,  to  serve  until  January  1,  1777.  The  quota 
for  Connecticut  was  five  regiments.  The  twenty-six  regiments 
were  numbered  consecutively  without  regard  to  the  State  from 
which  they  were  enlisted.  In  the  readjustment,  Parsons'  regi 
ment  became  the  10th  Continental  Foot;  Huntington's  the 
17th;  Webb's  the  19th;  Benedict  Arnold's  (formerly  Put 
nam's)  the  20th  and  Wyllys'  (formerly  Spencer's)  the  22d. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS  3 

These  regiments  remained  before  Boston  until  its  evacuation  by 
the  British,  when  they  marched  to  New  York.  Early  in  1776, 
Congress  authorized  two  additional  regiments  under  Burral] 
and  Elmore  to  serve  in  the  Northern  Department,  and  another 
in  May  under  Ward,  to  serve  in  New  York. 

The  experience  of  the  first  two  years  of  the  war  had  made 
it  obvious  that  in  order  to  provide  a  well-drilled  and  disciplined 
army,  able  to  cope  with  British  regulars,  the  enlistments  must  be 
for  a  longer  term.  Accordingly,  Congress  provided  for  the 
raising  of  eighty-eight  regiments  of  eight  companies  each,  to 
serve  for  three  years  or  during  the  war.  The  Connecticut 
quota  under  this  call  was  eight  regiments.  Instead  of  being 
nu<nbered  consecutively  as  under  the  organization  of  1776,  the 
regiments  of  each  State  were  numbered  by  themselves  and, 
spoken  of  as  the  "  Massachusetts  Line,"  or  the  "  Connecticut 
Line,"  each  being  a  distinct  body,  commanded  by  its  own 
officers  and  cared  for  by  its  own  State  as  well  as  by  Congress. 
These  State  Lines  as  a  body  formed  the  "  Continental  Line," 
or  the  regular  army  of  the  United  Colonies.  This  change  in 
the  organization  from  that  of  the  previous  year,  was  a  surface 
indication  of  the  jealousy  of  the  central  government  felt  by  the 
States — a  jealousy  by  no  means  allayed  by  the  prodigality  with 
which  Congress  distributed  commissions  to  foreign  adventurers, 
thereby  preventing  the  due  promotion  of  meritorious  American 
officers.  The  new  organization  was  to  date  from  January  1, 
1777.  The  Connecticut  troops  were  divided  into  two  brigades 
of  four  regiments  each.  The  First  Brigade,  composed  of  the 
3d,  4th,  6th  and  8th  Regiments,  was  placed  under  the  command 
of  General  Samuel  Holden  Parsons,  and  the  Second,  composed 
of  the  1st,  2d,  5th  and  7th  Regiments,  was  given  to  General 
Jedidiah  Huntington. 

In  October,  1780,  Congress  provided  for  a  reorganization 
of  the  army,  reducing  the  number  of  regiments,  but  increasing 
the  complement  of  each,  so  that  the  number  of  men  in  the  field 
should  remain  the  same.  The  Connecticut  quota  was  thus 
reduced  from  eight  regiments  to  five.  The  effect  of  the  con 
solidation  was  to  retire  many  officers,  but  it  increased  the 
efficiency  of  the  regiments.  A  new  formation  went  into  effect 
January  11,  1783.  The  five  Connecticut  regiments  were 


4  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

reduced  to  three,  forming  a  single  brigade  under  the  command 
of  General  Huntington.  In  the  early  summer  the  greater  part 
of  the  troops  were  disbanded  and  a  single  Connecticut  regiment 
only,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Swift,  was  retained  until 
December,  when  its  discharge  was  ordered ;  and  thus  disap 
peared  the  last  of  the  Connecticut  Line  of  the  Revolutionary 
Army. 

During  the  whole  war  but  six  general  officers  in  the  Con 
tinental  or  regular  army  were  appointed  from  the  State  of  Con 
necticut.  The  first  three  appointments  were  made  from  the 
veterans  of  the  French  and  Indian  War,  the  school  in  which 
many  of  our  best  officers  had  acquired  their  military  experience. 
Israel  Putnam  of  Pomfret,  who  had  served  as  major  and  lieu 
tenant  colonel,  and  was  the  senior  officer  present  in  command 
at  Bunker  Hill,  was  made  major  general,  June  19,  1775,  super 
seding  Wooster  and  Spencer,  both  of  whom  were  his  seniors 
in  age  and  command.  He  was  at  this  time  fifty-seven  years  old. 
David  Wooster  of  New  Haven,  who  had  served  as  colonel,  and 
Joseph  Spencer  of  East  Haddam,  who  had  been  a  major  and 
lieutenant  colonel,  were  made  brigadier  generals,  June  22, 
1775.  Wooster  at  this  time  was  sixty-five  and  Spencer  sixty- 
one.  Neither  of  these  officers  served  till  the  close  of  the  war. 
Wooster  was  ordered  to  the  Northern  Department  and  served 
with  Montgomery  through  the  disastrous  campaign  in  Canada. 
Upon  his  return  to  Connecticut,  he  was  given  the  command  of 
the  militia  stationed  on  the  Westchester  border.  During  the 
Tryon-Danbury  raid,  he  fell,  mortally  wounded,  while  rallying 
his  men,  and  died,  May  2,  1777.  Spencer,  during  the  siege  of 
Boston,  commanded  a  brigade  composed  of  the  regiments  of 
Parsons,  Huntington,  Wyllys  and  Charles  Webb,  and  accom 
panied  it  when,  with  the  rest  of  the  army,  it  marched  to  New 
York.  August  9,  1776,  just  previous  to  the  battle  of  Long 
Island,  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  major  general  and 
given  the  command  of  a  division  composed  of  Parsons'  and 
Wadsworth's  brigades,  the  first  Continentals  and  the  latter 
militia.  He  remained  with  the  army  after  the  retreat  to  White 
Plains  until  December  of  that  year,  when  he  was  ordered  to  take 
command  of  the  troops  in  Rhode  Island.  An  attack  on  New 
port  planned  by  him  miscarried,  and  an  investigation  having 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS  5 

been  ordered  by  Congress  after  he  had  been  exonerated  by  a 
court-martial,  he  resigned  his  commission  in  December,  1777, 
and  it  was  accepted  in  the  January  following.  Putnam  by 
virtue  of  his  seniority  commanded  the  Connecticut  Division,  but 
he  was  much  of  the  time  with  the  main  army  under  Washington 
where  he  exercised  a  more  general  command.  In  1776  he  served 
in  New  Jersey.  In  1777  he  was  stationed  in  the  Highlands, 
charged  with  guarding  West  Point  and  the  shores  of  the 
Sound.  In  1778  he  was  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Vir 
ginia  Line,  and  in  1779  commanded  the  right  wing  of  the  army 
west  of  the  Hudson.  In  December  of  this  year  he  was  stricken 
with  paralysis  and  incapacitated  for  farther  service.  Benedict 
Arnold  of  New  Haven,  the  youngest  of  all  the  appointees  of 
Congress  from  Connecticut — being  at  this  time  but  thirty-six 
years  old — and  perhaps  the  best  fighter,  was  made  brigadier 
general  January  10,  1776,  and  major  general,  May  2,  1777. 
His  principal  and  most  conspicuous  service  was  in  Canada 
and  the  Northern  Department,  but  the  unusually  brilliant 
record  then  made  was  completely  effaced  by  his  treason  of  Sep 
tember,  1780,  and  his  villainous  conduct  during  the  rest  of  the 
war.  By  order  of  Congress,  October  4,  1780,  his  name  was 
stricken  from  the  rolls.  Samuel  Holden  Parsons  of  New  Lon 
don,  colonel  of  the  6th  Connecticut  in  1775  and  afterwards  of 
the  10th  Continental,  and  senior  colonel  in  the  Connecticut  Line, 
was  appointed  brigadier  general,  August  9,  1776,  to  succeed 
Spencer,  appointed  major  general  the  same  day.  Parsons  was 
assigned  to  the  command  of  the  First  Brigade,  which,  with 
Wadsworth's,  formed  Spencer's  Division.  At  this  time  he  was 
thirty-nine  years  old.  October  23,  1780,  after  Putnam  had 
been  incapacitated,  he  was  appointed  major  general  and  became 
of  right,  as  for  a  year  and  a  half  previous  he  had  been  in  fact, 
the  commander  of  the  Connecticut  Division.  Parsons  remained 
in  command  until  June  1782,  when  he  was  compelled  by  ill 
health  to  resign  his  commission,  the  acceptance  of  which  was 
delayed  by  Congress  until  the  22d  of  July.  Jedidiah  Hunting- 
ton  of  Norwich,  who  in  1777  was  Colonel  of  the  First  Con 
necticut  and  senior  colonel  in  the  Division,  was  appointed 
brigadier  general  May  12,  1777,  and  assigned  to  the  command 
of  the  Second  Brigade.  Upon  the  promotion  of  General  Par- 


6  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

sons  in  1780,  he  succeeded  to  the  command  of  the  First  Brigade, 
which  he  continued  to  command  until  the  disbandment  of  the 
army  in  1783.  At  the  time  Parsons  was  made  major  general, 
Huntington  and  himself  were  the  only  general  officers  remaining 
in  the  Connecticut  Line,  although  Putnam  was  still  carried  on 
the  rolls;  and  upon  Parsons'  resignation,  Huntington  became 
the  senior  officer  in  the  State. 

Of  these  six  officers,  three  were  college  men.  Wooster 
graduated  at  Yale  in  the  class  of  1738.  Parsons  and  Hunting- 
ton  both  graduated  at  Harvard,  Parsons  in  the  class  of  1756 
and  Huntington  in  the  class  of  1763,  and  both  received 
honorary  degrees  from  Yale.  Wooster  served  as  a  general 
officer  nearly  two  years;  Spencer  two  years  and  six  months; 
Putnam  and  Arnold  each  nearly  four  and  one  half  years ;  Hunt 
ington  six  years,  and  Parsons  four  years  as  a  colonel  and 
brigadier  and  two  years  as  major  general. 

Reviewing  the  careers  of  these  men,  no  one  of  them  seems  to 
have  been  so  largely  and  intimately  connected  with  the  affairs 
and  interests  of  Connecticut  as  was  General  Parsons  through 
out  the  whole  of  his  active  life.  A  member  of  the  General 
Assembly  at  twenty-five  and  re-elected  for  twelve  successive 
years ;  one  of  a  committee  composed  of  the  ablest  men  in  his 
State  created  to  assist  Governor  Trumbull  in  prosecuting  the 
claims  of  Connecticut  under  her  Charter  to  lands  in  Pennsyl 
vania  ;  one  of  the  Standing  Committee  of  Correspondence  and 
Inquiry  by  appointment  of  the  Assembly ;  a  member  of  the  Con 
vention  in  his  State  which  ratified  the  Federal  Constitution  ; 
one  of  a  Commission  to  extinguish  by  treaty  the  Indian  titles 
to  the  Connecticut  Reserve,  he  was  ever  active  and  energetic  in 
the  discharge  of  his  public  duties,  and  rendered  valuable  and 
faithful  service  to  his  State.  Zealous  in  the  cause  of  the 
Colonies,  he  was  the  instigator  and  promoter  of  many  of  the 
measures  which  led  to  the  Revolution.  He  was  the  first  to 
suggest  a  General  Congress  of  the  Colonies,  and  with  a  few 
friends  raised  the  money  for  and  set  on  foot  as  a  Connecticut 
enterprise,  the  expedition  which  captured  Ticonderoga.  During 
his  service  in  the  army,  the  responsibility  of  recruiting,  organiz 
ing  and  maintaining  the  Connecticut  Line,  and  of  protecting 
the  State  against  invasion,  devolved  largely  upon  him ;  and 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS  7 

after  the  war  terminated,  and  the  soldiers  had  returned  impov 
erished  to  their  homes,  it  was  he  who,  with  Rufus  Putnam  and 
Manasseh  Cutler,  conceived  and  carried  through  the  project 
of  the  Ohio  Land  Company,  thus  providing  a  way  by  which 
the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Connecticut  Line  could  convert 
their  almost  worthless  pay-certificates  into  farms,  and  secure 
for  themselves  homes  in  their  declining  years.  The  record  of 
Parsons'  life  forms  an  important  part  of  the  history  of  his 
native  State. 


THE  PARSONS  LINEAGE  AND  FAMILY  CONNECTIONS. 

SAMUEL  HOLDEN  PARSONS,  major  general  in  the  Continental 
army,  was  born  at  Lyme,  Connecticut,  May  14,  1787.  The  first 
of  his  family  and  name  in  this  country  was  his  great-grand 
father,  Benjamin  Parsons,  born  in  England  and  baptized  in  the 
church  in  Sanford,  March  17,  1627-8.  The  grandfather  and 
father  of  Benjamin  were  Thomas  and  Hugh  Parsons,  both 
country  gentlemen  of  Great  Milton,  Oxfordshire,  England. 
Upon  coining  to  America,  Benjamin  settled  in  Springfield, 
Mass.,  some  time  before  1651,  where  he  became  a  prominent  and 
influential  citizen,  a  deacon  in  the  church  and  was  elected  to 
many  town  offices  which  he  administered  with  ability.  His 
son,  Deacon  Ebenezer  Parsons,  the  grandfather  of  the  General, 
was  born  at  Springfield  Nov.  17,  1668,  and  died  there  at  the 
age  of  eighty-four  years.  Jonathan  Parsons,  his  youngest  son, 
and  the  father  of  the  General,  was  born  at  West  Springfield, 
Mass.,  November  30,  1705,  graduated  at  Yale  College  in  1729, 
studied  theology  under  the  President,  the  Rev.  Elisha  Williams, 
and  afterwards  with  the  Rev.  Jonathan  Edwards,  and  was 
ordained  Pastor  of  the  Congregational  Church  at  Lyme,  March 
17,  1731,  when  but  little  more  than  twenty-five  years  old. 
Among  the  members  of  his  congregation  were  Judge  John  Gris- 
wold,  one  of  the  wealthiest  men  in  the  town  and  the  owner  of 
"  Black  Hall,"  the  family  seat  of  the  Griswolds,  its  beautiful 
grounds  bordering  the  Sound  just  east  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Connecticut ;  his  son,  Matthew,  then  a  boy  of  seventeen,  but  some 
years  later  the  Governor  of  the  State ;  his  daughter,  Phebe,  not 
yet  quite  sixteen,  "  bright,  witty  and  vivacious,"  and  her  "  dash 
ing  sisters,  so  given  to  all  manner  of  outdoor  sports  as  to  be 
known  as  the  '  Black  Hall  Boys.' '  To  this  fun-loving  family 
the  young  minister  was  strongly  attracted,  so  strongly,  indeed, 
that  in  the  following  December,  Phebe  became  his  wife. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS  9 

This  marriage  may  not  have  been  for  Parsons  himself  "  the 
tide  which  taken  at  its  flood  leads  on  to  fortune,"  but  it  cer 
tainly  had  a  very  positive  and  determining  influence  upon  the 
fortunes  of  his  son,  Samuel  Holden,  by  placing  him  in  an  en 
vironment  which  ensured  his  early  and  rapid  advancement. 
From  the  earliest  days  of  the  Colony  there  had  been  a  few  lead 
ing  families  to  whose  wisdom  and  public  spirit  the  government 
of  the  Colony  and  State  had  been  chiefly  intrusted.  Able,  edu 
cated,  of  high  character  and  social  prestige,  the  Colonists 
looked  to  them  as  best  fitted  to  manage  affairs.  Accustomed  to 
a  governing  class,  they  had  no  more  feeling  of  envy  or  jealousy 
in  committing  to  them  the  care  of  the  public  interests,  than  they 
had  in  intrusting  matters  in  litigation  to  those  learned  in  the 
law. 

Having  been  tried  and  found  capable  and  faithful,  these 
families,  by  the  voluntary  and  repeated  acts  of  the  people  them 
selves,  became  as  truly  "  hereditary  legislators  "  (for  there  was 
little  rotation  in  office)  as  though  to  the  purple  born;  and  the 
same  deference  and  respect  was  accorded  them  which  they 
had  customarily  shown  to  the  same  class  in  their  English 
homes. 

Of  this  class  there  were  no  more  notable  examples  in  Con 
necticut  than  the  Griswolds  and  Wolcotts.  Henry  Wolcott 
was  a  country  gentleman  of  Tolland,  Somersetshire,  and  heir  to 
the  Manor  of  Galdon.  He  emigrated  with  the  Dorchester  Com 
pany  in  1630,  and  in  1636  removed  to  Windsor,  Connecticut. 
Preparatory  to  leaving  England,  he  sold  property  to  the 
amount  of  eight  thousand  pounds  and  brought  over  with  him  a 
large  sum  of  money.  He  was  made  a  member  of  the  first 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  a  deputy  to  the  General  Court 
of  Connecticut  in  1637,  and  in  16-13  was  chosen  magistrate  and 
annually  re-elected  until  his  death.  Matthew  Griswold,  believed 
to  be  descended  from  the  heraldic  family  of  Greswolds  in  War 
wickshire,  came  to  America  and  settled  in  Windsor  in  1639. 
In  1646  he  married  a  daughter  of  Henry  Wolcott  and 
soon  after  removed  to  Saybrook  as  the  agent  of  Governor 
Fenwick. 

He  took  up  the  first  tract  of  land  in  Lyme,  and  became  one  of 
the  largest  landholders  in  that  town ;  and  was  several  times 


10  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

deputy  to  the  General  Court.  His  son,  Matthew,  lived  in  Lyme 
and  added  to  the  family  domain,  which  extended  for  several 
miles  along  the  Sound.  He  was  deputy  several  years  and  one 
of  the  Governor's  Assistants.  His  son  was  Judge  John  Gris- 
wold,  the  father  of  Phebe  Parsons.  Henry  Wolcott's  youngest 
son  Simon,  married  Martha  Pitkin,  "  a  gentlewoman  of  bright 
natural  parts  which  were  improved  by  her  education  in  the  ciiy 
of  London,"  a  sister  of  William  Pitkin  the  Attorney  General 
and  Treasurer  of  the  Colony.  Roger  Wolcott,  son  of  Simon 
and  Martha,  a  very  able  man,  was  successively  member  of  the 
Council,  Judge  of  the  County  and  Superior  Court,  Deputy 
Governor  and  Chief  Justice,  Major  General  in  the  Louisburg 
campaign  and  Governor  of  Connecticut.  His  daughter, 
Ursula  Wolcott,  married  her  cousin,  Matthew  Griswold,  brother 
of  Phebe  Parsons  and  the  future  Governor  of  the  State,  thus 
uniting  a  second  time  these  two  distinguished  families. 

The  manner  in  which  high  office  was  continued  in  certain 
families  in  Colonial  times  cannot  be  better  illustrated  than  by 
noting  the  relatives,  descendants,  and  marriage  connections  of 
Ursula  (Wolcott)  Griswold.  Her  father,  her  brother,  her  hus 
band,  her  son,  her  nephew  and  four  of  her  cousins  were  gov 
ernors  of  Connecticut.  Her  father  was  a  major  general  in 
the  Colonial  army,  and  her  brothers,  Erastus  and  Oliver, 
generals  in  the  army  of  the  Revolution.  Her  son  was  offered 
the  post  of  Secretary  of  War.  One  of  her  nephews  was  Wash 
ington's  Secretary  of  the  Treasury ;  another,  Samuel  Holden 
Parsons,  was  a  major  general  in  the  Continental  army  and 
Chief  Judge  of  the  Northwest  Territory ;  another,  James  Hill- 
house,  was  for  sixteen  years  a  senator  in  Congress.  Her  cousin, 
Oliver  Ellsworth,  was  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States. 
Stephen  Titus  Hosmer,  who  married  her  grandniece,  Lucia 
Parsons,  was  Chief  Justice  of  Connecticut.  The  circle  of  her 
descendants  and  connections  comprised  sixteen  governors  of 
States,  forty-three  distinguished  judges  and  many  other 
men  of  eminence  in  the  State.  It  was  into  this  environment  that 
Samuel  Holden  Parsons  was  born. 

The  Salisbury  Genealogies  describe  Jonathan  Parsons  as 
"  a  man  of  uncommon  genius,  eminent  as  a  scholar,  a  ready  and 
correct  writer,  rich  in  imagination,  with  a  clear,  commanding 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS         11 

and  persuasive  voice,  and  easy  and  polished  in  his  manners." 
During  the  early  years  of  his  ministry  he  taught  his  people 
rather  to  rest  on  their  own  righteousness  for  salvation  than  to 
depend  alone  on  that  of  Christ;  but  after  a  severe  and  pro 
longed  mental  struggle,  the  clouds  seemed  to  clear  away,  and 
the  doctrine  of  salvation  by  faith  burst  as  a  "  New  Light "  on 
his  mind.  At  this  time  George  Whitefield  was  holding  revival 
meetings  throughout  the  country,  and  with  him  and  with  the 
new  views  of  which  he  was  the  eloquent  advocate,  Mr.  Parsons 
was  in  hearty  sympathy.  The  two  became  very  close 
friends. 

But  the  "  New  Light  "  theology,  as  it  was  called,  and  the 
ministerial  methods  which  grew  out  of  it,  created  great  opposi 
tion  to  his  work,  and  the  contention  at  length  became  so  sharp 
that  in  17-15,  after  a  pastorate  of  fourteen  years,  Mr.  Parsons 
resigned  his  charge.  The  following  month  he  was  called  to  the 
new  church  at  Newburyport,  Mass.,  and  installed  as  its  Pastor 
in  March,  1746.  This  pastorate  continued  happily  for  thirty 
years  until  his  death. 

Mr.  Parsons  was  a  firm,  uncompromising  advocate  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty.  His  loyalty  was  to  the  people  and  not 
to  the  crown.  What  he  believed  he  preached,  and  when  the 
struggle  against  British  oppression  commenced,  he  and  his 
people  were  united.  There  was  tea  burned  in  his  congregation 
before  the  "  Mohawks  "  did  their  work  in  Boston  Harbor,  and 
he  had  so  trained  the  young  women  of  his  church  that  of 
their  own  free  will  they  settled  the  question  of  taxation  by 
using  herbs  from  the  pastures  instead  of  tea  imported  in 
British  ships. 

On  the  19th  of  July,  1776,  Jonathan  Parsons  died,  but  he 
had  lived  long  enough  to  hear  Independence  declared  and  to 
see  his  son,  Samuel  Holden,  in  command  of  a  regiment  at 
Bunker  Hill.  Whitefield  had  died  six  years  before  at  Parsons' 
house  and  been  laid  in  a  vault  built,  in  accordance  with  his 
oft-expressed  wish,  beneath  Parsons'  pulpit.  Parsons  was  laid 
beside  him  in  the  same  vault.  The  remains  of  these  two  men, 
who  lived  in  perfect  sympathy  with  each  other,  are  to  this 
day  venerated  as  the  relics  of  the  saints  in  all  the  country 
about. 


12  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Of  Mr.  Parsons'  children,  his  daughter,  Lydia,  married  Moses 
Greenleaf  of  Newburyport  and  was  the  mother  of  Simon  Green- 
leaf,  the  distinguished  professor  of  law  at  Harvard  University 
and  the  author  of  a  standard  work  on  Evidence.  The  grand 
son  of  his  son  Jonathan,  Isaac  Rand  Jackson,  was  Charge 
d'Affaires  at  Copenhagen,  and  married  Louise  C.  Carroll  of 
Philadelphia,  granddaughter  of  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton, 
one  of  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 


PARSONS  GRADUATES  AT  HARVARD  AND  STUDIES  LAW.     THE  FRENCH 
AND  INDIAN  WAR  AND  THE  EVENTS  BETWEEN  1762  AND  1775. 

GENERAL  PARSONS  was  but  nine  years  old  when  his  father 
removed  to  Newburyport.  Here  he  prepared  for  college,  but 
his  studies,  aside  from  the  meager  facilities  afforded  by  the 
town  schools,  must  have  been  pursued  largely  under  his  father's 
direction.  Entering  Harvard  at  fifteen,  he  graduated  with  the 
class  of  1756,  at  the  age  of  nineteen,  and  received  from  the 
college  both  a  Bachelor's  and  Master's  degree.  Except  for 
the  accident  of  his  removal  to  Newburyport,  Yale,  his  father's 
college,  instead  of  Harvard,  would  doubtless  have  been  his  Alma 
Mater;  but  twenty-five  years  later,  in  1781,  in  recognition  of 
eminent  services,  Yale  bestowed  upon  him  an  honorary  degree 
at  the  same  commencement  at  which  she  conferred  a  similar 
degree  on  General  Washington.  After  his  graduation,  young 
Parsons  returned  to  Lyme,  where  he  pursued  his  legal  studies 
under  the  direction  of  his  accomplished  uncle,  Governor 
Matthew  Griswold.  In  1759,  when  twenty-two  years  old,  he 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  New  London  County  and  settled  at 
Lyme  in  the  practice  of  the  law. 

Among  his  college  mates  were  John  Hancock  (1754),  Presi 
dent  of  the  Continental  Congress;  Jonathan  Trumbull  (1759), 
son  of  the  War  Governor  of  Connecticut,  afterwards  himself 
Governor  and  a  Senator  of  the  United  States ;  and  John  Adams 
(1755),  who  succeeded  Washington  in  the  Presidency.  Par 
sons'  relations  with  Adams  were  more  than  usually  intimate, 
both  having  the  profession  of  law  in  view.  The  following  very 
student-like  letter  written  to  Parsons  by  Adams  from  his  home 
in  Braintree,  Dec.  5,  1760,  is  interesting  as  showing  the  devo 
tion  of  both  to  their  chosen  profession : 

13 


14  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

SIR. — I  presume  upon  the  merit  of  a  brother,  both  in  the  academ 
ical  and  legal  family,  to  give  you  this  trouble,  and  to  ask  the  favor  of 
your  correspondence.  The  science  which  we  have  bound  ourselves 
to  study  for  life  you  know  to  be  immensely  voluminous,  perhaps 
intricate  and  involved,  so  that  an  arduous  application  to  books  at 
home,  a  critical  observation  of  the  course  of  practice,  the  conduct 
of  the  older  practitioners  in  courts,  and  a  large  correspondence 
with  fellow  students  abroad,  as  well  as  conversation  in  private 
companies  upon  legal  subjects,  are  needful  to  gain  a  thorough 
mastery,  if  not  to  make  a  decent  figure  in  the  profession  of  law. 
The  design  of  this  letter  then,  is  to  desire  that  you  would  write 
me  a  report  of  any  cause  of  importance  and  curiosity,  either  in 
courts  of  Admiralty  or  Common  Law,  that  you  hear  resolved  in 
your  Colony.  And  on  my  part  I  am  ready  and  engage  to  do  the 
same  of  any  causes  that  I  shall  hear  argued  in  this  Province.  It 
is  an  employment  that  gives  me  pleasure,  and  I  find  that  revolving 
a  case  in  my  mind,  stating  it  on  paper,  recollecting  the  arguments 
on  each  side  and  examining  the  points  through  my  books  that 
occur  in  the  course  of  a  trial,  make  the  impression  deeper  on  my 
memory  and  lets  me  easier  into  the  spirit  of  law  and  practice.  In 
view,  I  send  you  the  report  of  a  cause  argued  in  Boston  last  term, 
and  should  be  glad  to  know  if  the  points,  whether  the  statutes  of 
mortmain,  were  ever  stirred  in  your  Colony,  and  by  what  criterion 
you  determine  what  statutes  are,  and  what  are  not,  extended  to 
3"ou.  [Here  follows  the  case  reported.] 

In  September,  1761,  at  the  age  of  twenty-four,  the  young 
lawyer  married  Mehetable  Mather,  daughter  of  Richard  Mather 
of  Lyme,  a  lineal  descendant  of  the  first  Richard  who  came  from 
England  and  settled  in  Dorchester.  She  was  born  in  Lyme 
March  7,  1743,  and  died  in  Middletown,  Connecticut,  August 
7,  1802,  and  is  buried  in  the  old  cemetery  in  that  city.  The 
marriage  of  General  Parsons  and  Mehetable  Mather  is  described 
as  having  been  a  very  important  event  in  Lyme.  The  whole 
town  was  invited  to  the  ceremony,  which,  on  account  of  the 
great  number  of  guests,  was  held  in  an  orchard  adjacent  to  the 
house. 

At  the  very  last  moment,  as  tradition  has  it,  it  was  dis 
covered  that  a  very  important  personage  by  some  strange  over 
sight  had  been  forgotten,  and  the  wedding  was  delayed  until  a 
messenger  could  be  dispatched  to  bring  him.  The  wedding  cake 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        15 

was  of  immense  size,  an  entire  barrel  of  flour  having  been  con 
sumed  in  its  making. 

The  period  between  Parsons'  graduation  and  his  entrance 
upon  public  life  in  1762,  was  filled  with  stirring  events  well 
calculated  to  impress  his  youthful  mind.  It  was  the  period  of 
the  French  and  Indian  War,  which  very  properly  has  been 
regarded  as  introductory  to  the  War  of  Independence — a  war 
which,  although  exhausting  to  the  Colonies,  proved  for  them  a 
most  valuable  school  of  military  science,  made  them  conscious 
of  their  strength,  created  in  them  a  feeling  of  self-reliance,  of 
manhood,  as  it  were,  and  of  independence,  and  above  all  taught 
them  the  value  of  united  action  in  resisting  the  oppressive 
policy  of  Great  Britain.  The  conflict  originated  between  the 
French  and  English  colonies  in  a  dispute  as  to  territorial 
rights.  The  French  claimed  all  the  territory  watered  by  the 
Mississippi  and  its  tributaries,  and  had  surrounded  the  English 
settlements  with  a  cordon  of  fortifications,  more  than  sixty  in 
number,  extending  from  Montreal  on  the  north  to  New  Orleans 
on  the  south.  The  English,  on  the  other  hand,  insisted  that 
under  their  ancient  charters  they  were  entitled  westward  to  the 
Pacific  and  northward  to  the  latitude  of  the  north  shore  of  Lake 
Erie.  Alarmed  by  a  Crown  grant  to  the  Ohio  Company  of  a 
large  tract  of  land  on  the  southeast  bank  of  the  Ohio,  the 
French  commenced  to  build  forts  between  the  Alleghany  river 
and  Lake  Erie  near  the  present  western  line  of  Pennsylvania. 
A  counter-move  was  made  by  the  Ohio  Company  by  commencing 
a  fort  on  the  present  site  of  Pittsburgh,  which  the  French 
immediately  captured  and  completed  under  the  name  of  Fort 
Du  Quesne.  In  1754,  Washington  was  sent  with  about  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  men  to  retake  the  Fort,  but  being  met  by  a  force 
ten  times  his  number,  was  compelled  to  retire  and  return  to 
Virginia.  In  1755  occurred  the  disastrous  defeat  of  General 
Braddock  while  engaged  in  the  same  attempt.  The  mother 
countries  having  taken  the  part  of  their  respective  colonies, 
war  became  inevitable  and  was  formally  declared  in  1756  and 
continued  until  1763,  when  a  definitive  treaty  of  peace  was 
signed  by  which  France  ceded  to  Great  Britain  all  her  posses 
sions  in  America  east  of  the  Mississippi.  At  the  same  time 
Spain  ceded  Florida  to  the  English  Crown. 


16  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

The  war  was  entered  upon  with  great  enthusiasm  by  the 
Colonists,  but  the  campaigns  of  1756  and  1757  utterly  failed 
through  the  incompetency  of  the  British  officers  in  command. 
That  of  1756  resulted  in  the  loss  of  the  Fort  at  Oswego ;  of 
1757  in  the  capture  of  Fort  William  Henry  by  the  French  and 
the  complete  miscarriage  of  the  formidable  expedition  against 
Louisburg.  William  Pitt  having  come  into  power,  competent 
officers  were  placed  in  command  and  new  energy  infused  into 
the  war,  the  effect  of  which  was  evident  in  the  results  of  the 
campaign  of  1758.  Louisburg  was  captured  and  Fort  Fron- 
tenac,  now  Kingston,  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  but  the  attempt 
on  Ticonderoga  proved  a  miserable  failure.  In  1759,  Pitt 
conceived  a  scheme  of  terminating  the  war  and  putting  an  end 
to  French  dominion  in  America,  by  a  single  stroke;  Amherst 
was  to  take  Ticonderoga ;  Johnson,  Fort  Niagara ;  and  Wolfe, 
Quebec ;  all  of  which  was  successfully  accomplished.  The  fol 
lowing  year  Montreal  was  surrendered  with  all  the  other  French 
posts  in  Canada.  This  ended  the  war  in  the  North,  but  in  the 
southern  Colonies  and  the  West  Indies  it  lingered  through  1761 
and  1762  until  the  treaty  of  peace  in  1763.  The  experiences 
and  lessons  of  this  war  had  not  been  forgotten  by  the  Colonists 
when,  twelve  years  later,  the  opening  gun  of  the  Revolution 
was  heard. 

The  events  of  the  period  between  1763  and  1775,  when  Par 
sons  entered  the  army,  were  even  more  engrossing  than  those 
of  the  war  just  closed,  because  directly  affecting  the  liberty 
and  property  of  the  Colonists.  For  more  than  a  hundred  years 
it  had  been  the  policy  of  Great  Britain  to  make  its  Colonies 
subservient  to  the  interests  of  British  commerce.  Navigation 
acts,  tariff  acts  and  acts  suppressing  manufactures  had  been 
passed  with  this  object  in  view.  These  acts,  however,  had  not 
been  very  rigidly  enforced  and  the  Colonists  were  disposed  to 
forget  past  grievances  in  the  hope  that  justice  would  be  done 
them  in  future.  But  the  close  of  the  war  found  the  British 
Treasury  empty  and  means  must  be  devised  to  replenish  it. 
The  war  had  disclosed  the  resources  of  the  Colonies  and  acts 
were  passed  to  force  from  them  a  contribution.  In  1765  the 
Stamp  Act  was  passed,  but  was  so  vigorously  opposed  that  it 
was  repealed  the  following  year.  In  1767  a  tariff  Avas  enacted 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS         17 

levying  duties  on  tea  and  other  articles.  Troops  were  sent 
over  to  enforce  coercive  measures  and  a  collision  and  blood 
shed  was  the  result.  In  April,  1770,  the  tariff  was  repealed  as 
to  all  articles  except  tea,  in  the  belief  that  the  slight  duty  upon 
it  would  be  paid  without  complaint.  But  the  Government  mis 
apprehended  the  issue.  It  was  not  the  size  of  the  tax,  but  the 
right  to  tax  at  all  without  the  consent  of  the  Colonies  that  was 
in  question,  and  the  cargoes  of  tea  sent  here  were  either  not  per 
mitted  to  land,  or,  as  in  Boston,  were  thrown  into  the  Harbor. 

The  exasperated  Parliament  passed  five  retaliatory  acts  and 
among  them,  an  act  known  as  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  closing 
the  Port  to  all  commercial  transactions  and  removing  the  Cus 
tom  House,  Courts  and  other  public  offices  to  Salem.  Business 
was  prostrated  and  great  distress  ensued,  but  food  was  sent  to 
the  suffering  people  from  the  different  Colonies,  and  even  the 
city  of  London  subscribed  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
dollars  for  the  poor  of  Boston. 

It  was  then  that  the  Colonists  began  preparations  for  war. 


CHAPTER    IV 

PARSONS  A  MEMBER  OF  THE  CONNECTICUT  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY 
AND  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE.  Is  THE  FlRST  TO 
SUGGEST  A  CONGRESS  OF  ALL  THE  COLONIES.  CAPTURE  OF  TICON- 

DEROGA. 

1762—1775 

IN  1762,  at  the  age  of  twenty-five,  Mr.  Parsons  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Colony  of  Connecticut, 
and  was  continuously  re-elected  until  his  removal  to  New  Lon 
don  in  1774,  a  period  of  twelve  years.  During  this  time  he 
received  repeated  proofs  of  public  confidence  in  various  appoint 
ments  of  honor  and  trust.  In  May,  1768,  he  was  appointed 
Auditor  "to  settle  and  adjust  the  Colony  accounts  with  the 
Treasurer  and  all  others  who  have  received  any  of  the  moneys 
that  belong  to  the  Colony."  In  1769,  the  same  appointment 
was  continued  with  "  further  powers  to  renew  and  better  secure 
the  moneys  and  estate  due  on  mortgages,  bonds  or  other  securi 
ties  belonging  to  this  Colony,  which  are  in  danger  of  being 
lost." 

In  October,  1773,  under  an  act  of  the  General  Court  "  con 
cerning  the  western  lands,  so  called,  lying  westward  of  the 
Delaware  River  within  the  boundaries  of  this  Colony,"  he  was 
appointed  and  associated  with  the  Hon.  Matthew  Griswold, 
Eliphalet  Dyer,  Roger  Sherman,  William  Samuel  Johnson, 
Silas  Deane,  William  Williams  and  Jedediah  Strong  on  a  com 
mittee  with  full  power  to  assist  his  Honor  Governor  Trumbull 
in  taking  "  proper  steps  to  pursue  the  claim  of  the  Colony  of 
Connecticut  to  said  western  lands ;  and  any  three  of  said  com 
mittee  were  authorized  and  directed  to  proceed  to  Philadelphia 
to  treat  with  his  Honor  Governor  Penn  and  the  agents  of  the 
Proprietaries  respecting  an  amicable  agreement  concerning 
the  boundaries  of  this  Colony  and  the  Province  of  Pennsyl 
vania;  or  if  the  Proprietaries  should  so  prefer,  to  join  with 
them  in  an  application  to  his  Majesty  for  commissioners  to  settle 

18 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS         19 

such  boundaries.  The  Committee  was  likewise  empowered  to 
treat  with  respect  to  the  peace  of  the  inhabitants  who  are 
settled  upon  said  lands,  and  to  agree  upon  such  measures  as 
shall  prevent  violence  and  contention."  In  January,  1774,  the 
same  Committee  was  "  appointed  and  empowered  to  assist  his 
Honor  Governor  Trumbull  in  collecting  and  preparing  all 
exhibits  and  documents  necessary  to  prosecute  the  claim  and 
title  of  the  Colony  to  the  lands  lying  within  the  boundaries  of 
the  grant  and  Charter  of  the  Colony  west  of  the  Delaware 
River,  in  the  Courts  of  Great  Britain,  and  to  make  a  proper 
statement  of  the  case  to  be  transmitted  to  Great  Britain  for 
that  purpose."  Connecticut  claimed  under  its  Charter  the 
north  two-fifths  of  Pennsylvania,  but  the  land  immediately  in 
dispute  was  the  Wyoming  District  which  had  been  settled  by 
Connecticut  people.  Mr.  Parsons  was  an  active  member  of  the 
Committee  and  contributed  materially  to  the  object  of  its 
appointment;  but  the  labors  of  the  Committee  proved  of  no 
avail,  for  the  war  with  Great  Britain  prevented  the  proposed 
submission  to  the  English  Courts,  and  the  Commission 
appointed  in  1782  to  determine  the  controversy,  as  provided  by 
the  Articles  of  Confederation,  after  a  protracted  hearing, 
decided  adversely  to  the  claims  of  Connecticut. 

In  November,  1773,  Mr.  Parsons  was  appointed  King's,  or 
prosecuting,  Attorney  for  New  London  County.  In  May,  1774, 
the  General  Assembly  appointed  him  agent  for  the  Colony, 
"  to  sue  and  collect  all  claims  due  the  Colony  from  persons 
residing  in  New  London  County,  and  to  recover  all  lands 
belonging  to  the  Colony  which  were  unduly  detained,  with  full 
power  to  appear  before  any  court  or  courts  of  judicature  and 
represent  said  Colony." 

In  May,  1773,  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Colony 
of  Connecticut,  in  response  to  certain  resolutions  passed  by  the 
House  of  Burgesses  of  the  Colony  of  Virginia  the  previous 
March,  resolved  as  follows : — 

Resolved,  That  a  Standing  Committee  of  Correspondence  and 
Enquiry  to  consist  of  nine  persons,  viz:  the  Hon.  Ebenezer  Silli- 
man,  Esq.,  William  Williams,  Benjamin  Payne,  Samuel  Holden 
Parsons,  Nathaniel  Wales,  Silas  Deane,  Samuel  Bishop,  Joseph 


20  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Trumbull  and  Erastus  Wolcott,  Esq.,  be,  and  hereby  is,  appointed, 
whose  business  it  shall  be  to  obtain  all  such  intelligence,  and  take 
up  and  maintain  correspondence  with  our  sister  Colonies  respecting 
the  important  considerations  mentioned  and  expressed  in  the  afore 
said  resolutions  of  the  patriotic  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia, 
and  the  result  of  such  their  proceedings  from  time  to  time  to  lay 
before  this  House. 

Resolved,  That  the  Speaker  of  this  House  do  transmit  to  the 
Speakers  of  the  different  Assemblies  of  the  British  Colonies  on 
this  Continent,  copies  of  these  resolutions,  and  request  that  they 
would  come  into  similar  measures,  and  communicate  from  time  to 
time  with  the  said  Committee  on  all  matters  wherein  the  common 
welfare  and  safety  of  the  Colonies  are  concerned. 

In  response  to  this  appeal,  similar  committees  were  appointed 
by  all  the  Colonies,  and  to  their  earnest  and  patriotic  efforts 
was  largely  due  the  concert  of  action  on  the  part  of  the  Colonies 
in  resisting  the  claims  of  Great  Britain.  Mr.  Parsons  was  a 
very  active  and  energetic  member  of  this  Committee  and  very 
zealous  in  the  cause  of  the  Colonies.  Previous  to  his  appoint 
ment  he  had  corresponded  with  the  leaders  of  the  opposition 
in  Massachusetts,  and  in  a  letter  to  Samuel  Adams,  written 
March  3,  1773,  originated  the  suggestion  of  assembling  the 
first  Congress  of  all  the  Colonies  which  subsequently  met  at 
Philadelphia.  This  honor  was  claimed  in  1841  by  his  biog 
rapher  for  Samuel  Adams,  but  he  could  not  have  been  aware 
of  the  existence  of  this  letter  the  original  of  which  was  among 
the  papers  of  Mr.  Adams  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Bancroft — 
a  letter  so  full  of  fervent  patriotism  that  it  may  not  be  amiss 
to  insert  it  here  entire: — 

March  3,  1773. 

SIR. — When  the  spirit  of  patriotism  seems  expiring  in  America 
in  general,  it  must  afford  a  very  sensible  pleasure  to  the  friends  of 
American  liberty  to  see  the  noble  efforts  of  our  Boston  friends  in 
support  of  the  rights  of  America,  as  well  as  their  unshaken  reso 
lution  in  opposing  any,  the  least  invasion  of  their  charter  privileges. 
I  was  called  to  my  father's  on  a  very  melancholy  occasion,  and 
designed  to  have  seen  you  before  my  return,  but  some  unforeseen 
difficulties  prevented.  I  therefore  take  the  liberty  to  propose  to 
your  consideration  whether  it  would  not  be  advisable  in  the  present 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        21 

critical  situation  of  the  colonies,  to  revive  an  institution  which  had 
formerly  a  very  salutary  effect — I  mean  an  annual  meeting  of  com 
missioners  from  the  colonies  to  consult  on  their  general  welfare. 
You  may  recollect  this  took  place  about  the  year  1636,  and  was 
continued  to  1684,  between  the  United  Colonies  of  New  England. 
Although  they  had  no  decisive  authority  of  themselves,  yet  here 
everything  was  concerted  which  will  be  easily  suggested  to  your 
mind.  If  we  were  to  take  our  connection  with  Great  Britain  into 
consideration,  it  would  render  the  measure  convenient,  as  at  present 
our  state  of  independence  on  one  another  is  attended  with  very 
manifest  inconvenience.  I  have  time  only  to  suggest  the  thought 
to  you,  who  I  know  can  improve  more  on  the  subject  than  is  in  my 
power,  had  I  time.  The  idea  of  inalienable  allegiance  to  any  prince 
or  state,  is  an  idea  to  me  inadmissible;  and  I  cannot  but  see  that 
our  ancestors,  when  they  first  landed  in  America,  were  as  inde 
pendent  of  the  crown  or  king  of  Great  Britain,  as  if  they  never 
had  been  his  subj  ects ;  and  the  only  rightful  authority  derived  to 
him  over  this  people,  was  by  explicit  covenant  contained  in  the  first 
charters.  These  are  but  broken  hints  of  sentiments  I  wish  I  was 
at  liberty  more  fully  to  explain. 
I  am,  sir,  in  haste,  with  esteem,  your  most  obedient  servant. 

SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  in  Boston. 

Forwarded  by  Mr.  Howe. 

The  two  following  letters,  the  first  of  which  is  in  the  Emmet 
collection  in  the  Lenox  Library,  and  the  second  of  which  was 
found  among  the  Adams  papers,  were  evidently  from  their  style 
written  by  Parsons,  and  evince  a  vigilance  in  the  cause  of  the 
Colonies  and  a  bold  patriotism  and  determined  spirit  of  resist 
ance  to  oppression  worthy  of  note. 

HARTFORD,  June  16,  1772. 

GENTLEMEN. — We  are  informed  that  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  have  obtained  from  England 
sundry  original  letters  from  divers  persons  in  that  and  the  neighbor 
ing  governments  of  an  extraordinary  nature  tending  to  subvert  the 
Constitution  of  the  Colonies  in  general  and  of  that  Province  in 
particular. 

That  some  of  these  letters  are  from  persons  in  this  Colony.  We 
request  you  to  communicate  to  us  such  letters  in  particular  as  were 
written  by  any  person  or  persons  in  this  Colony,  and  any  others 


22  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

you  may  think  proper.  We  shall  be  glad  to  be  advised  of  the  steps 
taken  with  those  offenders  within  your  Province  that  similar 
measures  may  be  adopted  here  with  such  traitors. 

The  Colonies  are  all  embarked  in  the  same  general  cause.  A 
union  in  sentiment  and  measures  are  of  the  utmost  importance 
effectually  to  oppose  the  wicked  designs  of  our  common  enemies, 
and  on  that  ground  we  shall  at  all  times  gladly  lend  our  aid  in 
every  measure  tending  to  support  and  defend  that  general  cause. 

We  are  with  great  truth  and  regard,  Gentlemen,  your  most 
obedient  and  humble  servants, 

ERASTUS  WOLCOTT. 
NATH.  WALES    JR. 
SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 
Jos.   TRUMBULL. 

To  John  Hancock,  Esq.,  and  the  rest  of  the  Committee  of  Corre 
spondence  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

HARTFORD,  May  17,  177 4. 

GENTLEMEN. — This  moment  a  post  from  New  York  arrived  here 
on  his  road  to  Boston  with  intelligence  of  the  spirit  and  firmness 
with  which  the  inhabitants  of  that  city  concur  with  the  friends  of 
America  in  support  of  the  cause  of  our  country.  We  cannot  suffer 
him  to  pass  without  informing  you,  who  immediately  feel  the 
effects  of  ministerial  despotism,  that  the  American  cause,  the  state 
of  the  town  of  Boston  in  particular,  and  the  effect  and  operation 
of  the  late  detestable  act  of  an  abandoned  and  venal  Parliament, 
were  this  day  brought  before  our  House  of  Assembly  for  con 
sideration;  and,  on  discussing  the  matter,  there  is  no  reason  to 
doubt  a  hearty,  spirited  concurrence  of  our  Assembly  in  every 
proper  measure  for  the  redress  of  our  wrongs.  A  committee  is 
appointed  to  report  proper  measures  to  be  pursued,  and  make 
drafts  for  the  declaration  of  our  rights,  &c.,  which  will  probably 
be  reported  and  passed  this  week,  a  copy  of  which  will  be  trans 
mitted  as  soon  as  possible.  We  consider  the  cause  the  common 
cause  of  all  the  Colonies,  and  doubt  not  the  concurrence  of  all  to 
defend  and  support  you.  Let  us  play  the  man  for  the  cause  of  our 
Country  and  trust  the  event  to  Him  who  orders  all  events  for  the 
best  good  of  his  people. 

We  should  not  have  written  you  at  this  time,  and  when  no  more 
of  our  Committee  are  present,  but  that  your  distressed  condition 
requires  the  aid  of  every  friend  for  your  relief.  We  cannot  be 
warranted  in  having  this  made  public  as  from  our  Committee,  there 
not  being  a  quorum  present,  but  you  are  at  liberty  to  use  it  as  from 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        23 

us  personally,  if  it  can  in  the  least  tend  to  strengthen  the  hands 
and  encourage  the  hearts  of  those  in  distress. 

We  are,  Gentlemen,  your  friends  and  countrymen,  the  Com 
mittee  of  Correspondence  at  Hartford, 

SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS. 
NATHANIEL  WALES    JR. 
To  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  at  Boston. 

The  "  late  detestable  act  "  referred  to,  is  the  Boston  Port 
Bill,  which  was  creating  great  distress  in  Boston. 

By  a  resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Con 
necticut,  passed  June  3,  1774,  the  Committee  of  Correspon 
dence  was  empowered  to  appoint  a  suitable  number  of  delegates 
to  attend  a  General  Congress  to  consult  and  advise  on  proper 
measures  for  advancing  the  best  good  of  the  Colonies.  In  pur 
suance  of  this  resolution,  the  Committee  met  at  New  London, 
July  13,  1774,  and  appointed  Eliphalet  Dyer,  William  Samuel 
Johnson,  Erastus  Wolcott,  Silas  Deane,  and  Richard  Law  as 
such  delegates.  Messrs.  Johnson,  Wolcott,  and  Law  being 
unable  to  accept,  the  Committee  met  at  Hartford  in  August 
and  appointed  in  their  stead,  Roger  Sherman  and  Joseph 
Trumbull,  who,  with  Messrs.  Dyer  and  Deane,  represented  the 
Colony  of  Connecticut  in  the  first  General  Congress  of  the 
Colonies,  which  assembled  at  Carpenter's  Hall  in  Philadelphia, 
September  5,  1774.  Mr.  Parsons'  activity  and  earnestness  in 
this  matter  is  apparent  from  his  letter  to  Mr.  Trumbull  respect 
ing  the  meeting  of  the  Committee,  dated,  New  London,  July 
28th,  when  he  says: — 

I  hope  no  business  of  a  private  nature  will  divert  you  from 
attending  to  this  important  public  business.  As  the  eyes  of  all  the 
Continent  are  upon  the  Congress  for  relief,  so  I  think  we  should 
be  unpardonable  to  suffer  small  things  to  divert  us  from  attending 
to  make  this  appointment. 

The  action  of  the  Connecticut  Legislature  in  resolving  to 
appoint  delegates  to  the  Congress  was  immediately  com 
municated  by  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  to  the  Com 
mittee  at  Boston  and  to  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
Massachusetts.  The  House,  in  consequence,  on  motion  of 


24  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Samuel  Adams,  adopted  a  similar  resolution.  To  Connecticut, 
therefore,  belongs  the  honor  of  first  suggesting  and  first  acting 
upon  the  matter  of  a  Congress  of  all  the  American  Colonies,  the 
first  suggestion  having  been  made  by  Mr.  Parsons  in  his  letter 
of  March  3,  1773,  to  Samuel  Adams,  and  the  first  action  having 
been  taken  by  the  Connecticut  Legislature,  June  3,  1774,  in 
passing  the  resolution  to  appoint  delegates,  of  which  Legisla 
ture  Mr.  Parsons  was  a  prominent  and  influential  member. 

Connecticut  is  also  entitled  to  the  credit  of  originating  and 
setting  on  foot  the  expedition  against  Ticonderoga,  "  to 
which,"  says  Governor  Hall  in  his  Early  History  of  Vermont, 
"  belongs  the  honor  of  compelling  the  first  surrender  of  the 
British  flag  to  the  coming  republic."  The  facts  of  the  expedi 
tion,  about  which  there  has  been  some  controversy,  are  briefly 
as  follows.  On  the  26th  of  April,  1775,  Mr.  Parsons,  return 
ing  to  Hartford  from  Massachusetts,  where  he  had  gone 
immediately  upon  the  receipt  of  the  news  of  Lexington  and  Con 
cord,  which  had  been  fought  the  week  before,  met  Benedict 
Arnold,  then  captain  of  a  company  of  volunteers  on  his  way  to 
the  camp  at  Cambridge,  who,  as  we  learn  from  a  letter  written 
by  Parsons  to  his  classmate,  Joseph  Trumbull,  April  26,  1775, 
"  gave  him  an  account  of  the  state  of  Ticonderoga,  and  that  a 
great  number  of  brass  cannon  were  there."  The  project  of 
surprising  the  Fort  must  have  been  talked  over  between  them, 
but  which  one  suggested  the  enterprise  is  not  certain,  for  on 
the  30th,  Arnold  proposed  the  matter  to  the  Massachusetts 
Committee  and  was  commissioned  colonel  and  authorized  to 
raise  troops  for  the  purpose;  and  Parsons,  immediately  upon 
his  arrival  at  Hartford,  called  upon  Colonel  Samuel  Wyllys  of 
Hartford  and  Silas  Deane  of  Wethersfield,  and  with  them,  as 
he  says  in  his  letter  to  Trumbull,  "  first  undertook  and  pro 
jected  taking  that  Fort  &c,  and  with  the  assistance  of  other  per 
sons  procured  money  men  &c."  On  the  28th,  Parsons,  Wyllys, 
Deane,  Thomas  Mumford  of  Groton  and  Adam  Babcock  of 
New  Haven,  borrowed  from  the  Colonial  treasury  three  hun 
dred  pounds,  for  which  they  gave  their  own  "  promissory 
receipts."  As  success  depended  on  secrecy  and  dispatch,  they 
determined  to  proceed  quietly  and  intrusted  the  money  to  Noah 
Phelps  and  Bernard  Romaine  with  instructions  to  "  repair  to 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        25 

the  New  Hampshire  Grants  and  raise  there  an  army  of  men," 
and  to  draw  for  more  money,  if  necessary,  which  proved  to  be 
the  case,  as  ten  pounds  was  drawn  on  the  15th,  and  five  hun 
dred  pounds  on  the  17th  of  May:  They  left  on  the  same  day 
for  Salisbury,  where  they  were  joined  on  the  30th  by  Captain 
Edward  Mott  of  Parsons'  regiment  with  five  men.  Having 
secured  a  few  additional  recruits,  the  whole  party  left  for  Pitts- 
field,  May  first,  where  about  sixty  men  were  enlisted,  and  whence 
a  dispatch  was  sent  to  Colonel  Ethan  Allen,  a  native  of  Con 
necticut,  directing  him  to  join  them  with  his  "  Green  Mountain 
Boys."  John  Brown  of  Pittsfield,  a  lawyer  and  afterwards  a 
colonel,  who  in  a  report  to  the  Massachusetts  Committee  in 
March,  1775,  had  urged  the  taking  of  Ticonderoga  as  soon  as 
possible  after  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  also  enlisted 
when  told  the  object  of  the  expedition.  The  rendezvous  was  at 
Castleton  where  about  two  hundred  and  seventy  men  assembled 
and  where  Arnold  joined  them  with  a  few  followers.  On  the 
9th  of  May,  the  expedition  crossed  the  Lake  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  Allen,  and  at  the  dawn  of  the  next  morning  the  Fort 
was  surprised  and  taken  with  all  its  garrison  and  stores,  with 
out  the  loss  of  a  single  life.  Thus  was  this  enterprise  projected 
and  carried  through  without  consulting  any  in  authority,  solely 
upon  the  responsibility  and  "  by  the  united  councils  of  a  number 
of  private  gentlemen,"  who  raised  the  money  for  the  expedition 
upon  their  own  personal  credit,  and  Mr.  Parsons  was  the  moving 
spirit  in  the  enterprise. 

The  following  memorial  and  the  resolution  thereon  of 
the  Connecticut  Assembly,  will  be  of  interest  in  this  connec 
tion  : — 

"  To  the  Honorable  General  Assembly  now  sitting,  the  memorial 
of  Samuel  H.  Parsons,  humbly  showeth:  That  in  April,  1775,  the 
memorialist,  Mr.  Silas  Deane  and  Col.  Samuel  Wyllys  with  others, 
were  induced  from  the  particular  situation  of  public  affairs,  to 
undertake  surprising  and  seizing  the  enemy's  post  at  Ticonderoga, 
without  the  knowledge  and  approbation  of  the  Assembly;  and  to 
prosecute  the  business  were  necessitated  to  take  out  a  quantity  of 
money  from  the  treasury,  for  which  they  gave  their  promissory 
receipt;  that  the  whole  moneys  were  delivered  to  the  gentlemen 
sent  on  that  service,  and  were  actually  expended  therein.  That  said 


26  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

receipts  are  still  held  against  the  promissors,  notwithstanding  the 
public  have  taken  the  post  into  their  own  hands  and  repaid  the 
expense.  Your  memorialist,  therefore,  prays  your  honors  to  order 
said  receipts  to  be  given  up  and  the  sums  thereof  be  allowed  the 
treasurer  in  settlement  of  his  accounts  with  this  State. 
Dated  in  Hartford,  the  30th  of  May,  1777- 

SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS. 

The  Assembly  acting  thereon,  after  reciting  the  memorial, 

Resolved,  That  said  receipts,  given  as  aforesaid,  be  delivered  up 
to  the  memorialist,  or  some  of  the  persons  who  executed  them,  to 
be  cancelled  upon  their  exhibiting  and  lodging  with  the  Committee 
of  Pay-Table  the  accounts  and  vouchers  of  their  disposition  and  ex 
penditure  of  the  sums  contained  in  said  receipts,  which  are  as 
follows,  viz: — one  receipt  dated  28th  April,  1775,  for  two  hundred 
pounds,  signed  Thomas  Mumford,  Samuel  H.  Parsons,  Silas  Deane 
and  Samuel  Wyllys;  one  receipt,  dated  same  28th  April,  1775,  for 
one  hundred  pounds,  signed  Thomas  Mumford,  Adam  Babcock, 
Samuel  H.  Parsons  and  Silas  Deane;  one  receipt  dated  15th  May, 
1775,  for  ten  pounds,  signed  Samuel  Bishop,  William  Williams  and 
Samuel  H.  Parsons;  and  also  one  other  receipt,  dated  May  17th, 
1775,  for  five  hundred  pounds,  signed  Joshua  Porter,  Thomas 
Mumford,  Jesse  Root,  Ezekiel  Williams,  Samuel  Wyllys  and  Chas. 
Webb. 

And  it  is  further  resolved,  that  the  Committee  of  Pay-Table, 
upon  receiving  the  said  accounts  and  vouchers  of  the  expenditures 
of  said  moneys,  charge  the  account  thereof  to  the  Continent,  and 
that  the  amount  of  the  sums  contained  in  said  receipts,  be  allowed 
the  Treasurer  in  account  with  this  State  on  his  delivering  up  said 
receipts  pursuant  to  this  resolution." 

The  action  of  the  legislature  and  the  original  receipts  are 
recorded  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State  at  Hartford. 
Of  the  patriotic  men  who  assumed  the  responsibility  of  this 
enterprise,  Samuel  H.  Parsons  became  a  major  general  in  the 
Continental  Army,  and  Chas.  Webb  and  Samuel  Wyllys, 
colonels  in  the  same  army;  Silas  Deane,  at  that  time  a  member 
of  the  Continental  Congress,  was  afterwards  sent  to  France  as 
the  political  and  financial  agent  of  the  colonies ;  Thomas  Mum- 
ford,  then  a  member  of  the  Assembly,  rendered  valuable  service 
to  his  country  all  through  the  war  in  procuring  supplies  for  the 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        27 

army.     The    Committee   of   the   Pay-Table    managed    all    the 
military  finances  of  the  Colony. 

The  great  value  of  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga  cannot  be 
appreciated  without  understanding  the  importance  of  holding 
the  ancient  line  of  communication  between  the  States  and 
Canada  by  way  of  the  Hudson  and  Lake  Champlain.  This 
was  seen  and  realized  during  the  old  French  wars,  and  the 
central  object  of  the  campaigns  of  1776  and  1777  on  the 
part  of  the  British  Ministry  was  to  obtain  control  of  this  line. 
With  New  York  and  Albany  in  the  possession  of  the  British 
and  the  Hudson  and  the  Lake  patrolled  by  numerous  small 
vessels,  New  England  would  have  been  effectually  isolated  from 
the  other  Colonies  and  the  rebellion  easily  put  down.  The 
patriots  understood  this  well,  hence  the  prompt  surprise  of 
Ticonderoga,  the  construction  of  numerous  fortifications  along 
the  Hudson,  and  the  retention  >  throughout  the  war  of  large 
bodies  of  troops  in  the  Highlands  under  the  command  of  the 
most  trusty  generals. 


CHAPTER   V 

SIEGE   OF   BOSTON.      REORGANIZATION  OF  THE  ARMY.     MARCH  TO 

NEW  YORK. 

April,    1775— March,    1776 

UNDER  the  organization  of  the  Connecticut  militia  existing 
before  the  war,  the  militia  of  Lyme  and  New  London  belonged 
to  the  Third  Regiment,  the  field  officers  of  which  in  1774,  were 
Gurdon  Saltonstall  of  New  London,  colonel,  Jabez  Huntington 
of  Norwich,  lieutenant  colonel,  and  Samuel  Holden  Parsons  of 
Lyme,  major.  In  1775,  Parsons  was  made  lieutenant  colonel  in 
place  of  Huntington,  resigned. 

At  the  special  session  of  the  General  Assembly,  April  26th  to 
May  6th,  an  act  was  passed  "  for  assembling  and  equipping, 
etc.  a  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  Colony  for  the  special 
defense  and  safety  thereof,"  under  which  six  regiments  of  State 
troops  were  raised.  Parsons  was  made  colonel  of  the  Sixth 
Regiment  which  was  recruited  in  New  London  and  the  neighbor 
ing  towns,  his  commission  dating  May  1,  1775.  John  Tyler, 
afterwards  a  brigadier  in  the  militia,  was  appointed  lieutenant 
colonel,  and  Samuel  Prentice,  major.  These  three  Field  Officers 
were  also  appointed  captains  of  the  First,  Second  and  Third 
Companies  respectively.  Early  in  the  year,  William  Coit  of 
New  London,  a  Yale  graduate  of  the  class  of  1761,  had  raised 
and  equipped  a  company  composed  mostly  of  New  London 
sailors  which  he  called  his  "  Independent  Marines."  Parsons, 
in  the  capacity  of  colonel,  is  recorded  as  being  out  with  Captain 
Coit  and  twenty  men  of  this  company  for  thirty  days  during 
the  Lexington  Alarm,  which  must  have  been  until  nearly  the  end 
of  May.  It  is  probable  that  upon  the  organization  of  the 
Sixth  Regiment  this  company  enlisted  in  a  body  while  still  in 
Boston,  for  Day  and  Adams  continued  adjutant  and  ensign,  but 
this  is  uncertain  as  the  enlistment  rolls  are  missing,  which  might 
well  be  accounted  for  if  the  re-enlistment  was  made  while  in 
camp.  Better  drilled  and  equipped  than  most  of  the  militia, 

28 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        29 

Coit's  was  made  the  Fourth  Company,  the  first  after  the  three 
of  which  the  Field  Officers  were  captains.  October  24th,  while 
yet  in  Parsons'  regiment  before  Boston,  Coit  was  ordered  by 
General  Washington  to  march  with  his  sailor-soldiers  to  Ply 
mouth  and  take  command  of  the  privateer,  "  Harrison."  After 
capturing  several  prizes,  he  returned  to  camp  and  at  the  close 
of  the  year  retired  from  land  service.  Captain  Coit  is  described 
as  a  "hearty  patriot,  blunt  and  jovial,  very  large  in  frame, 
fierce  and  military  in  bearing  and  noted  for  wearing  a  scarlet 
coat."  The  other  captains  of  Parsons'  regiment  were  James 
Chapman,  Waterman  Clift,  Edward  Mott,  Samuel  Gale,  John 
Ely  and  Abel  Spicer,  who  commanded  the  Fifth,  Sixth,  Seventh, 
Eighth,  Ninth  and  Tenth  Companies  in  the  order  named. 

By  the  middle  of  May  nearly  the  full  complement  of  the 
Sixth  Regiment  had  been  enlisted.  In  June  a  review  of  the 
regiment  was  held  in  New  London,  which  is  "  believed  to  have 
been  the  first  regimental  training  in  the  State  east  of  the 
Connecticut  River." 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Governor  and  Council  held  at  Lebanon 
June  7,  1775,  Colonel  Parsons  was  ordered  "  to  proceed  with 
the  company  under  his  immediate  command  and  that  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Chapman,  to  the  camp  at  Boston  and  join 
the  troops  heretofore  sent  and  stationed  there  by  the  Hon. 
Assembly."  Captain  Mott's  company  had  already  been  sent  to 
the  Northern  Department,  where  he  had  previously  gone  with 
the  expedition  against  Ticonderoga,  and  Captain  Coit's  com 
pany  does  not  appear  to  have  returned  from  Boston  where  it  had 
gone  upon  the  Lexington  Alarm.  June  17th,  the  day  of  the 
battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  the  remaining  six  companies  of  the  regi 
ment,  which  had  been  left  in  New  London  under  the  command 
of  Lieut.  Colonel  Tyler,  were  also  ordered  to  Boston.  Parsons' 
and  Chapman's  companies  must  have  reached  camp  several 
days  before  the  battle,  as  it  was  not  more  than  five  or  six  days 
march  to  Boston,  but  the  six  companies  under  Tyler  could  not 
have  arrived  there  until  a  week  or  more  after  that  event. 
Parsons  encamped  in  Roxbury,  as  appears  from  a  letter  written 
by  him  to  his  wife,  dated,  Roxbury,  June  21st,  and  from  the 
following  entry  in  the  diary  of  Lieut.  Colonel  Experience  Storrs 
of  Putnam's  regiment,  dated  June  27th:  "Went  to  Roxbury 


30  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

with  brother  Eleazer  to  see  Gen.   Spencer,  Col.  Parsons  and 
Capt.  Crafts." 

At  this  time  Boston  was  almost  an  island,  its  only  connection 
with  the  mainland  being  by  a  low,  narrow  isthmus  on  the  Rox- 
bury  side.  The  heights  on  Dorchester  Neck  at  the  south,  and 
the  hills  on  the  peninsula  of  Charlestown  at  the  north,  com 
manded  the  city,  and  the  fortifying  of  either  would  render  the 
city  untenable.  Perceiving  this,  General  Gage  had  planned  to 
extend  his  lines  on  the  18th  to  include  Charlestown,  but  informa 
tion  of  his  intention  having  reached  the  American  camp,  it  was 
determined  to  anticipate  the  movement  by  fortifying  Bunker 
Hill.  On  the  night  of  June  16th,  Colonel  Prescott  was  sent  for 
this  purpose  with  a  force  of  one  thousand  men  detailed  from  the 
Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  regiments  around  Cambridge, 
two  hundred  of  whom  were  Connecticut  men  under  Captain 
Knowlton.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the  17th,  the  redoubt  was 
completed.  Soon  after  noon  the  first  detachment  of  the  British 
landed  on  the  northern  side  of  the  peninsula  near  the  Mystic 
River,  and  so  far  to  the  left  of  the  front  of  the  Fort  that  it  was 
in  imminent  danger  of  being  flanked.  Seeing  this,  Prescott 
ordered  Knowlton  with  his  Connecticut  troops  to  form  behind 
a  post  and  rail  fence  set  in  a  low  stone  wall  which  extended  some 
fifteen  hundred  feet  from  near  the  Works  towards  the  Mystic 
River,  and  oppose  any  movement  of  the  enemy  in  that  direction. 
Reinforcements  were  sadly  needed  and  Prescott  had  sent  mes 
sengers  urging  that  they  be  sent  without  delay ;  but  Ward,  who 
was  in  chief  command,  fearing  to  weaken  his  force  lest  the  main 
attack  be  made  upon  Cambridge,  refused  to  send  assistance 
until  the  landing  of  the  second  detachment  on  the  peninsula 
made  obvious  the  enemy's  intention,  when  he  ordered  forward  the 
regiments  of  Stark  and  Reed.  These  were  all  the  troops  which 
arrived  before  the  beginning  of  the  attack,  but  Putnam,  ever 
vigilant  and  active,  had,  after  the  first  landing,  sent  his  son 
with  orders  to  the  Connecticut  forces  at  Cambridge  to  march 
immediately  to  Bunker  Hill.  Chester  of  Putnam's  regiment 
and  the  First  and  Fourth  Companies  of  Parsons'  regiment, 
Coit's  and  Parsons'  own,  who  seem  to  have  been  brought  over 
from  Roxbury,  hastened  forward  and  joined  Knowlton  at  the 
rail  fence  before  the  battle  ended.  The  British  had  twice 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        31 

simultaneously  attacked  the  redoubt  and  the  line  at  the  rail 
fence,  and  twice  had  been  hurled  back  by  the  withering  fire,  and 
this  although  the  advance  against  the  rail  fence  had  been  led  by 
Howe  in  person.  Exasperated  at  their  defeat,  the  enemy  again 
formed  for  a  final  assault.  Six  battalions  were  concentrated 
upon  the  redoubt,  attacking  it  upon  all  three  sides,  while  the 
light  infantry  and  the  grenadiers  were  left  to  continue  the 
attack  upon  the  fence.  With  numbers  reduced  and  ammunition 
expended,  Prescott  was  unable  but  for  a  brief  period  to  keep 
back  the  enemy,  and,  overwhelmed  by  superior  numbers,  ordered 
a  retreat.  But  Howe's  column  had  not  been  able  to  force  the 
line  at  the  fence,  and  the  enemy  were  held  firmly  in  check  until 
Prescott's  men  had  left  the  hill,  when  they  too  fell  back.  In 
the  passage  across  the  Charlestown  causeway,  many  were  killed 
by  the  fire  from  the  ships.  As  to  the  precise  part  taken  in  the 
action  by  Coit's  and  Parsons'  companies,  and  as  to  how  many 
of  each  were  present,  we  have  no  record;  but  a  letter  written  by 
Parsons  to  his  wife  four  days  after  the  battle,  informs  us  that 
John  Saunders  of  Lyme,  a  private  in  his  company,  was  wounded, 
not  so  severely,  however,  as  to  prevent  him  serving  until  the  end 
of  the  war,  and  that  Captain  Coit  had  ten  wounded,  two  danger 
ously  so.  "  The  particular  account  of  the  battle  "  which  he 
mentions  having  written  to  his  uncle,  Matthew  Griswold,  the 
Deputy  Governor,  had  it  been  preserved,  might  furnish  the  miss 
ing  details,  but  enough  is  said  to  warrant  the  inference  that 
some  part  of  Parsons  company  and  the  greater  part  of  Coit's 
was  actively  engaged.  On  the  night  of  Saturday,  the  day 
of  the  battle,  Parsons  seems  to  have  been  on  duty  throughout 
the  night  with  his  whole  command. 

The  following  is  the  letter  referred  to  from  General  Parsons 

to  his  wife : 

ROXBURY,  21st  June,  1775. 

MY  DEAR. — I  have  wrote  the  particular  account  of  the  battle  of 
Saturday  last  to  the  Deputy  Govn.  which  I  desired  him  to  show 
you.  I  can  now  only  add  that  on  the  best  information  we  are  since 
able  to  procure,  the  Regulars  have  made  a  very  dear  purchase; 
tis  confidently  reported  they  lost  one  Genl.  Officer,  supposed  to  be 
Genl.  Howe.  Major  Pitcairn  and  Major  Sheriff  are  among  their 
dead.  In  the  whole  they  have  lost  about  30  officers  and  not  less 
than  300  privates  besides  wounded.  Many  imprudences  may  be 


32  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

corrected  by  us  by  this  dear  bought  victory  of  theirs.  Each  side 
are  making  the  best  preparations  in  their  power  for  another  battle 
which  is  soon  expected.  Lt.  Bingham  of  Lyme  who  was  sup 
posed  to  be  killed,  is  well  and  returned  to  camp  safe.  Robert 
Hallum  is  wounded.  He  discharged  28  cartridges  without  retreat 
ing  one  foot,  8  of  which  was  after  he  was  wounded.  Thos. 
Grosvenor  is  wounded,  the  ball  went  twice  through  his  hand  and 
wounded  him  in  the  breast  afterwards.  John  Saunders  of  Lyme 
wounded.  Capt.  Coit  had  10  wounded,  two  dangerously;  none  killed. 
Capt.  Chester,  4  killed  and  5  wounded;  in  the  whole  from  Con 
necticut  about  25  killed  and  as  many  wounded.  The  whole  loss  on 
our  side  not  yet  ascertained,  but  I  think  it  will  not  fall  short  of  130 
killed  and  wounded.  We  are  raising  batteries  and  should  be  soon 
able  to  do  their  work  if  we  had  powder  sufficient,  which  at  present 
I  fear.  Many  suppose  the  number  of  their  troops  exceed  our  ex 
pectations  which  must  be  the  case  if  their  number  of  tents  are  not 
for  a  deception  which  I  suspect  it  to  be.  They  fought  bravely, 
were  twice  repulsed  by  our  men  and  rallied  again  and  forced  our 
intrenchments  sword  in  hand.  We  have  had  nothing  but  a  few 
scattering  shot  here  since  Sunday.  I  am  pretty  well  over  the 
fatigue  of  Saturday  night  which  I  spent  on  the  soft  side  of  a  rock 
on  my  arms,  amidst  a  cloud  of  bombs  and  cannon  balls,  but  thanks 
to  God  but  two  men  were  killed  and  about  the  same  number 
wounded.  Billy  is  well;  he  is  gone  to  Newbury  to-day  to  buy  me 
some  things,  as  nothing  is  to  be  had  here.  I  intend  to  keep  him 
out  of  danger  if  I  can.  If  anybody  comes  down  send  me  about 
ten  pounds  in  money  if  you  can,.  One  of  Capt.  Chester's  men  killed 
two  regulars  and  wrenched  a  gun  out  of  the  hands  of  another  and 
shot  him  dead  and  brought  off  the  gun.  What  my  fate  will  be  God 
only  knows.  I  hope  He  will  give  me  fortitude  in  the  day  of  battle 
and  you  and  me  resignation  to  His  will,  who  always  doeth  what  is 
best  for  His  people.  Pray  let  me  hear  from  you  every  week.  You 
must  easily  imagine  my  anxiety  to  hear. 

I  am,  with  love  to  the  children, 

Yr.  affectionate  husband, 

S.  H.  PARSONS. 

Of  the  persons  mentioned  in  Parsons'  letter,  Robert  Hallum 
was  a  sergeant  in  Coit's  company  and  Thomas  Grosvenor  and 
Lieut.  Bingham  were  lieutenants  in  Putnam's  First  and  Ninth 
Companies.  Billy,  was  Parsons'  eldest  son  and  the  Deputy 
Governor,  his  uncle. 

On  the  15th  of  June,  1775,  Washington  was  elected  General 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS         33 

by  the  Continental  Congress  assembled  at  Philadelphia,  of 
which  he  was  a  member,  and  made  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
American  army.  On  the  17th,  Congress  appointed  Ward,  Lee, 
Schuyler  and  Putnam,  major  generals,  and  on  the  22d,  the  day 
the  news  from  Bunker  Hill  was  received,  Pomeroy,  Montgomery, 
Wooster,  Heath,  Spencer,  Thomas,  Sullivan  and  Greene, 
brigadier  generals.  Gates  had  been  made  adjutant  general 
with  the  rank  of  brigadier.  On  the  23d,  Washington  com 
menced  his  journey  of  eleven  days  to  Cambridge,  where  he 
arrived  on  the  afternoon  of  Sunday,  the  2d  of  July.  On  the 
following  day,  under  the  great  elm  on  Cambridge  Common,  he 
assumed  command  of  the  army.  On  the  10th  he  reports  to  the 
President  of  Congress,  that  having  "  visited  the  several  posts 
occupied  by  our  troops  and  reconnoitered  those  of  the  enemy," 
he  finds  that  the  main  body  of  the  latter  is  strongly  intrenched 
on  Bunker  Hill  with  their  sentry  line  extended  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  yards  beyond  the  narrow  part  of  Charlestown 
Neck,  and  is  protected  by  three  floating  batteries  and  a  twenty 
gun  ship,  besides  a  battery  on  Copp's  Hill ;  and  that  the 
remainder  of  their  army,  except  the  Light  Horse  and  a  few  men 
in  Boston,  is  "  deeply  intrenched  and  strongly  fortified "  on 
Roxbury  Neck,  their  outposts  being  advanced  about  twenty 
rods  south  of  their  lines.  The  American  army,  Washington 
found  scattered  along  a  line  ten  miles  in  length  extending  from 
the  Mystic  River  on  the  north  to  Dorchester  on  the  south. 
Winter  and  Prospect  Hills  in  the  rear  of  Charlestown  Neck  had 
been  fortified  and  the  landing  places  strengthened  down  to 
Sewall's  farm  on  the  south  side  of  the  Charles  River,  where  a 
strong  intrenchment  had  been  thrown  up.  Strong  works  had 
been  constructed  by  General  Thomas  on  Roxbury  Hill,  "  which 
because  of  the  brokenness  of  the  ground  and  the  great  number 
of  rocks  made  that  part  secure."  Winter  Hill  was  occupied 
by  the  New  Hampshire  troops  and  a  Rhode  Island  regiment ;  a 
part  of  Putnam's  Connecticut  men  were  on  Prospect  Hill ;  Cam 
bridge  was  guarded  entirely  by  Massachusetts  troops ;  the 
remainder  of  the  Rhode  Islanders  manned  the  Works  at  Sewall's 
farm;  two  Connecticut  and  nine  Massachusetts  regiments  were 
at  Roxbury.  The  main  bodies  of  the  two  armies  were  scarcely 
a  mile  apart,  and  the  outposts,  both  at  Boston  and  Charlestown 


34  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Neck,  were  within  earshot  of  each  other.  The  diary  of 
Samuel  Bixby  under  date  of  November  26,  mentions  that  "  a 
flag  of  truce  was  sent  into  Boston  by  Colonel  Parsons  and  one 
was  returned  by  the  enemy." 

The  proximity  of  the  lines  compelled  the  greatest  vigilance  on 
both  sides,  particularly  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  because 
of  the  extent  of  their  lines  and  the  central  position  of  the 
enemy.  Both  sides  were  continually  busy  in  extending  and 
strengthening  their  Works,  but  there  were  frequent  skirmishes 
to  relieve  the  monotony  of  the  siege.  On  July  8th,  a  party  from 
General  Thomas'  camp  drove  in  the  advanced  guards  of  the 
enemy  at  Boston  Neck  and  burned  several  houses  which  they 
had  been  occupying  some  distance  outside  their  lines.  On  the 
10th,  three  hundred  volunteers  landed  on  Long  Island  in  Boston 
Harbor  and  carried  off  all  the  cattle  and  a  number  of  prisoners. 
Two  days  later,  another  party  burned  the  hay  stacked  on  the 
same  island  for  the  British  cavalry.  Still  later,  all  the  ripe 
grain  was  reaped  and  brought  off  from  Nantasket.  On  the 
30th,  a  party  from  Dorchester  attacked  and  captured  the  car 
penters  and  a  guard  of  marines  sent  to  rebuild  the  Boston  light 
house,  which  had  been  burned. 

On  the  4th  of  August  Washington  writes  to  Congress  that 
the  army  had  been  divided  into  three  grand  divisions, — the  right 
with  headquarters  at  Roxbury,  under  Ward ;  the  center  at  Cam 
bridge  under  Lee ;  and  the  left  at  Winter  Hill  under  Putnam, — 
each  division  into  two  brigades  consisting  of  about  six  regi 
ments  each,  those  of  the  right  wing  under  Thomas  and  Spencer ; 
of  the  center,  under  Heath,  and  of  the  left  wing  under  Sullivan 
and  Greene.  Spencer's  brigade  was  composed  of  four  regi 
ments  including  his  own,  Parsons'  and  Huntington's,  and  was 
encamped  on  Parker's  or  Great  Hill. 

From  this  army,  larger  than  any  ever  before  assembled  on 
the  Continent  and  now  fully  organized,  the  people  expected 
great  things  and  daily  looked  for  news  of  the  expulsion  or 
capture  of  the  British.  But  the  army  was  dangerously  weak 
and  compelled  to  remain  inactive  from  a  cause  which  Washing 
ton  was  obliged  to  conceal  from  the  public  and  even  from  most 
of  his  officers — the  great  scarcity  of  powder.  He  was  most 
anxious  to  make  an  attack  on  Boston,  but  a  Council  of  War 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        35 

called  in  September  to  consider  its  advisability,  unanimously 
determined  that  under  the  circumstances  it  was  not  to  be 
hazarded. 

In  October,  Washington  writing  to  Robert  Carter  Nicholas 
in  Virginia,  explains  the  situation :  "  The  enemy  in  Boston  and 
on  the  heights  at  Charlestown  are  so  strongly  fortified  as  to 
render  it  almost  impossible  to  force  their  lines  thrown  up  at  the 
head  of  each  neck.  Without  great  slaughter  on  our  side,  or 
cowardice  on  theirs,  it  is  absolutely  so.  We,  therefore,  can  do 
no  more  than  keep  them  besieged,  which  they  are  to  all  intents 
and  purposes  as  closely  as  any  troops  can  be,  who  have  an  open 
ing  to  the  sea.  Our  advanced  Works  and  theirs  are  within 
musket  shot.  We  daily  undergo  a  cannonade  which  has  done 
no  injury  to  our  Works  and  very  little  hurt  to  our  men.  These 
insults  we  are  compelled  to  submit  to  for  want  of  powder,  being 
obliged,  except  now  and  then  giving  them  a  shot,  to  reserve 
what  we  have  for  closer  work  than  cannon-distance." 

While  the  army  around  Boston  was  busy  watching  the 
beleaguered  foe,  King  George  the  Third  was  endeavoring  to 
negotiate  with  Catharine  of  Russia  for  twenty  thousand  mer 
cenaries  to  enable  him  to  put  down  the  rebellion  in  America,  it 
being  openly  acknowledged  in  Parliament  that  enough  British 
recruits  could  not  be  procured  on  any  terms  for  the  purpose. 
Fortunately  for  the  Colonies,  the  sagacious  Empress,  realizing 
the  dishonorable  character  of  the  proposition  made  by  the  King, 
rejected  it  contemptuously,  and  with  keen  irony  inquired 
through  her  Minister,  "  Could  not  his  Majesty  make  use  of 
Hanoverians."  In  the  end  he  was  obliged  to  resort  for  his 
auxiliaries  to  the  petty  German  Principalities  whose  troops 
were  in  the  market  for  a  moderate  consideration.  The  Duke  of 
Brunswick  sold  him  four  thousand  men,  and  the  Landgrave  of 
Hesse  Cassel  about  thirteen  thousand,  one  fourth  of  all  the 
ablebodied  men  among  his  subjects. 

Early  in  November  preparations  were  made  to  raise  a  new 
army  to  serve  until  January  1,  1777,  the  period  of  enlistment 
of  the  army  of  1775  being  about  to  expire.  It  was  hoped  that 
the  old  troops  would  "  press  to  be  engaged  in  the  cause  of  their 
country,"  but  instead,  enlistments  were  discouragingly  slow  and 
few  would  enlist  unless  granted  a  furlough.  As  Schuyler  wrote 


36  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

of  the  New  England  men  in  the  Northern  Army,  "  nothing 
could  surpass  their  impatience  to  get  to  their  firesides."  The 
monotony  of  the  siege,  unbroken  except  by  an  occasional  skir 
mish,  the  discomforts  of  the  camp,  the  severe  strain  of  guard  duty 
and  the  constant  intrenching  and  fortifying  had  subdued  some 
what  the  enthusiasm  of  the  soldiers,  and  their  longing  for  home 
became  more  intense  as  the  time  for  discharge  drew  near.  The 
term  of  the  Connecticut  troops  expired  December  10,  but 
their  officers  had  given  assurances  that  they  would  remain  until 
January  1,  or  until  the  five  thousand  militia  who  had  been 
called  out  for  the  10th  should  arrive  to  take  their  places. 
Notwithstanding  such  assurances  and  their  orders  to  remain 
until  the  tenth,  the  majority  resolved  to  leave  camp  on  the 
first,  but  by  threats  and  persuasions,  and  in  consequence  of  the 
activity  of  the  country  people  who  turned  many  of  them  back 
who  had  set  out  for  home,  the  greater  number  were  prevailed 
upon  to  stay  until  December  10,  the  time  for  their  regular 
discharge.  The  people  of  Connecticut  were  very  indignant  at 
the  conduct  of  their  troops,  and  Governor  Trumbull  wrote  to 
Washington  that  he  had  convened  the  Legislature  and  assured 
him  that  he  might  depend  "  on  their  zeal  and  ardor  to  support 
the  common  cause,  to  furnish  our  quota  and  to  exert  their  utmost 
strength  for  the  defense  of  the  rights  of  these  Colonies." 

The  action  of  the  Connecticut  troops  was  nevertheless  very 
discouraging  to  Washington  who  wrote  to  Governor  Cooke  of 
Rhode  Island  that  he  had  "no  reason  to  believe  that  the  forces 
of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts  or  Rhode  Island  will  give 
stronger  proofs  of  their  attachment  to  the  cause  when  the  period 
arrives  that  they  may  claim  their  dismission."  On  the  llth, 
in  the  same  spirit,  he  wrote  to  the  President  of  Congress  that  he 
expected  that  all  the  five  thousand  militia  "  will  be  in  this  day 
or  to-morrow,  when  what  remains  of  the  Connecticut  gentry 
who  have  not  enlisted  will  have  liberty  to  go  to  their  firesides." 
But,  as  he  had  predicted  to  Governor  Cooke,  the  Connecticut 
troops  were  not  the  only  ones  afflicted  with  homesickness,  for  in 
a  letter  to  Joseph  Reed,  January  4th,  he  says :  "  the  same  desire 
of  retiring  into  a  chimney  corner  seized  the  troops  of  New 
Hampshire,  Rhode  Island  and  Massachusetts,  so  soon  as  their 
time  expired,  as  had  wrought  upon  those  of  Connecticut."  In 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        37 

the  same  letter  he  further  writes :  "  We  are  now  left  with  a 
good  deal  less  than  half-raised  regiments  and  about  five  thou 
sand  militia  who  only  stand  engaged  to  the  middle  of  this 
month ;  .  We  are  told  that  we  shall  soon  get  the  army 

completed,  but  I  have  been  told  so  many  things  which  have  not 
come  to  pass  that  I  distrust  everything."  There  was  doubtless 
abundant  reason  to  complain  of  the  conduct  of  the  New 
England  troops,  but  would  Washington  have  found  his  Vir 
ginians,  under  the  same  circumstances,  any  less  anxious  to  see 
their  homes? 

To  add  to  the  general  discouragement  news  came  of  the  utter 
failure  of  the  expedition  into  Canada.  Montreal  had  surren 
dered,  but  the  brave  Montgomery  had  fallen  in  the  assault  on 
Quebec  and  his  army  had  been  repulsed. 

By  the  middle  of  January  the  enlistments  had  reached  nearly 
eleven  thousand.  In  the  absence  or  loss  of  the  rolls  for  1776, 
it  is  uncertain  how  many  of  the  soldiers  of  1775  re-enlisted, 
but  considering  the  inducements  offered  and  the  spirit  of  the 
people  at  home,  probably  the  greater  number  returned  to  the, 
army.  In  the  reorganization,  the  five  Connecticut  regiments 
were  assigned,  the  Tenth  to  Parsons,  the  Seventeenth  to  Hunt- 
ington,  the  Nineteenth  to  Chas.  Webb,  the  Twentieth,  Putnam's 
old  regiment,  to  Benedict  Arnold,  but  later  as  Arnold  never 
assumed  command,  to  Col.  Durkee,  and  the  Twenty-Second  to 
Wyllys.  These  regiments  were  all,  except  the  Twentieth, 
brigade,  under  Spencer  and  formed  a  part  of  Ward's  Division. 

On  the  16th  of  January  a  Council  was  summoned  to  consider 
whether  a  determined  attempt  should  not  be  made  to  capture 
Boston  before  the  enemy  could  be  reinforced  in  the  spring.  It 
was  agreed  that  the  attempt  should  be  made,  but  that  the  present 
force  was  inadequate,  and  that  to  strengthen  it  the  New  Eng 
land  Colonies  should  be  requested  to  call  out  thirteen  thousand 
militia  to  serve  until  April  first.  This  request  was  promptly 
complied  with.  Four  days  after  this  it  was  discovered  that 
General  Clinton  had  sailed  out  of  Boston  Harbor  with  four  or 
five  hundred  men,  but  whether  his  destination  was  New  York, 
Long  Island  or  the  South  could  not  be  ascertained.  Anticipat 
ing  some  such  movement  of  the  enemy,  Washington  had  (Jan. 
8th)  sent  General  Lee  to  Connecticut  with  orders  to  collect  what 


38  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

troops  he  could  and  proceed  to  New  York  for  the  purpose  of 
putting  the  city  in  a  proper  state  of  defense. 

On  the  16th  of  February,  the  ice  having  frozen  sufficiently 
for  troops  to  cross  on  from  Cambridge  and  Roxbury  to  Boston, 
Washington  submitted  to  a  Council  of  War  whether  an  imme 
diate  assault  should  not  be  made,  but  he  was  overruled  on  the 
ground  that  the  army  was  still  too  weak,  and  deficient  in  arms 
and  ammunition,  and  recommended  instead  that  steps  be  taken 
to  fortify  Dorchester  Heights.  Preparations  were  accordingly 
commenced.  On  the  evening  of  Monday,  March  4,  under 
cover  of  a  heavy  bombardment,  the  Heights  were  occupied  and 
intrenchments  thrown  up,  the  discovery  of  which  the  next 
morning  produced  the  greatest  consternation  among  the  enemy. 
The  hurrying  of  officers  and  the  rapid  assembling  of  troops 
indicated  an  intention  to  attack  without  delay,  but  nothing 
definite  was  done  until  evening  when  Lord  Percy  embarked  with 
a  large  force  for  the  Castle  from  which  a  landing  could  be  made 
on  Dorchester  Neck.  A  violent  storm  coming  up  at  the  critical 
moment  frustrated  his  plans  and  compelled  him  to  return  to  the 
city.  Before  another  attempt  could  be  made,  the  Works  had 
been  made  so  strong  that  to  carry  them  was  hopeless,  and  yet 
to  hold  the  city  unless  they  were  carried,  would  be  impossible. 
Perceiving  this,  a  Council  of  War  advised  immediate  evacua 
tion.  To  hasten  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  Washington  on 
the  night  of  the  16th,  took  possession  of  Nook's  Hill  which  com 
manded  the  road  over  Roxbury  Neck  into  Boston,  and  there 
erected  a  battery.  The  sight  of  this  new  danger  caused  the 
British  to  embark  precipitately.  Before  ten  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  Sunday,  the  17th  of  March,  the  whole  army  was  on 
board  the  transports  and  on  their  way  down  the  Harbor.  As 
the  British  moved  out,  the  Americans  marched  in,  the  troops  in 
Roxbury  over  the  Neck,  those  in  Cambridge  coming  over  in 
boats,  and  occupied  the  city.  The  fleet  was  delayed  at  Nan- 
tasket  Roads  until  the  27th,  when  the  whole  got  under  way  and 
stood  out  to  sea.  Thus  ingloriously  for  the  British  ended  the 
siege  of  Boston.  Never  again  during  the  war,  except  as  a 
prisoner,  would  a  redcoat  be  seen  within  the  bounds  of 
Massachusetts. 


THE  ARMY  IN  NEW  YORK.  THE  HICKEY  PLOT.  ARRIVAL  OF  GEN 
ERAL  HOWE.  PARSONS  PROMOTED  BRIGADIER  GENERAL.  SENT 
TO  REINFORCE  THE  BROOKLYN  LINES.  THE  BRITISH  PREPARE  TO 
ATTACK. 

April — September,  1776 

THE  destination  of  the  British  fleet,  unknown  at  the  time  of  its 
leaving  Nantasket  on  the  27th,  proved  to  be  Halifax  in  Nova 
Scotia,  to  which,  as  Howe  gave  out,  he  went  from  Boston  "  for 
refreshment  and  that  he  might  have  an  opportunity  to  exercise 
his  troops  in  line."  Boston  having  been  relieved,  Washington 
turned  his  attention  to  New  York.  Deeming  it  of  the  utmost 
importance  "  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  taking  possession  of 
New  York  and  the  North  River,  as  they  would  thereby  com 
mand  the  country  and  the  communications  with  Canada,"  he 
had  early  in  January,  dispatched  General  Lee  eastward  with 
instructions  to  get  together  such  volunteers  as  could  be  quickly 
assembled,  and  "  put  the  city  in  the  best  posture  of  defense 
which  the  season  and  circumstances  would  admit."  By  the 
middle  of  March  about  four  thousand  troops  had  been  collected 
in  New  York  and  arrangements  were  in  progress  for  moving 
the  whole  army  there  by  the  way  of  Norwich,  New  London  and 
the  Sound,  as  soon  as  Boston  should  be  evacuated.  In  antici 
pation  of  this  event,  Hand's  Rifle  Regiment  and  three  com 
panies  of  Virginia  riflemen  had  been  marched  southward  on  the 
14th.  On  the  18th,  the  day  after  the  evacuation,  Heath  with 
five  regiments  was  ordered  to  New  York.  On  the  29th,  six  more 
were  sent  under  General  Sullivan,  and  Greene  with  the  Third 
Brigade  marched,  April  first.  On  the  4th,  Spencer  left  Rox- 
bury  with  the  last  brigade,  consisting  of  Parsons',  Hunting- 
ton's,  Webb's  and  Wyllys'  regiments,  and  reached  Norwich  in 
time  to  embark  on  the  return  transports  which  carried  Sulli 
van's  brigade  to  New  York.  Three  of  these  regiments,  his 

39 


40  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

own,  Huntington's  and  Wyllys',  marched  under  Parsons'  im 
mediate  command,  as  appears  from  the  following  order: — 

3d  day  of  April,  1776. 
Marching  orders   to  Colonel  Parsons,  commanding  the  10th,  17th 

and  22d  Regiments  of  Foot: 

You  are  to  proceed  with  the  regiments  under  your  command,  to 
Norwich  in  Connecticut.  In  case  of  extremely  bad  weather  or 
other  unforeseen  accident,  and  you  are  obliged  to  halt  a  day  or  more 
between  this  place  and  Norwich,  you  will  acquaint  Brigadier 
General  Spencer,  who  is  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  brigade 
now  under  marching  orders,  and  receive  his  directions. 

His  Excellency  expects  you  to  preserve  good  order  and  discipline 
upon  your  march,  carefully  preventing  all  pillaging  and  marauding 
and  other  kinds  of  ill-usage  and  insult  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
country,  as  the  situation  of  the  enemy  and  the  advanced  season  of 
the  year,  make  it  of  the  utmost  consequence  that  not  a  moment  shall 
be  lost  that  can  be  properly  made  use  of  on  your  march. 

The  General,  confiding  in  your  zeal,  experience  and  good  con 
duct,  is  satisfied  that  no  vigilance  will  be  wanting  on  your  part. 

On  the  4th,  Washington  himself,  accompanied  by  his  suite, 
left  Cambridge.  Overtaking  Greene's  brigade  at  Providence, 
its  two  crack  regiments,  Hitchcock's  and  Little's,  were  "  ordered 
to  turn  out  to  escort  his  Excellency  into  town,  to  parade  at 
eight  o'clock,  both  officers  and  men  dressed  in  uniform,  and  none 
to  turn  out  except  those  dressed  in  uniform,  and  those  of  the 
non-commissioned  officers  and  soldiers  that  turn  out,  to  be 
washed,  both  face  and  hands,  clean,  their  beards  shaved,  their 
hair  combed  and  powdered,  and  their  arms  cleaned.  The 
General  wishes  to  pay  the  honors  to  the  Commander-in-Chief  in 
as  decent  and  respectable  a  manner  as  possible." 

The  bit  of  realistic  painting  for  which  Greene's  minute 
directions  furnish  the  materials,  find  its  counterpart  in  the 
following  order  issued  in  January  by  General  Howe  to  his 
soldiers  in  Boston: — 

"  The  commanding  officer  is  surprised  to  find  the  necessity  of 
repeating  orders  that  long  since  ought  to  have  been  complied  with, 
as  the  men  in  all  duties  appear  in  the  following  manner,  viz: — hair 
not  smooth  and  badly  powdered;  several  without  slings  to  their 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS         41 

firelocks ;  hats  not  bound ;  pouches  in  a  shameful  and  dirty  condi 
tion  ;  no  frills  to  their  shirts,  and  their  linen  very  dirty ;  leggings 
hanging  in  a  slovenly  manner  about  their  knees ;  some  men  without 
uniform  stocks  and  their  arms  and  accouterments  by  no  means  so 
clean  as  they  ought  to  be.  These  unsoldierlike  neglects  must  be 
immediately  remedied." 

Washington  arrived  in  New  York  the  13th  of  April  with  his 
military  family,  but  it  was  not  until  the  24th  that  the  last  of 
the  Boston  regiments  arrived.  Five  of  them  had  been  left  in 
charge  of  the  defenses ;  only  twenty-one  of  the  twenty-seven 
Continental  regiments  were  brought  on  to  New  York.  With 
the  exception  of  the  First  Regiment,  or  the  Pennsylvania  Rifle 
men,  the  whole  twenty-seven  regiments  were  from  the  New 
England  States. 

The  troops  at  this  time  in  New  York,  ten  thousand  two 
hundred  and  thirty-five  in  number  according  to  the  Adjutant 
General's  return  of  April  28th,  were  formed  into  four  brigades 
under  Heath,  Spencer,  Greene  and  Stirling.  Sullivan  with  six 
regiments  had  been  sent  to  the  Northern  Department.  Heath's 
brigade  was  posted  on  the  Hudson  just  above  the  present 
Canal  Street ;  Spencer's  on  the  East  River  near  the  intersection 
of  Madison  and  Rutgers  Streets ;  Stirling's  on  the  Bowery  and 
Greene's  in  Brooklyn.  The  urgent  business  of  the  army  at 
this  time  was  fortifying  against  the  expected  attack  of  the 
British.  In  Brooklyn  a  line  of  intrenchments  was  thrown  up 
extending  from  Wallabout  Bay  to  Gowanus  Creek,  reinforced 
by  four  considerable  forts  or  redoubts.  The  work  in  the 
trenches  proved  so  begriming  to  the  soldiers,  and  so  inadequate 
was  the  ordinary  allowance  of  soap  to  efface  the  stains  of  Long 
Island  clay,  that  Greene,  no  less  careful  of  the  appearance  of 
his  troops  than  when  he  issued  his  characteristic  order  of  April 
4,  besought  Washington,  as  a  matter  of  simple  justice  to  the 
men  to  double  their  supply  of  soap. 

In  New  York  a  series  of  forts  were  constructed  commencing 
with  the  Grenadier  Battery  on  the  Hudson  near  Harrison 
Street,  and  running  around  the  lower  end  of  the  city  and  up 
the  East  River  to  beyond  Corlears  Hook.  Spencer's  Redoubt 
at  the  intersection  of  Monroe  and  Rutgers  Streets  and  the 
larger  star  redoubt  between  Clinton  and  Montgomery  Streets, 


42  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

were  built  by  Spencer's  brigade,  Parsons'  regiment  doubtless 
having  a  share  in  the  construction.  Besides  the  Works  along 
the  rivers,  numerous  batteries  and  barricades  were  scattered 
through  the  city  while  a  considerable  fleet  of  small  vessels  was 
collected  to  patrol  the  harbor. 

In  the  latter  part  of  June,  what  was  known  as  the  "  Hickey 
Plot "  was  discovered.  An  attempt  had  been  made  to  enlist 
several  American  soldiers  belonging  to  the  artillery,  to  blow  up 
the  magazines  and  spike  the  cannon,  and  also  one  or  two  of 
Washington's  Life  Guards  who,  upon  the  first  engagement, 
were  to  assassinate  Washington  and  the  other  general  officers. 
"  The  matter  was  traced  up  to  Governor  Tryon,  and  Mayor 
Matthews  of  the  city  appears  to  have  been  a  principal  agent 
between  him  and  the  persons  concerned  in  it."  Among  the 
soldiers  implicated  was  Thomas  Hickey  of  the  Life  Guards,  who 
was  tried  by  a  court-martial  held  at  Headquarters  in  New 
York,  June  26,  by  warrant  of  General  Washington,  Colonel 
Samuel  Holden  Parsons,  president,  and  twelve  other  officers 
comprising  the  court.  The  charge  was  "  that  being  a  private 
sentinel  in  the  commander-in-chief's  guard,  he  was  accused  of 
exciting  and  joining  in  a  mutiny  and  sedition,  and  of  treacher 
ously  corresponding  with,  enlisting  among  and  receiving  pay 
from,  the  enemy  of  the  United  American  Colonies."  By  the 
unanimous  judgment  of  the  court,  Hickey  was  found  guilty 
The  General  approved  the  sentence  and  ordered  that  he  be 
hanged  on  the  28th  at  eleven  o'clock ;  and  "  that  all  the  officers 
and  men  off  duty  belonging  to  General  Heath's,  Spencer's, 
Lord  Stirling's  and  General  Scott's  brigades,  be  under  arms  on 
their  respective  parades  at  ten  o'clock  to-morrow  morning,  to 
march  from  thence  to  the  ground  between  General  Spencer's 
and  Lord  Stirling's  encampments,  to  attend  the  execution  of 
the  above  sentence.  .  .  .  The  Provost  Marshal  immediately 
to  make  the  necessary  preparations,  and  to  attend  on  that  duty 
to-morrow.  .  .  .  Each  of  the  brigade  majors  to  furnish  the 
Provost  Marshal  with  twenty  men  from  each  brigade,  with  good 
arms  and  bayonets  as  a  guard  on  the  prisoner  to  and  at  the 
place  of  execution."  The  letters  of  the  period  describe  the 
excitement  and  horror  produced  by  the  discovery  of  the  plot. 

On  the  9th  of  July  the  army  was  paraded  to  hear  read  the 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS         43 

Declaration  of  Independence.  The  day  ended  with  pulling 
down  the  equestrian  statue  of  George  III.  in  Bowling  Green 
and  sending  the  lead  of  which  it  was  made  to  Litchfield,  Connec 
ticut,  where  the  patriotic  ladies  of  that  town  moulded  it  into 
bullets  for  the  use  of  the  American  army. 

The  last  of  June  a  fleet  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  sail 
arrived  off  Sandy  Hook  with  General  Howe  and  his  Boston 
army  and  landed  on  Staten  Island.  During  July  the  trans 
ports  and  ships  of  war  in  the  harbor,  which  brought  additional 
troops,  increased  to  nearly  three  hundred  in  number,  and  a 
little  later  to  four  hundred.  On  the  1st  of  August  Clinton 
and  Cornwallis  arrived  unexpectedly  from  the  South,  and  on 
the  12th  came  Howe's  last  division  including  Heister's 
Hessians. 

August  9th,  Congress,  in  response  to  Washington's  request 
for  more  general  officers,  appointed  Heath,  Spencer,  Sullivan 
and  Greene,  major  generals,  and  James  Reed,  Nixon,  St.  Clair, 
McDougall,  Parsons  and  James  Clinton,  brigadier  generals. 
The  following  letter  enclosing  his  commission  was  received  by 
Parsons  from  his  college  mate,  John  Hancock,  President  of 
Congress : 

PHILADELPHIA,  Aug.  10,  1776. 

SIR. — The  Congress  having  yesterday  been  pleased  to  promote 
you  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier  General  in  the  Army  of  the  American 
States,  I  do  myself  the  pleasure  to  enclose  your  commission  and 
wish  you  happy. 

JOHN  HANCOCK, 
To  Saml.  Holden  Parsons.  Prest. 

General  Parsons  was  assigned  to  the  command  of  Spencer's 
old  brigade,  composed  of  Huntington's,  Wyllys',  Durkee's  and 
Tyler's  Connecticut  regiments  and  Ward's  Massachusetts  regi 
ment,  about  twenty-five  hundred  in  all,  and  all  Continental 
troops.  Spencer's  division  was  made  up  of  Parsons'  and 
Wadsworth's  brigades,  the  latter  composed  of  seven  regiments 
of  militia,  and  was  posted  along  the  East  River. 

While  the  army  was  in  New  York,  numerous  letters  passed 
between  General  Parsons  and  John  Adams,  his  old  college 
friend,  then  in  Congress,  relative  to  the  principles  which  should 
govern  appointments  in  the  army,  and  to  the  qualifications  of 


44  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

the  applicants  for  commissions.  The  two  following  very  char 
acteristic  letters  have  been  preserved  among  the  Parsons 
papers : — 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  22d,  1776. 

DEAR  SIR. — Your  obliging  letter  of  the  third  of  June  has  been 
too  long  unanswered.  I  acknowledge  the  difficulty  in  ascertaining 
the  comparative  merits  of  officers  and  the  danger  of  advancing 
friends  where  there  is  no  uncommon  merit.  This  danger  cannot 
be  avoided  by  any  other  means  than  making  it  an  invariable  rule 
to  promote  officers  in  succession,  for  if  you  make  a  King  the  judge 
of  uncommon  merit,  he  will  advance  favorites  without  merit  under 
color  or  pretence  of  it.  If  you  make  a  Minister  of  State  the 
judge,  he  will  naturally  promote  his  relatives,  connections  and 
friends. 

If  you  place  the  power  of  judging  of  extraordinary  merit  in  an 
assembly,  you  don't  mend  the  matter  much,  for  by  all  the  ex 
perience  I  have  had,  I  find  that  assemblies  have  favorites  as  well 
as  Kings  and  ministers.  The  favorites  of  assemblies  and  of  the 
leading  members,  are  not  always  the  most  worthy.  I  don't  know 
whether  they  ever  are.  The  leading  members  have  sons,  brothers 
and  cousins,  acquaintances,  friends  and  connections  of  one  sort 
or  another,  near  or  remote,  and  I  have  ever  found  these  leading 
members  of  assemblies  as  much  under  the  influence  of  nature  and 
her  passions  and  prejudices  as  Kings  and  ministers;  at  least,  the 
exceptions  are  few  and  the  difference  little.  The  principle  ad 
vantage  and  difference  lies  in  this,  that,  in  an  assembly,  there  are 
more  guards  and  checks  upon  the  infirmities  of  leading  men  than 
upon  Kings  and  ministers.  What  then  shall  we  say?  Shall  we 
leave  it  to  the  general  and  the  army?  Is  there  not  as  much 
favoritism,  as  much  nature,  passion  and  prejudice  in  the  army  as 
in  an  assembly;  at  Headquarters  as  in  a  Court;  in  a  general  as  in 
a  King  or  minister? 

Upon  the  whole,  I  believe  it  wisest  to  depart  from  the  line  of 
succession  as  seldom  as  possible,  but  I  cannot  think  that  the  power 
of  promotion  should  never  deviate  from  it  at  all.  Though  liable 
to  abuses  everywhere,  yet  I  assist  in  the  business  in  the  assembly. 
But  in  our  American  Army,  as  that  is  circumstanced,  it  is  as  diffi 
cult  to  settle  a  rule  of  succession  as  a  criterion  of  merit.  We  have 
troops  in  every  Province  from  Georgia  to  New  Hampshire.  A 
colonel  is  killed  in  New  Hampshire;  the  next  colonel  to  him  in  the 
American  Army  is  in  Georgia.  Must  we  send  the  colonel  from 
Georgia  to  command  the  regiment  in  New  Hampshire?  Upon  his 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS         45 

journey  he  is  seized  with  a  fever  and  dies.  The  next  colonel  is  in 
Canada.  We  must  then  send  to  Canada  for  a  colonel  to  go  to 
Portsmouth,  and  as  the  colonel  next  to  him  is  in  South  Carolina, 
we  must  send  a  colonel  from  thence  to  Canada  to  command  that 
regiment.  These  marches  and  countermarches  must  run  through 
all  the  corps  of  officers  and  will  occasion  such  inextricable  per 
plexities,  delays  and  uncertainties,  that  we  will  not  hesitate  to 
pronounce  it  impracticable  and  ruinous.  Shall  we  say  then  that 
succession  shall  take  place  among  the  officers  of  every  distant  army, 
or  in  every  distant  department.  My  own  private  opinion  is  that 
we  shall  never  be  quite  right  until  every  colony  is  permitted  to  raise 
their  own  troops  and  the  rule  of  succession  is  established  among 
the  officers  of  the  colony.  This,  where  there  are  troops  of  several 
colonies  serving  in  the  same  camp,  may  be  liable  to  some  incon 
veniences,  but  these  will  be  fewer  than  upon  any  other  plan  you 
can  adopt.  It  is  right,  I  believe,  to  make  the  rule  of  promotion 
among  captains  and  subalterns,  regimental  only,  and  that  among 
field  officers,  more  general.  But  the  question  is,  how  general  it 
shall  be — shall  it  extend  to  the  whole  American  Army  or  only  to 
the  whole  district  or  department,  or  only  to  the  separate  portion 
of  the  Army  serving  at  a  particular  place. 

That  it  is  necessary  to  enlist  an  army  to  serve  during  the  war  or, 
at  least,  for  a  longer  period  than  one  year,  and  to  offer  some  hand 
some  encouragement  for  that  end,  I  have  been  convinced  a  long 
time.  I  would  make  this  temptation  to  consist  partly  in  money, 
partly  in  land,  and  considerable  in  both.  It  has  been  too  long 
delayed,  but  I  think  it  will  now  be  soon  done.  What  is  the  reason 
that  New  York  must  continue  to  embarrass  the  continent?  Must 
it  be  so  forever?  What  is  the  cause  of  it?  And  have  they  no 
politicians  capable  of  instructing  and  forming  the  sentiments  of 
their  people?  or  are  their  people  incapable  of  seeing  and  feeling 
like  other  men?  One  would  think  that  their  proximity  to  New 
England  would  assimilate  their  opinions  and  principles.  One 
would  think  too  that  the  Army  would  have  some  influence  upon  them, 
but  it  seems  to  have  none.  New  York  is  likely  to  have  the  honor 
of  being  the  very  last  of  all  in  imbibing  the  general  principles  and 
the  true  system  of  American  policy.  Perhaps  she  will  never  enter 
tain  them  at  all. 

I  am  with  much  respect, 

Your  friend  and  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

P.  S. — Since  the  above  was  written,  a  bounty  of  ten  dollars  for 
three  years  is  voted.  I  am  ashamed  of  it,  but  cannot  help  it. 


46  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

PHILADELPHIA,  August  19,  1776. 

DEAR  SIR. — Your  favors  of  the  13th  and  15th  are  before  me. 
The  gentlemen  you  recommend  for  Majors,  Chapman  and  Dyer, 
will  be  recommended  by  the  Board  of  War  and  I  hope  agreed  to 
in  Congress.  I  thank  you  for  your  observations  upon  certain  field 
officers.  Patterson,  Shepherd  and  Brooks  make  the  best  figure,  I 
think,  upon  paper.  It  is  my  misfortune  that  I  have  not  the  least 
acquaintance  with  any  of  these  gentlemen,  having  never  seen  any 
one  of  them  or  heard  his  name  till  lately.  This  is  a  little  re 
markable.  Few  persons  in  the  Province  ever  traveled  over  it,  the 
whole  of  it,  more  than  I  have,  or  had  better  opportunities  to  know 
every  conspicuous  character.  But  I  don't  so  much  as  know  from 
what  parts  of  the  Province  Shepherd  and  Brooks  come,  of  what 
families  they  are,  their  education  or  employments.  I  should  be 
very  glad  to  be  informed.  Lt.  Col.  Henshaw  has  been  recommended 
to  me  by  Col.  Reed  for  promotion  as  a  useful  officer.  But  upon 
the  whole,  I  think  the  list  you  have  given  me  don't  shine.  I  am 
much  ashamed  of  it.  I  am  so  vexed  sometimes  as  almost  to  resolve 
to  make  interest  to  be  a  colonel  myself.  I  have  almost  vanity 
enough  to  think  that  I  could  make  a  figure  in  such  a  group.  But 
a  treacherous,  shattered  constitution  is  an  eternal  objection  against 
my  aspiring  at  military  command.  If  it  was  not  for  this  insuperable 
difficulty,  I  should  certainly  imitate  old  Nol  Cromwell  in  one 
particular,  that  is  in  launching  into  military  life  after  forty,  as 
much  as  I  dislike  his  character  and  example  in  others.  I  wish  I 
could  find  materials  anywhere  in  sufficient  quantities  to  make  good 
officers.  A  brave  and  able  man,  wherever  he  is,  shall  never  want  my 
vote  for  his  advancement,  nor  shall  an  ignorant,  awkward  dastard 
ever  want  it  for  his  dismission.  Congress  must  assume  a  higher 
tone  of  discipline  over  officers,  as  well  as  those,  over  their  men. 
With  regard  to  encouragements  in  money  and  lands  for  soldiers 
to  enlist  during  the  war,  I  have  ever  been  in  favor  of  it  as  the  best 
economy  and  the  best  policy,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that  rewards  in 
land  will  be  given  after  the  war  is  over,  but  the  majority  are  not 
of  my  mind  for  promising  it  now.  I  am  the  less  anxious  about  it, 
however,  for  a  reason  which  does  not  seem  to  have  much  weight 
with  the  majority,  although  it  may  cost  us  more  and  we  may  put 
now  and  then  a  battle  to  a  hazard  by  the  method  we  are  in,  yet  we 
shall  be  less  in  danger  of  corruption  and  violence  from  a  standing 
army,  and  our  militia  will  acquire  courage,  experience,  discipline 
and  hardiness  in  actual  service.  I  wish  every  man  upon  the  con 
tinent  were  a  soldier  and  obliged  upon  occasion  to  fight,  and  de 
termined  to  conquer  or  die.  Flight  was  unknown  to  the  Romans; 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        47 

I  wish  it  was  to  Americans.  There  was  a  flight  from  Quebec  and 
worse  than  a  flight  from  the  Cedars.  If  we  don't  atone  for  this 
disgrace,  we  are  undone.  A  more  exalted  love  of  country,  a  more 
enthusiastic  ardor  for  military  glory  and  a  deeper  detestation,  dis 
dain  and  horror  of  martial  disgrace,  must  be  excited  among  our 
people,  or  we  shall  perish  in  infamy.  I  will  certainly  give  my  voice 
for  devoting  to  the  infernal  gods  every  man,  high  or  low,  who  shall 
be  convicted  of  bashfulness  in  the  day  of  battle. 

I  am  affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
To  General  Parsons. 

P.  S. — Since  the  above  was  written,  Congress  has  accepted  the 
report  of  the  Board  of  War  and  appointed  Dyer  and  Chapman 
Majors.  I  had  much  pleasure  in  promoting  Dyer,  not  only  from 
his  own  excellent  character,  but  from  respect  to  my  good  friend, 
his  father. 

Both  Dyer  and  Chapman  were  Majors  in  Parsons'  brigade. 
August    4,    1776,   Adams   wrote    to   General   Greene   on   the 
same  subject,  as  follows: — 

A  general  officer  ought  to  be  a  gentleman  of  letters  and  general 
knowledge,  a  man  of  address  and  knowledge  of  the  world.  He 
should  carry  with  him  authority  and  command.  There  are  among 
the  New  England  officers  gentlemen  who  are  equal  to  all  this; 
Parsons,  Hitchcock,  Varnum  and  others  younger  than  they  and 
inferior  to  them  too  in  command;  but  these  are  a  great  ways  down 
in  the  list  of  colonels,  and  to  promote  them  over  the  heads  of  so 
many  veterans,  would  throw  all  into  confusion.  .  .  .  Name 
me  a  New  England  colonel  of  whose  real  qualifications  I  can  speak 
with  confidence,  who  is  entitled  to  promotion  by  succession,  and  if 
I  do  not  get  him  made  a  general  officer,  I  will  join  the  New  Eng 
land  colonels  in  their  jealousy  and  outclamor  the  loudest  of  them. 

Greene,  in  his  own  letter  to  Adams,  to  which  this  is  a  reply, 
referring  to  the  arrival  of  the  Howes  and  the  large  force  under 
their  command,  makes  this  somewhat  extraordinary  remark: — 
"  I  wrote  you  some  time  past,  I  thought  you  were  playing  a 
desperate  game.  I  think  so  still."  The  next  year  he  con 
tinued  to  write  in  the  same  tone  and  repeated  that  "  the  game 
was  desperate,  though  this  would  make  no  difference  in  his 
resolution  to  see  it  out." 


48  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

On  the  27th  of  August,  the  British  Army  numbered  about 
thirty-one  thousand  men,  of  whom  twenty-four  thousand  were 
effectives.  This  Army  included  nearly  every  one  of  England's 
veteran  regiments,  besides  about  eight  thousand  Hessians,  and 
was  perfectly  equipped  and  ably  officered.  Washington's 
Army  aggregated  about  twenty-eight  thousand  five  hundred 
officers  and  men,  between  eight  and  nine  thousand  of  whom 
were  unfit  or  unavailable  for  duty,  thus  leaving  but  about  nine 
teen  thousand  effectives,  most  of  whom  were  raw  troops,  poorly 
armed  and  equipped,  and  commanded  very  largely  by  inexperi 
enced  officers.  The  sick  were  very  numerous.  Heath  writes 
under  date  of  August  8,  that  they  then  amounted  to 
nearly  ten  thousand ;  and  Parsons,  on  the  4th,  writes  to  Colonel 
Little : — "  My  doctor  and  mate  are  sick.  I  have  nearly  two 
hundred  men  sick  in  camp ;  my  neighbors  are  in  very  little 
better  state." 

It  was  well  understood  that  Howe  was  nearly  ready  to  attack, 
but  at  what  point  was  wholly  uncertain  until  the  morning  of 
the  22d,  when  fifteen  thousand  of  his  troops  were  landed  on 
Long  Island.  So  soon  as  the  landing  was  accomplished,  Corn- 
wallis  occupied  Flatbush  with  the  Reserves,  the  main  body 
encamping  on  the  plains  between  Flatbush  and  the  Narrows. 

Fearing  an  immediate  attack,  Washington  the  same  day  rein 
forced  the  Brooklyn  lines  with  six  regiments.  On  the  24th,  he 
sent  over  three  regiments  from  Parsons'  brigade — Hunting- 
ton's,  Wyllys'  and  Tyler's — and  on  the  next  day  the  two 
remaining  regiments,  Durkee's  and  Ward's.  Brigadier  Lord 
Stirling  crossed  the  same  day,  half  his  brigade  having  preceded 
him.  Unfortunately,  General  Greene  was  at  this  time  stricken 
with  the  prevailing  fever,  and,  being  seriously  ill,  General 
Sullivan,  who  had  recently  returned  from  Canada,  was  ordered 
to  take  command  on  Long  Island.  On  the  24th,  he  was  super 
seded  by  Putnam,  his  senior  officer,  but  nevertheless  remained 
in  an  active,  though  subordinate  command.  By  General  Put 
nam's  order  of  the  25th,  a  provisional  arrangement  of  the 
troops  then  on  the  Island  was  made,  under  which  the  regiments 
of  Huntington,  Wyllys,  Tyler,  Silliman,  Chester,  Gay  and 
Ward  were  placed  under  the  command  of  General  Parsons. 
Pursuant  to  Washington's  instructions,  a  brigadier  of  the  day 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        49 

was  to  be  detailed,  "  who  should  remain  constantly  upon  the 
lines  that  he  may  be  upon  the  spot  to  take  command  and  see 
that  orders  are  duly  executed."  General  Nixon  was  assigned 
to  this  duty  for  the  24th;  General  Lord  Stirling  for  the  25th 
and  General  Parsons  for  the  26th,  so  that  it  was  his  fortune  to 
open  the  battle  of  Long  Island. 

During  the  whole  of  the  26th,  Washington  was  on  the 
Island  with  Putnam,  Sullivan  and  other  officers,  visiting  the 
outposts  and  reconnoitering  the  position  of  the  enemy,  but 
nothing  was  observed  indicating  the  storm  which  broke  so  sud 
denly  and  disastrously  on  the  morrow. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  BATTLE  OF  LONG  ISLAND.     RETREAT  TO  NEW  YORK. 

August,   1776 

A  RIDGE  of  broken  hills  from  forty  to  eighty  feet  in  height, 
extending  from  the  Narrows  easterly  through  the  center  of 
Long  Island  towards  the  village  of  Jamaica,  separated  the 
plain  on  which  the  British  Army  was  encamped  from  the 
Brooklyn  lines.  This  ridge  was  covered  with  a  dense  forest 
and  presented  an  impassable  barrier  to  artillery  except  at  four 
passes  or  natural  depressions  in  the  hills,  through  which  roads 
had  been  constructed.  The  Flatbush  Pass  near  the  main 
entrance  to  Prospect  Park,  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  Brooklyn 
lines,  was  crossed  by  the  main  road  leading  from  Flatbush  to 
the  Brooklyn,  now  Fulton,  Ferry.  The  Jamaica  Pass,  about 
four  miles  easterly  from  the  lines,  was  crossed  by  the  road 
from  Jamaica,  which,  running  through  the  village  of  Bedford, 
connected  with  the  Ferry  road  about  a  mile  towards  the  Ferry 
from  the  Flatbush  Pass.  A  short  distance  from  the  inter 
section  of  these  two  roads,  the  Gowanus  Road  branched  south 
erly,  running  south  of  the  Gowanus  Creek  to  the  village  and 
bay  of  that  name,  and  thence  by  the  Red  Lion  tavern  to  the 
Narrows.  From  the  tavern  the  Martense  Lane  led  through  a 
gorge  on  the  south  side  of  the  present  Greenwood  Cemetery 
and  connected  with  the  roads  south  of  the  ridge.  A  road  from 
Bedford  to  Flatbush  ran  through  the  Bedford  Pass.  South 
of  the  ridge  several  roads  crossed  the  plain  connecting  Flat- 
lands  with  the  Jamaica  Road  east  of  the  Jamaica  Pass. 

On  the  26th,  additional  troops  were  sent  over  from  New 
York,  raising  the  total  force  of  the  Americans  on  the  Island 
to  about  seven  thousand  effective  men.  Of  these,  three  regi 
ments  and  a  battery  held  the  Flatbush  Pass ;  Wyllys'  and  Ches 
ter's  regiments  of  Parsons'  brigade  held  the  Bedford  Pass; 

50 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        51 

Stirling  with  his  Marylanders  guarded  the  coast  road;  Colonel 
Miles  looked  after  the  Jamaica  Road  and  a  detail  of  five 
mounted  officers  patrolled  the  entrance  to  the  Jamaica  Pass. 
The  remainder  of  the  force,  about  forty-two  hundred  men,  were 
posted  along  the  Brooklyn  lines. 

On  the  25th,  De  Heister,  with  two  Hessian  brigades,  crossed 
from  Staten  Island,  increasing  Howe's  army  on  Long  Island 
to  twenty-one  thousand  men,  three  times  the  effective  force  of 
the  Americans.  On  the  evening  of  the  26th,  silently  and 
secretly  commenced  the  well-planned  movement  intended  to  over 
whelm  Washington  and  his  army.  A  flanking  column  of  ten 
thousand  men  under  Clinton,  Cornwallis,  Percy  and  Howe,  was 
to  gain  the  Jamaica  Pass  by  a  circuitous  route  of  nine  miles 
over  the  cross  roads  from  Flatlands,  and,  advancing  by  the 
Jamaica  and  Gowanus  Roads,  interpose  itself  between  the 
American  outposts  and  the  Brooklyn  lines,  thus  cutting  off 
their  retreat.  While  this  movement  was  in  progress,  De  Heis 
ter  was  to  engage  the  attention  of  the  guard  at  the  Flatbush 
Pass,  and  Grant,  advancing  from  the  Narrows  along  the  coast 
road  with  seven  thousand  men,  was  to  hold  the  guard  at  this 
point  by  a  feint  of  attacking  until  the  movement  on  their  right 
should  have  sufficiently  developed,  when  he  was  to  attack  in 
earnest. 

The  first  collision  took  place  on  the  Narrows  Road  at  about 
two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  Grant's  vanguard  struck  the 
American  pickets,  who  fell  back  after  an  exchange  of  fire 
without  checking  the  enemy.  A  report  of  this  was  taken  by 
some  of  the  guard  "  at  the  first  dawn  of  day "  to  General 
Parsons,  who,  as  the  brigadier  on  duty,  commanded  the  out 
posts,  and  also  to  General  Putnam  at  his  Quarters  in  the  lines. 
Parsons  immediately  rode  to  the  spot  and  "  found  by  fair  day 
light  that  the  enemy  were  through  the  woods  and  descending 
the  hill  on  the  north  side,  upon  which  with  twenty  of  his  fugi 
tive  guard,  all  he  could  collect,  he  took  post  on  a  height  in 
their  front  at  about  half  a  mile's  distance,  which  halted  their 
column  and  gave  time  to  Lord  Stirling  with  his  forces  to  come 
up."  In  front  of  the  British  was  a  low,  marshy  piece  of 
ground,  on  the  opposite  side  of  which  was  a  considerable  eleva 
tion  over  which  Stirling  formed  his  line  of  battle,  his  right 


52  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

resting  on  the  bay  road  and  his  left  on  the  woods  in  Greenwood 
Cemetery.  Grant,  seeing  this,  disposed  his  forces  as  if  about 
to  attack.  Finding  that  the  British  were  overlapping  his  left, 
Stirling  directed  Parsons  to  take  Atlee's  regiment  and  Hunt- 
ington's  of  his  own  brigade,  both  of  which  Parsons  had  sent 
forward,  and  extend  his  line  still  further  into  the  woods.  Here 
for  the  first  time  was  an  American  and  British  line  of  battle 
opposed  in  the  open  field,  but  Stirling  had  only  sixteen  hundred 
men  with  which  to  withstand  the  seven  thousand  of  Grant.  It 
was  now  seven  o'clock,  but  the  flanking  movement  was  still 
in  progress,  so  that  the  time  had  not  yet  arrived  for  Grant  to 
attack  in  force.  Stirling,  however,  was  not  aware  of  this  and 
kept  up  a  brisk  skirmishing  all  along  the  line  for  two  hours. 

As  Parsons'  two  regiments  moved  to  the  left,  "  a  hill  of  clear 
ground  "  was  seen  at  a  little  distance  well  situated  for  watching 
the  enemy.  Nearing  the  hill,  the  British  were  seen  also  march 
ing  to  seize  it.  Observing  this,  Parsons  hurried  Atlee  forward, 
but  the  enemy  arriving  first  poured  a  volley  into  his  ranks 
which  caused  his  men  to  waver  for  a  moment,  but  rallying  them 
quickly  and  leading  the  advance,  with  orders  "  to  reserve  their 
fire  and  aim  aright,"  he  pushed  forward  with  so  much  resolu 
tion  and  with  such  well-directed  fire,  that  the  enemy  fell  back 
leaving  twelve  killed  and  a  lieutenant  and  four  privates 
wounded.  Parsons'  whole  force  now  occupied  the  hill  and 
awaited  the  further  movements  of  the  British.  In  half  an  hour 
the  enemy  formed  for  another  attack,  but  again  Atlee's  and 
Huntington's  men  opened  on  them,  and  for  a  second  time  com 
pelled  them  to  retreat  with  the  loss  of  Lieut.  Colonel  Grant  of 
the  40th  Regiment,  whose  fall  gave  rise  to  the  report  that  the 
Division  Commander  himself  had  been  killed.  By  this  time  Par 
sons'  men  had  exhausted  their  ammunition,  but  fortunately 
Huntington's  ammunition  wagon  coming  on  to  the  field  just 
then,  they  were  able  to  refill  their  cartridge  boxes  against  a 
third  attack  which  was  threatened  with  the  assistance  of  the 
42d  Highlanders.  But  the  enemy  remained  quiet,  and  Parsons 
and  his  men  continued  in  possession  of  the  hill. 

The  flanking  column  reached  Bedford  at  about  half  after 
eight  in  the  morning,  having  captured  on  the  way  the  patrol 
at  the  Jamaica  Pass  and  thus  prevented  early  notice  of  the 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        53 

movement  to  the  Americans.  Miles,  marching  through  the 
woods,  unexpectedly  ran  into  the  British  column  on  the 
Jamaica  Road  and  was  taken  with  many  of  his  men,  but  half  his 
regiment  made  good  its  escape.  Wyllys  and  Chester  at  the 
Bedford  Pass,  discovering  the  enemy  at  Bedford  in  their  rear, 
promptly  retreated  and  reached  the  lines  with  little  loss.  While 
the  enemy  was  at  Bedford,  Sullivan,  ignorant  of  the  fact,  went 
from  the  lines  "  to  the  hill  near  Flatbush  to  reconnoiter  the 
enemy,"  and  with  four  hundred  of  the  picket  guard  was  caught 
between  the  flanking  column  and  the  advancing  Hessians,  but 
Henshaw  and  Cornell  escaping  the  trap,  brought  in  their  regi 
ments  in  safety  and  good  order. 

The  day  had  been  lost  on  the  American  left  and  center  and 
Cornwallis  was  now  marching  down  the  Gowanus  Road  to  crush 
Stirling  between  his  brigades  and  Grant's.  Seeing  his  danger, 
Stirling  ordered  his  men  to  make  their  way  the  best  they  could 
across  the  Gowanus  Creek  and  marsh,  while  to  protect  their 
retreat  he  vigorously  attacked  the  British  with  half  his  Mary- 
landers,  nearly  all  of  whom  with  himself  were  taken  prisoners 
in  their  effort  to  save  the  rest  of  the  command.  When  Stirling 
fell  back  from  Grant's  front  in  order  to  attack  Cornwallis,  he 
failed  to  send  notice  of  the  movement  to  Parsons  whom  he  had 
"  ordered  to  maintain  his  ground  till  receipt  of  his  orders  to 
retreat."  Hearing  the  heavy  firing  in  his  rear  and  receiving  no 
orders  to  retreat  and  "  finding  the  enemy  by  rallying  to 
increase  on  his  hands,  Parsons  flew  to  the  place  where  Lord 
Stirling  was  posted,  leaving  his  party  on  the  ground  with  strict 
orders  to  maintain  it  till  his  return,  but  found  his  Lordship 
and  his  whole  body  of  troops  gone."  Pushed  in  front  by  Grant, 
his  retreat  along  the  road  or  across  the  marsh  cut  off  by  Corn 
wallis,  "  he  had  no  alternative  left  but  to  force  his  way  through 
one  line  into  a  thick  wood  which  he  effected  with  part  of  his 
men,"  not  over  three  hundred  in  number,  who  soon  broke  up  into 
small  parties  and  tried  to  escape  through  the  woods,  but  were 
nearly  all  taken.  Atlee  with  twenty-three  men  avoided  capture 
until  late  in  the  afternoon,  while  Parsons,  more  fortunate,  was 
able  to  conceal  himself  in  a  marsh  whence  with  seven  men  he 
escaped  to  our  lines  the  next  morning.  The  hill  in  Greenwood 
Cemetery  which  Parsons  is  supposed  to  have  seized  and  held 


54  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

against  the  British,  is  now  known  as  "  Battle  Hill "  and  is 
marked  by  a  soldiers'  monument.  Some  of  the  hardest  fighting 
of  the  day  was  on  this  spot,  and  the  enemy  suffered  more 
severely  here  than  at  any  other  one  point  in  the  whole  range 
of  five  miles  over  which  the  battle  was  fought.  In  Parsons' 
front  were  counted  upwards  of  sixty  of  the  enemy's  dead,  and 
"  the  four  regiments  alone  which  at  different  times  encountered 
Parsons,  the  17th,  23d,  42d  and  44th,  lost  in  the  aggregate 
eighty-six  officers  and  men  killed  and  wounded." 

The  total  American  loss  in  the  battle,  according  to  the  best 
authorities,  did  not  exceed  one  thousand,  of  whom  not  over  two 
hundred  and  fifty  were  killed  or  wounded,  being  one  hundred 
less  than  the  casualties  of  the  enemy  whose  total  loss  was  about 
the  same  as  ours. 

The  two  following  letters  describing  the  battle  were  written 
by  General  Parsons  to  his  college  friend,  John  Adams,  then  a 
delegate  in  Congress,  the  originals  of  which  in  1878  were  in 
possession  of  Charles  Francis  Adams  and  are  included  in  the 
documents  accompanying  Johnston's  "  Campaign  around  New 
York:" 

LONG  ISLAND,  29th  Aug.,  1776. 

DEAR  SIR. —  .  .  .  Before  this  reaches  you  the  account  of  the 
battle  of  Tuesday  last  will  arrive — 'tis  impossible  to  be  particular 
in  a  narrative  of  the  matter  as  many  are  yet  missing,  who  we  may 
hope  to  come  in.  In  the  night  of  the  26th,  nine  regiments  of  the 
English  troops,  perhaps  about  2,500,  with  Field  artillery,  &c., 
passed  the  Western  road  near  the  Narrows  from  the  flat  land,  for 
our  lines.  We  had  a  guard  of  400  or  500  men  posted  in  the  wood, 
who  about  three  o'clock  Tuesday  morning  gave  notice  of  the 
enemy's  approach,  a  body  of  about  1,500  men.  We  immediately 
marched  down  to  oppose  the  progress  of  the  enemy.  We  took  pos 
session  of  a  hill  about  two  miles  from  camp  and  detached  Col. 
Atlee  with  a  Reg't.  of  Delaware  to  meet  them  further  on  the  road; 
in  about  60  rods  he  drew  up  &  received  the  enemy's  fire  &  gave 
them  a  well  directed  fire  from  his  Reg't.,  which  did  great  execu 
tion  &  then  retreated  to  the  hill;  from  thence  I  was  ordered  with 
Col.  Atlee  &  part  of  his  Reg't.  &  Lt.  Col.  Clark  with  Col.  Hunting- 
ton's  Reg't.  to  cover  the  left  flank  of  our  main  body. 

This  we  executed  though  our  number  did  at  no  time  exceed  300 
men  &  were  attacked  three  several  times  by  two  Regiments,  the  44th 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        55 

&  23d,  and  repulsed  them  in  every  attack  with  considerable  loss. 
The  number  of  dead  we  had  collected  together  &  the  heap  the  enemy 
had  made  we  supposed  amounted  to  about  60.  We  had  12  or  14 
wounded  prisoners  who  we  caused  to  be  dress'd  &  their  wounds  put 
in  the  best  state  our  situation  would  admit.  About  10  o'clock  we 
found  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  had  advanced  on  the  other  roads 
near  our  lines,  but  a  constant  fire  was  kept  up  on  the  enemy  till 
about  12,  when  we  found  them  fast  advancing  on  our  rear  to  cut 
off  our  retreat.  Our  little  main  body  advanced  boldly  up  to  the 
enemy  in  the  rear  &  broke  through  their  lines  and  secured  the  retreat 
of  most  of  the  party;  but  it  fared  still  harder  with  my  little  party 
who  had  three  times  repulsed  the  enemy  in  front  and  once  in  the 
rear;  we  had  no  notice  of  the  retreat  of  the  main  body  till  it  was 
too  late  for  us  to  join  them,  the  enemy  having  cut  off  our  retreat 
on  three  sides  &  the  main  body  having  broke  through  the  enemy's 
lines  on  the  other  side  and  left  them  between  us.  We  had  no  alter 
native  left  but  force  through  one  line  into  a  thick  wood,  which  we 
attempted  &  effected  with  part  of  our  men,  the  other  part  with  Col. 
Clark  being  before  sent  into  the  wood.  When  we  had  made  our  way 
into  the  wood,  I  was  accidentally  parted  from  Col.  Atlee  &  most 
of  the  men,  whom  I  have  never  seen  since.  I  came  in  with  7  men, 
yesterday  morning  much  fatigued.  Our  loss  is  impossible  to  be 
ascertained.  In  my  party  a  Lt.  Col.  Parry  was  killed  and  one 
wounded.  Our  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  is  inconsiderable,  but 
many  are  missing,  among  whom  are  General  Sullivan  and  Lord 
Stirling,  Colonels  Miles,  Atlee,  Johnson,  Lt.  Col.  Clark,  Maj. 
Wells  &  several  other  officers  of  distinction  are  yet  missing.  I  think 
the  trial  of  that  day  far  from  being  any  discouragement,  but  in 
general  our  soldiers  behaved  with  firmness. 

I  am  sir,  with  esteem  and  regard 

Yr.  Humble  Svt. 
To  John  Adams  in  Congress.  SAM'L.  H.  PARSONS. 

MORRISANIA,  Oct.  8,  1776. 

DEAR  SIR. — Your's  of  the  2d  inst.  I  rec'd  last  night,  for  which 
I  am  obliged  to  you.  If  any  information  I  can  give  will  contribute 
to  your  satisfaction  or  my  country's  good  I  am  happy  in  furnishing 
what  falls  under  my  observation.  I  agree  fully  with  you  that  you 
were  in  the  dark  as  to  some  facts  relative  to  the  transactions  on 
Long  Island,  &  am  fully  satisfied  that  you  still  remain  so,  or  you 
would  not  suppose  the  surprise  there  was  in  the  daytime.  To  give 
you  a  clear  idea  of  the  matter,  I  must  trouble  you  with  a  descrip 
tion  of  that  part  of  the  country  where  the  enemy  landed  and  en- 


56  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

camped  and  the  intervening  lands  between  that  and  our  lines.  From 
the  point  of  land  which  forms  the  east  side  of  the  Narrows,  runs  a 
ridge  of  hills  about  N.  E.  in  length  about  5  or  6  miles,  covered  with 
a  thick  wood  which  terminates  in  a  small  rising  land  near  Jamaica; 
through  these  hills  are  three  passes  only,  one  near  the  Narrows, 
one  on  the  road  called  the  Flatbush  road  &  one  called  the  Bedford 
road,  being  a  cross  road  from  Bedford  to  Flatbush  which  lies  on 
the  southerly  side  of  these  hills ;  these  passes  are,  through  the  moun 
tains  or  hills,  easily  defensible,  being  very  narrow  and  the  lands 
high  and  mountainous  on  each  side.  These  are  the  only  roads 
which  can  be  passed  from  the  south  side  the  hill  to  our  lines,  except 
a  road  leading  around  the  easterly  end  of  the  hills  to  Jamaica.  On 
each  of  these  roads  were  placed  a  guard  of  800  men,  and  east  of 
them  in  the  wood  was  placed  Col  Miles  with  his  Battalion  to  watch 
the  motion  of  the  enemy  on  that  part,  with  orders  to  keep  a  party 
constantly  reconnoitering  to  and  across  the  Jamaica  road.  The  sen 
tinels  were  so  placed  as  to  keep  a  constant  communication  between 
the  three  guards  on  the  three  roads.  South  of  these  hills  lies  a  lar^e 
plain  extending  from  the  North  River  easterly  to  Rockaway  B°y 
perhaps  5  miles  &  southerly  to  the  sound  bounded  on  the  south  by 
the  sound  and  on  the  north  by  the  hills.  Those  hills  were  from  two 
to  three  miles  and  a  half  from  our  lines.  The  enemy  landed  on 
this  plain  &  extended  their  camp  from  the  River  to  Flatbush,  per 
haps  3  or  4  miles.  On  the  day  of  the  surprise  I  was  on  duty,  and 
at  the  first  dawn  of  day  the  guards  from  the  West  road  near  the 
Narrows,  came  to  my  quarters  &  informed  me  the  enemy  were 
advancing  in  great  numbers  by  that  road.  I  soon  found  it  true  & 
that  the  whole  guard  had  fled  without  firing  a  gun;  these  (by  way 
of  retaliation  I  must  tell  you)  were  all  New  Yorkers  &  Pennsyl- 
vanians;  I  found  by  fair  daylight  the  enemy  were  through  the  wood 
&  descending  the  hill  on  the  North  side,  on  which  with  20  of  my 
fugitive  guard  being  all  I  could  collect,  I  took  post  on  a  height  in 
their  front  at  about  half  a  mile's  distance,  which  halted  their  column 
&  gave  time  for  Lord  Stirling  with  his  forces  to  come  up;  thus 
much  for  the  West  road.  On  the  east  next  Jamaica,  Col.  Miles 
suffered  the  enemy  to  march  not  less  than  6  miles  till  they  came 
near  two  miles  in  the  rear  of  the  guards  before  he  discovered  and 
gave  notice  of  their  approach.  This  also  was  in  the  night  &  the 
guard  kept  by  the  Pennsylvanians  altogether — the  New  England 
and  New  Jersey  troops  being  in  the  other  two  roads  through  which 
the  enemy  did  not  attempt  to  pass. 

We  were  surprised — our  principal  barrier  lost  by  that  surprise, 
but  as  far  as  the  cover  of  the  night  is  an  excuse  we  have  it.     The 


57 

landing  of  the  troops  could  not  be  prevented  at  the  distance  of  6  or 
7  miles  from  our  lines ;  on  a  plain  under  the  cannon  of  the  ships, 
just  in  with  the  shore.  Our  unequal  numbers  would  not  admit 
attacking  them  on  the  plain  when  landed. 

When  our  principal  barrier  was  lost,  our  numbers  so  much  inferior 
to  the  enemy,  they  not  disposed  to  storm  our  lines,  but  set  down  to 
make  regular  approaches  to  us — were  part  of  the  reasons  which 
induced  a  retreat  from  thence  and  a  consequent  abandoning  of  New 
York.  Our  sentinels  and  guards  in  my  opinion  were  well  posted, 
they  might  have  been  better,  too  great  security  I  thought  prevailing 
with  some  leading  officers,  but  I  am  still  of  the  opinion,  if  our 
guards  on  the  West  road  &  Col.  Miles  on  East  end  of  the  hills  had 
done  their  duty,  the  enemy  would  not  have  passed  those  important 
heights,  without  such  very  great  loss  as  would  have  obliged  them 
to  abandon  any  further  enterprise  on  the  Island. 

I  am  sir 

Your  Most  Humble  Sv't. 
To  John  Adams  in  Congress.  SAM'L  H.  PARSONS. 

To  secure  the  Works  from  assault,  Washington  on  the  after 
noon  of  the  27th,  had  increased  the  force  on  his  lines  to  nine 
thousand  men.  Skirmishes  were  frequent  enough  and  with 
variable  success,  but  Howe  showed  no  disposition  to  take  the 
Works  by  storm.  The  Bunker  Hill  lesson  was  too  fresh  in  his 
mind.  Instead,  he  commenced  regular  approaches,  and  on  the 
morning  of  the  29th  completed  his  first  parallel.  This  forced 
the  alternative  upon  the  Americans  of  either  driving  the  enemy 
from  their  Works  or  retreating  to  New  York.  As  defeat  must 
prove  disastrous,  and,  under  the  unequal  conditions,  almost  cer 
tain,  the  enemy  being  two  to  one  and  the  advantage  of  fighting 
in  trenches  being  equal  to  but  three  to  one,  and  as  the  fleet  was 
waiting  only  for  a  favorable  wind  to  run  up  the  East  River  and 
cut  off  all  communications  with  New  York,  the  only  safety  for 
the  army  was  plainly  in  an  immediate  withdrawal. 

Late  in  the  day  of  the  29th  a  Council  of  War  was  held  at 
the  house  of  Philip  Livingston  near  the  corner  of  Hicks  and 
Joralemon  streets,  at  which  were  present,  General  Washington, 
Major  Generals  Putnam  and  Spencer,  and  Brigadier  Generals 
Mifflin,  McDougall,  Parsons,  Scott,  Wadsworth  and  Fellows. 
After  much  discussion,  the  Council,  "  convinced  by  unanswer 
able  reasons,"  unanimously  decided  upon  an  immediate  retreat. 


58  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Boats  had  already  been  collected.  Each  regiment  was  ordered 
to  parade  at  seven  o'clock,  and,  as  soon  as  it  was  dark,  the 
embarkation  commenced  from  the  Brooklyn  Ferry  in  the  midst 
of  a  pouring  rain.  Mifflin  and  the  rear  guard  did  not  get  off 
until  about  sunrise,  but  a  dense  sea-fog  rolling  in  at  early  dawn 
enabled  them  to  move  without  attracting  the  attention  of  the 
enemy.  Before  seven  o'clock  the  entire  force  had  crossed  safely 
to  New  York,  having  effected  one  of  the  most  masterly  retreats 
on  record. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

BUSHNELI/S  TORPEDO.     KIP'S  BAY  AFFAIR.     RETREAT  FROM 
YORK.     BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS. 

September,   1776 

"  UPON  the  rebels  abandoning  their  lines  at  Brooklyn,"  writes 
Sir  William  Howe  to  Lord  Germain  describing  the  disposition 
of  his  troops  after  the  battle  of  Long  Island,  "  the  King's 
army  moved  from  Bedford,  leaving  Lieut.  General  Heister 
encamped  upon  the  Heights  of  Brooklyn  with  two  brigades  of 
Hessians,  and  one  brigade  of  British  at  Bedford,  and  took  five 
positions  in  the  neighborhood  of  Newtown,  Bushwick,  Hell  Gate 
and  Flushing.  The  two  islands  of  Montressor  and  Buchanan 
(now  Randall's  and  Ward's)  were  occupied  and  batteries  raised 
against  the  enemy's  Work  at  Horn's  Hook,  commanding  the 
passage  of  Hell  Gate."  Had  boats  been  at  hand  to  transfer 
these  troops  to  Pell's  Point,  for  which  they  were  conveniently 
posted,  Howe  might  have  anticipated  his  October  flank  move 
ment  and  maneuvered  Washington  out  of  New  York  with  little 
loss. 

In  the  reorganization  of  the  army  which  followed  the  retreat 
from  Long  Island,  Parsons'  brigade  of  Continentals,  to  which 
Prescott's  Massachusetts  men,  who  up  to  this  time  had  gar 
risoned  Governor's  Island,  had  been  transferred,  was  assigned 
to  the  First  Division  under  Putnam  and  stationed  at  Corlears 
Hook.  The  particular  duty  of  this  Division,  which  besides  Par 
sons'  brigade  included  those  of  Scott,  James  Clinton,  Fellows 
and  Silliman,  was  to  guard  the  East  River  up  as  far  as 
Fifteenth  Street.  The  Second  Division  of  six  brigades  under 
Spencer,  continued  the  line  to  Horn's  Hook  and  Harlem.  The 
Third  Division,  composed  of  Mifflin's  and  George  Clinton's 
brigades,  under  Heath,  was  stationed  at  Kingsbridge.  About 
five  thousand  men  were  left  in  the  city,  the  main  body  of  the 
army  being  concentrated  around  and  above  Harlem. 

59 


60  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

While  the  army  was  yet  in  New  York  an  interesting  incident 
occurred,  very  disturbing  to  the  British.  David  Bushnell  of 
Saybrook,  a  student  at  Yale  (1771-1775),  who  is  regarded  by 
the  best  judges  as  the  originator  of  submarine  warfare,  had 
while  in  college  perfected  a  torpedo  boat  with  which  he  pro 
posed  to  blow  up  the  British  fleet  in  New  York  Harbor.  In  the 
summer  of  1776,  he  came  to  New  York  with  his  invention  to 
try  it  on  the  "  Asia  "  man-of-war,  but  his  brother,  who  was  to 
work  the  boat,  falling  sick,  he  applied  to  General  Parsons  for 
someone  who  would  be  willing  to  learn  the  "  ways  and  mystery 
of  the  new  machine  and  make  a  trial  of  it."  Parsons  sent  for 
his  brother-in-law,  Sergeant  Ezra  Lee  of  the  10th  Connecticut, 
and  two  others,  volunteers  for  service  in  a  fireship  when 
wanted,  to  undertake  the  enterprise.  They  consented  to  try 
the  machine,  and,  after  experimenting  with  it  up  the  Sound  until 
familiar  with  its  "  mysteries,"  towed  it  down  to  New  Rochelle 
and  carried  it  overland  from  there  to  the  Hudson,  the  East 
River  at  that  time  being  in  possession  of  the  enemy.  Septem 
ber  5,  1776,  General  Parsons  wrote  to  General  Heath  in  com 
mand  at  Kingsbridge : 

SIR. — As  the  machine  designed  to  attempt  blowing  up  the  enemy's 
ships  is  to  be  transferred  from  the  East  to  the  North  River,  where 
a  small  vessel  will  be  wanted  to  receive  it,  I  wish  you  would  order 
one  for  the  purpose.  As  all  things  are  now  ready  to  make  the 
experiment,  I  wish  it  may  not  be  delayed.  Though  the  event  is 
uncertain,  the  experiment  under  our  present  circumstances  is  cer 
tainly  worth  trying. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  obedient  humble  servant, 

SAM'L  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Maj.  General  Heath  at  Kingsbridge. 

This  machine,  which  is  described  as  turtle  shaped  and  not 
more  than  seven  feet  long,  was  strongly  built  of  oak,  the 
sides,  six  inches  thick,  well  caulked  and  pitched,  with  sufficient 
space  inside  for  one  person  to  sit  or  stand  and  navigate  it. 
The  man-hole  in  the  top  was  closed  by  a  brass  door  in  which 
were  bull's-eyes  to  admit  light.  The  boat  was  submerged  by 
letting  in  water  and  brought  to  the  surface  by  pumping  it  out, 
or,  if  the  pumps  became  choked,  by  letting  go  part  of  the 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        61 

ballast.  The  boat  was  steered  by  a  rudder  with  a  curved  tiller 
which  entered  through  a  water  joint,  and  was  driven,  or  rather 
drawn,  through  the  water  by  a  rude  sort  of  propeller  made  by 
crossing  at  right  angles  two  pieces  of  wood  four  inches  wide 
and  twelve  inches  long  with  beveled  sides,  like  the  arms  of  a 
windmill.  This  was  fastened  to  a  shaft  piercing  the  bow 
instead  of  the  stern  of  the  boat,  and  revolved  by  means  of  a 
crank.  By  hard  labor,  it  was  possible  with  this  apparatus  to 
make  three  knots  an  hour  for  a  short  time.  This  seems  to  have 
been  the  earliest  application  of  the  screw  to  the  propulsion  of 
vessels  on  record. 

The  magazine  containing  the  powder  was  egg-shaped  and 
made  of  two  oak  blocks  hollowed  out  and  bound  with  hoops. 
Within  it  were  clockworks  which  could  be  set  to  spring  a  gun- 
lock  at  any  fixed  time  after  starting  the  clock,  when  an  explo 
sion  would  follow.  This  contrivance  was  attached  to  the  stern 
of  the  boat  and  could  be  disengaged  by  turning  a  screw.  A 
sharp-pointed  screw,  to  which  the  magazine  had  been  made  fast 
by  a  few  feet  of  line,  projected  vertically  from  the  top  of  the 
boat.  In  attacking  a  ship,  the  first  thing  to  be  done  was  to 
drive  this  screw  firmly  into  the  ship's  bottom,  when,  by  turning 
the  setscrews  which  held  it  in  place,  it  would  be  detached  from 
the  boat  and  left  in  the  ship  as  a  fastening  for  the  line  to  which 
the  magazine  was  tied,  so  that  the  magazine,  after  being 
released  from  the  boat,  could  not  float  off  beyond  the  length  of 
the  line  and  must  at  all  times  remain  in  close  contact  with  the 
ship's  bottom.  The  moment  the  magazine  was  cast  off  from 
the  boat,  the  clockworks  started,  and  the  navigator,  to  escape 
the  explosion,  had  to  pull  away  with  all  speed  from  the  ship. 

On  the  night  chosen  for  the  attempt,  the  machine  was  towed 
by  whale  boats  as  near  the  "  Asia  "  as  it  was  prudent  to  go  and 
then  cast  off.  Running  under  the  stern  of  the  ship,  Lee  could 
see  the  men  on  deck  and  hear  them  talk.  Closing  the  brass  door 
in  the  dome  of  his  craft,  he  sank  so  as  to  come  up  under  the 
ship.  Here  he  worked  for  two  hours  endeavoring  to  fasten 
the  screw  into  the  ship's  bottom,  but  the  buoyancy  of  the  boat 
was  not  sufficient  to  furnish  the  resistance  necessary  to  enable 
him  to  penetrate  the  copper  sheathing.  Finding  that  he  could 
not  succeed  and  that  daylight  was  approaching  when  the  boats 


62  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

of  the  fleet  would  be  rowing  in  all  directions,  he  "  thought  the 
best  generalship  was  to  retreat,"  as  he  had  four  miles  to  go 
before  passing  Governor's  Island.  When  abreast  the  Island, 
he  was  observed  from  the  parapet  of  the  Fort,  and  a  twelve 
oared  barge  put  out  after  him.  "  When  it  had  got  within 
fifty  or  sixty  yards,"  writes  the  plucky  navigator,  "  I  let  loose 
the  magazine  in  hopes  that  if  they  should  take  me,  they  would 
also  pick  up  the  magazine  and  that  we  should  all  be  blown  up 
together;  but  as  a  kind  Providence  would  have  it,  they  took 
fright  and  returned  to  the  Island  to  my  infinite  joy.  I  then 
weathered  the  Island  and  our  people  seeing  me,  came  off  in  a 
whale  boat  and  towed  me  in.  The  magazine,  after  getting  a 
little  past  the  Island,  went  off  with  a  tremendous  explosion." 
According  to  one,  perhaps  somewhat  exaggerated  account, 
"  the  enemy's  ships  took  the  alarm,  cut  their  cables  and  pro 
ceeded  to  the  Hook  with  all  possible  dispatch,  sweeping  their 
bottoms  with  chains  and  with  difficulty  preventing  their 
affrighted  crews  from  jumping  overboard." 

Washington  was  much  interested  in  the  experiment  and,  with 
other  officers  in  the  secret,  is  said  to  have  watched  it  from  a 
roof  in  lower  Broadway.  The  evacuation  of  New  York  pre 
vented  further  experiments  in  the  harbor,  but  a  frigate  anchor 
ing  off  Bloomingdale  soon  after,  Lee  attempted  to  get  under  it 
with  his  machine,  but  being  discovered  was  obliged  to  desist. 
Had  Lee  succeeded  in  blowing  up  the  "  Asia  "  man-of-war,  this 
novel  method  of  warfare  would  have  created  such  a  panic  in 
the  fleet,  that  his  Majesty's  frigates  would  never  have  anchored 
in  Kip's  Bay,  and  the  affair  of  September  15th  and  the  battle 
of  Harlem  Heights  would  never  have  occurred. 

The  retreat  from  Long  Island  had  left  the  army  badly 
demoralized.  The  confidence  of  the  troops  in  their  officers  and 
in  themselves  had  been  severely  shaken,  and  the  situation  in 
New  York  was  by  no  means  reassuring.  They  had  apparently 
escaped  from  one  trap  only  to  fall  into  another.  The  enemy's 
fleet  controlled  the  rivers  and  flight  in  that  direction  was 
impossible.  A  strong  force  once  landed  in  their  rear,  either 
from  the  North  or  East  River,  they  would  be  effectually  penned 
in  on  the  Island  and  obliged  to  fight  on  the  enemy's  terms  or 
surrender  at  discretion.  The  acknowledged  untenableness  of 


the  city  and  the  hurrying  of  the  evacuation,  added  to  the 
general  uneasiness.  So  shaky  was  the  morale  of  the  soldiers 
retained  in  the  city  that  any  sudden  attack  was  almost  certain 
to  create  a  panic  and  a  rush  for  a  place  of  safety. 

Washington  had  hoped  to  hold  the  city  until  he  found  that 
his  troops  could  not  be  depended  on.  Convinced  that  evacua 
tion  was  inevitable,  in  a  letter  to  Congress,  September  2d,  he 
submitted  this  question :  "  If  we  should  be  obliged  to  abandon 
the  town,  ought  it  to  stand  as  winter  quarters  for  the  enemy?" 
On  the  5th,  Greene  wrote  giving  it  as  his  opinion,  that  a  general 
and  speedy  retreat  was  absolutely  necessary  and  that  the  city 
and  its  suburbs  should  be  burned.  John  Jay,  although  a  New 
Yorker,  had  already  urged  its  destruction.  But  Congress  sent 
back  the  answer  "  that  no  damage  should  be  done  the  city,  it 
being  only  a  question  of  time  when  its  possession  would  be 
recovered." 

The  measure  proposed  was  heroic ;  had  it  been  carried  into 
effect,  it  might  have  proved  as  disastrous  to  Howe's  Army  as 
the  burning  of  Moscow  did  to  Napoleon's.  A  Council  of  War, 
held  on  the  7th,  reluctant  to  abandon  the  city  and  influenced 
by  the  supposed  wish  of  Congress,  voted  to  retain  five  thousand 
troops  in  the  city  and  post  nine  thousand  at  Kingsbridge. 
Not  satisfied  with  the  conclusions  of  the  Council  and  sensible 
of  the  danger  of  attempting  to  hold  the  city,  Major  General 
Greene  and  Brigadiers  Mifflin,  Nixon,  Beale,  Parsons,  Wads- 
worth  and  Scott  asked  for  a  second  Council,  which  voted  on 
the  12th  to  evacuate  the  city  immediately  and  retire  to  Har 
lem  Heights,  a  decision  arrived  at  not  a  moment  too  soon.  The 
removal  of  the  baggage  and  stores,  which  had  been  in  progress 
for  several  days,  would  have  been  completed  on  the  15th,  by 
which  time  everything  would  have  been  in  readiness  to  abandon 
the  city.  On  the  evening  of  the  14th,  Washington,  believing 
that  Harlem  would  be  the  point  of  attack,  removed  his  Head 
quarters  to  Colonel  Morris'  house  on  the  Heights  at  One  Hun 
dred  and  Sixty-first  Street,  now  famous  as  the  Jumel  Man 
sion.  A  more  commanding  position  he  could  not  have  chosen, 
for  with  the  whole  course  of  the  Harlem,  the  Plains,  the  East 
River  and  the  hills  of  Long  Island  in  full  view,  it  was  possible 
to  observe  almost  every  considerable  movement  of  the  enemy 


64  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

towards  his  left  and  flank.  But  it  was  a  strange  caprice  of 
fortune  that  this  old  Colonial  dwelling  (built  in  1758)  wfyich 
Washington  made  his  Headquarters,  should  have  been  the 
wedding  present  of  Mary  Philipse,  his  early  love ;  and  that 
its  great  oval  dining-room,  where  she  had  so  often  with  her 
loyalist  friends  drank  to  the  health  of  King  George  and  the 
confusion  of  his  enemies,  should  have  become  the  Council 
Chamber  of  her  rebel  lover  and  his  generals. 

The  Bowery  and  its  continuation,  the  Post  or  Kingsbridge 
Road,  which  ran  along  the  lines  of  Fourth  and  Lexington 
Avenues  through  McGowan's  Pass  to  Kingsbridge,  was  the 
main  road  leading  from  the  city  to  the  upper  end  of  the 
Island.  At  Madison  Square,  the  Bloomingdale  Road,  the 
present  Broadway,  branched  to  the  left  and  ended  on  Harlem 
Heights  not  far  from  the  Hudson.  These  two  roads  were  con 
nected  by  a  cross  road  very  nearly  on  the  line  of  Forty-second 
Street.  A  line  of  fortifications  extended  along  the  East  River 
from  Grand  to  Thirty-fourth  Street,  which  were  held,  those 
at  Thirty-fourth  Street  by  Douglas'  brigade;  at  Twenty- 
third  Street,  by  Wadsworth's;  at  Twelfth  Street,  by  Scott's 
and  at  Grand  Street  by  Parsons'.  All  these  brigades  ex 
cept  Parsons'  were  composed  of  militia.  There  was  also  a 
formidable  battery  at  Horn's  Hook  opposite  Hell  Gate,  held 
by  Chester's  and  Sargent's  brigades,  and  connected  by  a  chain 
of  sentinels  with  the  Works  below,  which  caused  Howe  to  land 
further  down  the  river,  instead  of  at  Harlem  as  he  had 
intended. 

On  the  early  morning  of  Sunday,  September  15th,  two  forty- 
gun  ships  and  three  frigates  sailed  up  from  Wallabout  Bay 
and  anchored  in  Kip's  Bay  somewhat  to  the  left  of  Douglas' 
position  and  within  musket  shot  of  the  shore,  the  design  being 
to  turn  the  flank  of  the  fortified  line.  Some  four  thousand 
British  and  Hessians  under  Clinton  and  Cornwallis,  were  in  the 
meanwhile  embarked  in  eighty-four  boats  in  Newtown  Creek. 
"  As  soon  as  it  was  finally  light,"  writes  Martin  of  Douglas' 
brigade,  "  we  saw  their  boats  coming  out  of  a  creek  on  the 
Long  Island  side  of  the  water  filled  with  British  soldiers.  When 
they  came  to  the  edge  of  the  tide,  they  formed  their  boats  in 
line  and  continued  to  augment  their  forces  until  they  appeared 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        65 

like  a  large  clover  field  in  full  bloom."  At  about  eleven  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  the  ships  suddenly  opened  on  Douglas  with 
seventy  or  eighty  guns.  The  crash  was  terrific.  Martin 
"  made  a  frog's  leap  for  the  ditch  and  laid  there  as  still  as  he 
possibly  could."  At  the  same  time  the  boats  pushed  off  and, 
"  getting  under  cover  of  the  smoke,  struck  to  the  left  of 
Douglas'  line  in  order  to  cut  off  his  retreat,"  and  made  the 
landing  without  opposition.  The  frightened  militiamen  had 
"  kept  the  lines  until  they  were  almost  leveled  upon  them," 
when  seeing  the  British  gain  the  shore,  they  commenced  break 
ing  on  the  left  and  soon  were  all  fleeing  in  the  greatest  con 
fusion,  panic  stricken  at  the  thought  of  being  intercepted.  As 
Martin  writes,  "  the  demons  of  fear  and  disorder  seemed  to 
take  possession  of  all  and  every  thing  that  day."  But  better 
troops  would  not  have  endured  the  concentrated  fire  of  eighty 
guns  at  close  quarters  any  more  patiently  than  did  these  Con 
necticut  farmers. 

Leslie's  Light  Infantry  landing  first,  pushed  on  after 
Douglas'  men  who  were  fleeing  helter-skelter  up  the  Post  Road, 
which  they  occupied  in  force  at  its  junction  with  Forty-second 
Street.  Next  came  Donop's  Hessians,  who,  marching  to  the 
left  towards  Madison  Square,  intercepted  on  the  way  three  or 
four  hundred  of  Wadsworth's  brigade;  but  Scott,  who  at 
Twelfth  Street  was  in  plain  sight  of  the  landing,  retreated 
earlier  and  escaped  by  the  Bloomingdale  Road.  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  landing  last  with  the  Grenadiers,  marched  directly  up 
Thirty-fourth  Street  on  to  that  part  of  Murray  Hill  now 
represented  by  Park  Avenue,  where  he  halted  until  four  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon  for  the  remainder  of  the  army  to  cross.  It 
was  while  waiting  here  that  Mrs.  Murray  entertained  General 
Howe  and  his  officers  for  two  hours  or  more  at  her  house  on  the 
corner  of  Thirty-sixth  Street  and  Park  Avenue,  and  by  thus 
delaying  the  march  of  the  British  enabled  Putnam  to  safely 
draw  off  the  remainder  of  his  Division  from  the  lower  part  of 
the  city. 

After  it  became  certain  that  the  enemy  would  land  at  Kip's 
Bay,  General  Parsons  directed  three  of  his  regiments,  Pres- 
cott's,  Tyler's  and  the  remnant  of  Huntington's,  less  than 
one  thousand  men  in  all  (his  other  regiments  being,  one  at 


66  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Powle's  Hook  and  the  remaining  two  on  Harlem  Heights),  to 
march  from  his  lines  near  Corlears  Hook  to  assist  Spencer's 
division  where  the  enemy  were  attempting  to  land,  a  distance 
of  about  four  miles  by  the  road.  Fellows'  brigade  of  Massa 
chusetts  militia  had  already  been  ordered  forward  for  the  same 
purpose.  Riding  after  these  regiments  by  Putnam's  order,  he 
observed  that  the  vanguard  had  turned  into  the  Bloomingdale 
Road,  instead  of  advancing  by  the  Post  Road  which  led  more 
directly  to  the  landing  place,  and  hastened  to  the  front  of  the 
brigade  to  march  it  into  the  Post  Road,  which  would  have 
brought  him  into  immediate  collision  with  Donop's  Hessians, 
but  was  told  that  Generals  Putnam  and  Spencer,  who  were  a 
little  distance  forward,  had  ordered  the  march  by  this  route. 
Continuing  up  this  road  to  the  road  which  crossed  from  the 
Bloomingdale  to  the  Post  Road  on  the  line  of  Forty-second 
Street,  he  "  found  Fellows'  brigade  in  the  cross-road  marching 
eastward,  and  also  saw  General  Washington,  Putnam  and 
others  on  the  top  of  the  hill  eastward  (Murray  Hill),  and  rode 
up  to  them."  Washington,  who  had  come  down  from  his 
Quarters  on  the  Heights  immediately  upon  hearing  the  firing, 
in  person  directed  Parsons  to  "  attend  to  keep  his  brigade  in 
order  and  march  on  into  the  cross-road.  He  accordingly  rode 
back  and  meeting  the  brigade  as  it  swung  into  the  cross-road, 
rode  by  its  side  to  near  the  top  of  the  hill,  his  attention  being 
to  keep  the  brigade  in  order."  Fellows'  brigade  was  a  con 
siderable  distance  in  advance  of  Parsons'  on  the  cross-road, 
and  had  already  or  was  just  about  taking  position  near  the 
Post  Road  which  there  ran  along  the  line  of  Lexington  Avenue. 
The  place  was  not  unfavorable  for  making  a  stand.  On  the 
south  side  of  the  cross-road  was  a  large  cornfield — the  corn 
full-grown — extending  from  near  Park  Avenue  to  the  Post 
Road,  well  fitted  to  cover  the  movements  of  troops ;  and  the 
stone  fences  and  walls  which  bounded  and  divided  the  fields 
were  far  better  breastworks  than  the  rail  fence  which  did  such 
service  at  Bunker  Hill. 

It  was  now  not  far  from  twelve  o'clock.  The  enemy  had  just 
effected  a  landing  and  the  brigades  of  Douglas  and  Wads- 
worth  were  in  full  retreat,  as  Douglas  said,  "  through  as  hot  a 
fire  as  could  well  be  made,  but  they  mostly  overshot  us."  As 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        67 

Parsons  with  his  brigade  approached  the  top  of  the  hill,  the 
panic-stricken  militia,  breathless  and  exhausted,  could  be  seen 
fleeing  up  the  Post  Road,  into  the  cross-road  and  through  the 
fields,  and  Fellows'  brigade,  disordered  by  the  fugitives  and 
infected  by  the  prevailing  panic,  ready  to  break  and  run  the 
moment  the  enemy  should  appear.  Perceiving  the  situation, 
Washington  and  Putnam  rode  towards  the  Post  Road  and 
attempted  to  "  rally  the  men  and  get  them  into  some  order," 
but  the  appearance  just  then  of  Leslie's  advance  increased  the 
confusion.  Parsons  coming  up  at  that  moment  with  his 
brigade,  "  heard  Washington  call  out,  '  Take  the  walls,'  and 
immediately  added,  '  Take  the  cornfield,'  at  which,  immediately 
from  front  to  rear  of  the  brigade  the  men  ran  to  the  walls  and 
some  into  the  cornfield,  in  a  most  confused  and  disordered 
manner,"  upon  which  Parsons  "  used  his  utmost  endeavor  to 
form  the  brigade  into  some  order  upon  that  ground,  but  the  men 
were  so  dispersed  he  found  it  impossible."  After  the  exchange 
of  a  few  shots,  Parsons'  Continentals  were  swept  along  by  the 
current,  among  whom  were  Prescott's  men  who  fought  at 
Bunker  Hill,  and  Huntington's  men  who,  with  Atlee's,  had  a 
few  days  before  twice  driven  the  British  with  heavy  loss  from 
Battle  Hill.  Notwithstanding  the  utmost  exertions  of  Wash 
ington,  Putnam,  Parsons  and  Fellows  and  other  officers,  all 
attempts  to  rally  the  unreasoning  crowd  were  "  fruitless  and 
ineffectual."  The  ground  on  which  this  occurred  was  nearly 
opposite  the  Grand  Central  Station,  on,  or  a  little  east  of,  Park 
Avenue.  The  cross-road  deserted,  Parsons  "  rode  back  into 
the  Bloomingdale  Road  and  there  found  a  considerable  part  of 
his  brigade,  but  in  no  order."  Washington,  who  was  then  for 
ward  on  the  Road,  "  sent  for  Parsons  and  gave  order  to  form 
the  brigade  as  soon  as  could  be  done  and  march  on  to  Harlem 
Heights,"  which  was  done  "  as  soon  as  the  brigade  could  be 
reduced  to  any  form."  This  position,  which  with  proper 
defences  could  be  made  practically  impregnable,  Washington 
had  already  taken  the  precaution  to  secure. 

General  Heath,  in  excuse  of  this  rout  pleads  that  "  the 
wounds  received  on  Long  Island  were  yet  bleeding;  and  that 
the  officers,  if  not  the  men,  knew  that  the  city  was  not  to  be 
defended."  He  might  have  added,  that  the  men  well  knew 


68  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

they  were  alone  in  the  city,  in  the  presence  of  a  victorious 
enemy  and  without  hope  of  assistance  from  the  main  army  on 
Harlem  Heights  in  case  of  disaster.  The  troops  were  undoubt 
edly  nervous  and  excited,  but  they  were  not  the  "  dastardly 
sons  of  cowardice  "  which  some  chose  to  term  them — -their  sub 
sequent  record  proves  to  the  contrary — nor  did  they  "  magnify 
the  number  of  the  enemy  to  thrice  the  reality  and  generate 
substances  from  their  own  shadows,"  as  some  not  more  brave 
seemed  to  think.  They  had  watched  the  enemy  afloat  on  the 
river  for  five  long  hours  to  little  purpose  if  they  did  not  know 
their  number  almost  to  a  man.  Neither  were  they  panic- 
stricken  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  term,  for  it  was  not  on 
imagination  but  upon  positive  knowledge  that  their  fears  were 
based.  They  understood  the  situation  only  too  well.  It  was 
not  Leslie's  advance,  thrice  magnified,  which  excited  their 
fears,  but  the  four  thousand  behind  him  and  the  six  brigades 
about  to  cross.  Remembering  how  on  Long  Island  Grant  had 
held  Stirling  and  Parsons  by  a  feint  of  attacking  until  Corn- 
wallis  could  get  in  their  rear  and  cut  off  their  retreat,  they 
were  not  disposed  to  repeat  the  play  at  this  time  for  the 
benefit  of  Clinton,  then  coming  on  to  Murray  Hill  with  the 
main  body  of  the  enemy.  When  Leslie's  vanguard  appeared, 
they  knew  that  not  a  moment  was  to  be  lost  if  they  would 
secure  their  safety.  Retreat  at  that  time  was  clearly  the  best 
generalship,  and  it  is  not  a  little  surprising  that  any  serious 
attempt  should  have  been  made  to  resist  the  enemy's  advance. 
No  one,  certainly,  could  be  a  much  better  judge  of  the 
quality  of  the  American  troops  than  General  Burgoyne  after 
his  experience  at  Saratoga.  Writing  concerning  them  to  Lord 
George  Germain,  October  20th,  1777,  while  at  General 
Schuyler's  house  in  Albany,  he  says : — 

"  I  should  hold  myself  unjustifiable,  if  I  did  not  confide  to  your 
Lordship  my  opinion  upon  a  near  inspection  of  the  rebel  troops. 
The  standing  corps  which  I  have  seen,  are  disciplined,  I  do  not 
hazard  the  term  but  apply  it  to  the  great  fundamental  points  of 
military  institution — sobriety,  subordination,  regularity  and  courage. 
The  militia  are  inferior  in  method  and  movement,  but  not  a  jot 
less  serviceable  in  the  woods.  My  conjectures  were  very  different 
after  the  affair  of  Ticonderoga,  but  I  am  convinced  they  were 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        69 

delusive;  and  it  is  my  duty  to  the  State  to  confess  it.  The  panic 
of  the  rebel  troops  is  confined  and  of  short  duration;  the  enthusiasm 
is  extensive  and  permanent." 

The  affair  of  Harlem  Heights  on  the  16th  greatly  inspirited 
our  troops.  The  British  were  encamped  on  the  southern  slope 
of  what  is  now  known  as  Morningside  Heights,  their  pickets 
being  near  One  Hundred  and  Fifth  Street,  while  the  Americans 
were  entrenched  on  Washington  Heights  with  their  pickets 
posted  in  the  deep  valley  which,  extending  diagonally  from 
One  Hundred  and  Twenty-fifth  Street  and  Eighth  Avenue  to 
the  Hudson  River  at  One  Hundred  and  Thirtieth  Street, 
divides  the  Heights  into  two  parts.  A  corps  of  Rangers — 
about  one  hundred  and  twenty  picked  men  taken  principally 
from  Parsons'  Continentals — had  been  organized  under  Lieut. 
Colonel  Knowlton  of  Durkee's  regiment,  Parsons'  brigade,  to 
act  under  the  immediate  orders  of  the  Commander-in-Chief. 
Desirous  of  determining  the  enemy's  position,  Washington 
directed  Knowlton  to  make  a  reconnaissance  early  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  16th.  Marching  southward,  probably  on  the  line 
of  Riverside  Drive,  Knowlton  encountered  the  enemy's  pickets 
about  where  One  Hundred  and  Fourth  Street  crosses  the 
Bloomingdale  Road,  now  the  Boulevard.  A  brisk  skirmish 
ensued,  when,  the  enemy  being  reinforced,  Knowlton  was  com 
pelled  to  retreat  to  the  valley,  his  opponents  halting  on  the 
northern  slope  of  the  hill.  With  the  design  of  surrounding 
and  capturing  this  force,  Washington  ordered  a  feint  of 
attack  in  front  to  draw  the  enemy  into  the  valley,  and  at  the 
same  time  directed  Knowlton,  reinforced  by  the  Virginia 
Riflemen  under  Leitch,  to  move  by  the  left  and  take  them  in  the 
rear.  Through  some  misapprehension  or  because  of  the  enemy 
falling  back,  the  attack  fell  rather  upon  their  flank  than  upon 
their  rear,  so  that  Knowlton's  men  as  they  clambered  up  the 
steep  rocks  were  exposed  to  a  heavy  fire  under  which  both 
Knowlton  and  Leitch  fell  mortally  wounded,  the  former  dying 
within  an  hour.  The  spot  where  they  fell  was  somewhere 
between  the  Boulevard  and  Fort  Laight,  part  way  up  the  hill. 
The  Rangers  continuing  their  advance  and  the  feint  in  front 
developing  into  a  serious  attack,  the  enemy  were  forced  into  a 


70  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

buckwheat  field  between  the  Columbia  University  grounds  and 
Grant's  Tomb,  where,  both  sides  having  been  reinforced,  the 
battle  raged  for  two  hours,  ending  with  the  enemy  being  driven 
back  to  their  lines.  The  British  Reserves,  the  Thirty-third 
and  Forty-second  Regiments  and  four  battalions  of  grena 
diers  now  rapidly  advancing,  our  men  were  recalled  and 
"  giving  a  Hurrah,  left  the  field  in  good  order."  Chasing  the 
British  was  a  new  experience  to  our  men  and  one  they  heartily 
en  j  oyed. 

The  death  of  Colonel  Knowlton  was  a  severe  loss  to  the  army. 
In  his  orders  of  the  17th,  Washington  referred  to  him  as  "  the 
gallant  and  brave  Colonel  Knowlton,  who  would  have  been  an 
honor  to  any  country."  His  successor  in  the  command  of  this 
corps,  had  he  lived,  would  have  been  another  officer  in  Par 
sons'  brigade,  Nathan  Hale,  the  Martyr  Spy  of  the  Revolu 
tion.  With  its  capture  at  the  taking  of  Fort  Washington  this 
select  and  spirited  corps  ceased  to  exist. 


CHAPTER  IX 

BATTLE  OF  WHITE  PLAINS.  PARSONS  HOLDS  EXTREME  LEFT  OF 
LINE  AT  RYE  POND.  MARCHES  TO  ATTACK  GENERAL  AGNEW. 
IN  THE  HIGHLANDS  AND  NEW  JERSEY.  EXPEDITION  WITH  CLIN 
TON.  RETURNS  TO  PEEKSKILL.  BATTLES  OF  TRENTON  AND 
PRINCETON.  COMMANDS  THE  LEFT  IN  HEATH'S  ATTACK  ON 
NEW  YORK. 

September,   1776 — February,    1777 

SINCE  the  reorganization  of  the  army  following  the  retreat 
from  Long  Island,  General  Heath  had  held  the  important  posi 
tion  at  Kingsbridge  with  two  brigades  under  Mifflin  and 
George  Clinton.  On  the  18th  of  September,  Washington  wrote 
him  that  he  had  "  ordered  Parsons'  brigade  with  Scott's  and 
Sargent's,  to  him  at  Kingsbridge."  After  the  affair  of  Har 
lem  Heights,  the  enemy  remained  quiet  until  the  morning  of 
October  12th,  when  Howe,  embarking  all  his  army,  except  two 
brigades  under  Earl  Percy  left  to  defend  New  York,  passed  up 
the  Sound  under  cover  of  a  heavy  fog,  and,  landing  at 
Throg's  Neck  in  Westchester  County,  placed  himself  on 
Washington's  flank  with  the  design  of  cutting  off  his  com 
munications  with  the  Eastern  States  and  shutting  him  up  on 
New  York  Island.  The  movement  was  unexpected,  but  the 
detachments  hurried  forward,  among  them  Prescott's  regiment 
of  Parsons'  brigade,  were  able  by  throwing  up  breastworks 
across  the  narrow  part  of  the  Neck  and  by  destroying  the 
bridge  and  causeway,  over  which  ran  the  only  road  to  the  main 
land,  to  check  Howe's  advance  and  confine  him  to  the  Neck. 
Here  Howe  remained  for  five  days.  On  the  18th,  he  re-em 
barked  his  troops  and  landed  a  few  miles  further  east  at  Pell's 
Point,  whence  he  advanced  to  the  high  ground  between  East 
Chester  and  New  Rochelle.  At  this  place  he  was  joined  by  the 
Hessian  Division  under  Knyphausen,  one  of  the  ablest  of  the 
German  generals.  Indeed,  it  is  said  of  these  Hessians,  that 
their  officers  were  all  noblemen  and  gentlemen,  and  as  a  whole 

71 


72  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

superior  to  the  English  officers,  and,  as  military  men,  the  best 
in  Europe  at  that  time. 

A  Council  of  War  held  by  the  Americans  the  16th,  while 
the  British  were  still  at  Throg's  Neck,  having  decided  that 
their  communications  with  the  East  could  not  be  kept  open 
if  they  remained  on  New  York  Island,  Washington  extended 
his  lines  along  the  west  side  of  the  Bronx  towards  White  Plains 
until  the  baggage  and  stores  could  be  brought  up,  when  he 
called  in  his  detachments  and  concentrated  his  whole  army  on 
the  high  grounds  at  the  north  of  the  village  behind  two  lines 
of  intrenchments,  his  right  resting  on  the  Bronx,  and  his 
left,  composed  of  the  brigades  of  Mifflin,  George  Clinton,  Par 
sons,  Scott  and  Sargent,  under  the  command  of  General  Heath, 
on  St.  Mary's  Pond,  about  two  miles  east  of  the  village.  In 
this  position  Heath's  division  remained  during  all  the  opera 
tions  on  the  right  from  October  22d  to  November  9th,  cover 
ing  the  upper  road  into  Connecticut,  that  near  the  Sound,  the 
Boston  Post  Road,  being  in  the  possession  of  the  enemy. 

Chatterton  Hill,  an  isolated  but  commanding  and  easily 
defended  elevation  just  across  the  Bronx,  less  than  a  mile 
beyond  our  right,  had  been  occupied  by  McDougall  with  four 
teen  hundred  men,  the  better  to  protect  our  flank.  General 
Howe,  having  moved  up  from  New  Rochelle  to  Scarsdale, 
advanced  on  the  morning  of  the  28th  in  two  colunms,  the  right 
under  Clinton  and  the  left  under  Von  Heister,  and  after  a 
smart  skirmish  near  the  present  village  of  Hart's  Corners, 
arrived  in  sight  of  our  lines.  Seeing  McDougall's  advanta 
geous  position,  he  directed  against  it  the  Hessians  and  one 
British  brigade,  about  four  thousand  men.  Crossing  the 
Bronx,  they  marched  along  "  Mill  Lane,"  up  the  river  and 
under  cover  of  the  hill,  until  .the  head  of  the  column  was 
opposite  McDougall's  left,  when,  wheeling  to  the  left  into  line 
and  attempting  to  charge  up  the  steep  face  of  the  hill,  they 
were  met  by  such  a  deadly  fire  that  it  looked  from  the  American 
camp  as  though  this  was  to  be  another  Bunker  Hill;  but  Rail, 
the  Hessian  Colonel,  moving  further  to  his  left  and  ascending 
the  easier  southern  slope  of  the  hill,  suddenly  attacked  the 
Americans  on  their  flank  and  forced  them  from  the  field.  The 
loss  of  the  British  in  killed  and  wounded  was  double  that  of 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS         73 

the  Americans.  This  affair  is  known  as  the  battle  of  White 
Plains,  and  in  it  was  actively  engaged  one  of  Parsons'  oldest 
regiments,  that  under  Colonel  Charles  Webb. 

The  enemy  after  the  battle  remained  inactive  except  that 
they  extended  their  lines  about  a  mile  towards  the  North 
River.  "  It  is  a  little  extraordinary,"  writes  Tench  Tilgh- 
man,  Washington's  aid-de-camp,  to  William  Duer,  "  that  this 
move  should  be  made  in  our  rear.  To  day  Stirling  is  detached 
ahead  of  them  to  get  possession  of  the  passes  among  the  hills, 
and  General  Parsons  has  taken  post  near  the  head  of  Rye 
Pond,  which  secures  the  passes  in  our  front." 

On  the  23d  of  October,  General  Parsons  had  been  ordered 
to  Horseneck  in  Connecticut  (the  present  village  of  Green 
wich),  and  before  his  return,  as  appears  from  the  following 
letter  written  by  him  to  General  Clinton,  October  SO,  was 
advised  that  his  brigade  had  been  ordered  to  Kingstreet  near 
Rye  Pond  and  the  hills  of  North  Castle,  and  directed  to  join  it 
there. 

CAMP  NEAR  NORTH  CASTLE,  October  80th,  1776. 
DEAR  SIR. — I  have  not  had  an  opportunity  to  apologize  for  not 
fulfilling  my  agreement  in  respect  to  the  division  of  the  tents.  I 
gave  orders  for  drawing  all  the  tents  in  store  and  the  division  of 
them  between  the  three  brigades  according  to  the  number  of  men 
in  the  brigades ;  but  on  Wednesday  I  was  ordered  to  Horseneck  by 
the  General  and  before  my  return  had  orders  to  repair  to  this  Post 
an$  that  I  should  there  find  this  part  of  my  brigade.  General 
Heath  then  ordered  me  to  draw  all  the  tents  in  store  and  use  them 
for  covering  the  men  here.  I  mentioned  the  agreement  made 
with  you,  but  he  said  that  tents  had  been  sent  for  from  Fishkill  and 
would  probably  be  at  the  Plains  in  season  for  your  brigade,  and 
t'would  save  much  trouble  by  my  using  those  tents  for  my  men. 
As  I  do  not  know  that  you  have  any  knowledge  of  the  reason  why 
the  tents  were  all  taken,  I  thought  it  incumbent  on  me  to  give  you 
this  information  lest  you  should  think  I  had  not  dealt  honorably 
with  you.  I  apprehended  a  deserter  from  Col.  Swartout's  regiment 
last  night  and  committed  him  to  my  guard  who  have  negligently 
suffered  him  to  escape. 

I  am,  Sir,  yr.  h'ble  Ser'vt, 

SAM'L.  H.  PARSONS 

To  Gen.  George  Clinton. 


74  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

The  morning  after  the  battle,  Howe  reconnoitered  the 
American  intrenchments  and,  finding  them  too  strong  to  war 
rant  an  assault  without  reinforcements,  awaited  the  arrival  of 
Earl  Percy's  brigades,  which  reaching  him  on  the  evening  of 
the  30th,  preparations  were  made  to  storm  the  Works  the  next 
day;  but  a  tempest  of  wind  and  rain,  arising  in  the  night  and 
continuing  through  the  following  day,  delayed  the  attack. 
Washington,  not  deeming  it  prudent  to  risk  the  assault  which 
was  certain  to  be  made  on  the  morrow,  drew  back  his  right 
and  center  on  the  night  of  the  31st,  to  the  hills  of  North 
Castle,  where  he  was  practically  beyond  the  reach  of  the 
enemy. 

On  the  30th,  nearly  three  thousand  of  the  enemy  had  been 
seen  advancing  towards  Kingstreet  and  the  Purchase  Road 
with  the  apparent  intention  of  turning  our  left  and  rolling  up 
the  line  when  the  general  assault  ordered  for  the  next  day  should 
be  made.  Although  Howe's  plan  of  attack  had  been  frustrated 
by  the  storm  and  the  withdrawal  of  the  American  right  and 
center,  he,  nevertheless,  on  the  morning  of  November  first, 
threw  a  strong  column  between  Parsons'  Post  at  Rye  Pond 
and  Heath's  division  near  St.  Mary's  Pond,  and  attempted  to 
capture  Malcom's  regiment,  which  was  encamped  on  a  wooded 
slope  at  some  distance  from  the  main  body  of  the  troops  and 
separated  from  them  by  a  deep  hollow  through  which  ran  a 
brook,  by  occupying  the  hollow  and  interposing  a  force 
between  the  division  and  Malcom.  Anticipating  this  design, 
Heath  sent  a  regiment  to  take  position  behind  a  heavy  stone 
wall  which  crossed  the  head  of  the  hollow,  and  thus  effectually 
barred  the  further  progress  of  the  enemy.  Finding  that  noth 
ing  could  be  accomplished,  the  British  withdrew. 

Parsons'  brigade  remained  at  Rye  Pond  until  after  the  30th, 
but  on  or  about  November  first,  moved  down  Kingstreet  six  or 
seven  miles,  to  Saw  Pits  (now  the  village  of  Port  Chester),  for 
we  find  from  the  following  letter  to  General  Greene  from 
Washington's  Secretary,  Col.  R.  H.  Harrison,  dated  White 
Plains,  November  3,  1776,  that  Parsons  on  the  3d  was  stationed 
at  that  place,  probably  to  guard  the  Post  Road  and  the  Posts 
on  the  Sound: — 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        75 

Since  my  letter  of  yesterday  no  event  of  an  interesting  nature 
has  turned  up,  but  we  have  just  received  intelligence  from  General 
Parsons,  who  is  stationed  with  his  brigade  at  Saw  Pits,  that  a  large 
body  of  the  enemy  has  advanced  within  a  mile  of  him.  He  is  on 
the  march  to  meet  them  and  requested  some  troops  to  be  sent  to 
maintain  the  lines  he  has  thrown  up. 

This  affair  is  described  at  some  length  in  Baird's  History 
of  Rye,  from  which  we  quote  the  following: 

Just  before  General  Howe  withdrew  his  army  from  White 
Plains,  a  brigade  under  the  command  of  General  Agnew,  pushed 
forward  about  two  miles  beyond  Rye  in  hopes  of  bringing  a  large 
detachment  of  the  American  Army  which  was  stationed  at  Saw 
Pits  to  an  engagement.  Not  being  able  to  come  up  with  them,  they 
returned  on  Sunday  afternoon,  November  3d,  to  join  the  royal 
forces  at  White  Plains.  It  was  a  great  day  for  the  Royalists  at 
Rye,  many  of  them  showing  particular  marks  of  joy  upon  the  pas 
sage  of  the  King's  troops.  The  American  troops  reached  Rye  the 
same  evening  and,  by  the  loyalist  account,  showed  their  resentment 
towards  the  Tory  sympathisers  by  plundering  their  houses,  driving 
off  their  cattle,  taking  away  their  grain  and  imprisoning  some  of 
those  most  obnoxious. 

The  same  day  Colonel  Harrison  sent  to  the  President  of 
Congress  a  letter,  just  received  from  General  Parsons,  com 
plaining  of  a  "  most  scandalous  practice  of  desertion  and 
returning  home,  by  which  the  number  of  our  troops  is  every 
day  decreasing."  This  was  presented  to  Congress  on  the  6th. 
The  returns  of  Parsons'  brigade  justify  this  complaint.  That 
of  November  3d,  shows  a  total  of  3192  men  distributed  among 
eleven  regiments,  as  follows: — 

Colonel    Prescott   376    Colonel  Smith 112 

Taylor    525    Lt.  Col.  Throop   194 

Huntington    322    Lt.  Col.  Hosford 193 

Ward    483    Major  Rogers 172 

Mclntosh    303 

Carpenter   191        Total    3192 

Cogswell 321 

The  returns  of  November  9th  show  a  total  of  1999  men.  and 


76  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

of  November  24,  of  1316  men.  Washington's  letters  are 
full  of  similar  complaints. 

When  Howe  found  that  Washington  could  not  be  com 
pelled  to  fight  except  on  terms  most  advantageous  to  himself, 
he  turned  his  attention  to  the  reduction  of  Fort  Washington 
and  the  forts  still  occupied  by  the  Americans  in  the  vicinity  of 
New  York.  On  the  2d  of  November,  he  sent  Knyphausen  to 
occupy  Kingsbridge,  and  on  the  5th  broke  camp  and  marched 
with  his  whole  army  to  Dobb's  Ferry. 

On  the  6th  a  Council  of  War  was  held  at  Headquarters, 
White  Plains,  at  which  were  present,  His  Excellency  General 
Washington,  Major  Generals  Lee,  Putnam,  Spencer,  Heath, 
Sullivan  and  Lincoln  and  Brigadiers  Stirling,  Mifflin,  Nixon, 
McDougall,  Parsons,  Scott  and  Clinton.  The  matters  brought 
before  the  Council  were  in  part  as  follows : 

The  late  movements  of  the  enemy  having  made  it  necessary  to 
consider  what  may  be  now  proposed  for  this  army  to  do,  the  Gen 
eral  submits  to  the  Council  the  following  questions,  viz: 

1.  Supposing  the  enemy  to  be  retreating  towards  New  York,  will 
it  not  be  proper  to  throw  a  body  of  troops  into  the  Jerseys  imme 
diately  ?     This  was  unanimously  agreed  to. 

2.  Whether   it   would   not   be   proper   to   detach   immediately   all 
those  troops  which  have  been  raised  on  the  western  side  of  the  Hud 
son  River?     This  was  agreed  to  with  the  proviso  that  in  such  case 
the  regiments  belonging  to  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson  should  be 
removed  to  the  east  side,  if  the  movements  of  the  enemy  and  the 
circumstances  of  the  army  will  admit. 

3.  What  number  of  men  would  be  necessary  to  take  post  at  Peeks- 
kill  and  the  passes  in  the  Highlands  for  the  defense  of  those  posts, 
erecting    fortifications    &c.  ?       The    number    agreed    to    was    three 
thousand. 

Pursuant  to  the  decision  of  the  Council,  Washington  on  the 
9th  commenced  sending  to  the  Jerseys  five  thousand  troops 
which  he  was  to  command  in  person.  Heath's  division  was 
ordered  to  Peekskill  to  garrison  the  Posts  in  the  Highlands 
both  sides  of  the  river.  On  the  10th,  General  Lee,  who  had 
just  arrived  from  the  South  wearing  the  laurels  won  by 
Colonel  Moultrie  in  the  defense  of  Charleston,  was  instructed 
"  to  take  command  of  the  remainder  of  the  army,  about  seventy- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        77 

five  hundred  Continental  troops  and  militia,  to  consider  the 
Post  at  Croton  Bridge  as  under  his  immediate  care,  as  also 
that  lately  occupied  by  General  Parsons  (Saw  Pits),  to  direct 
the  Connecticut  troops  then  at  Stamford  under  General 
Wooster,  and  to  dispose  of  the  militia  regiments  which  came 
out  with  General  Saltonstall  and  were  annexed  to  General  Par 
sons'  brigade."  On  the  llth  and  12th,  Washington  recon- 
noitered  the  Highlands  with  Heath,  and,  crossing  the  river, 
rode  through  Smiths  Clove  to  Hackensack.  On  the  18th  Heath 
reported  from  Peekskill: 

"  Have  sent  three  regiments  of  Parsons  (Prescott's,  Ward's,  and 
Wyllys')  and  General  Scott's  brigade  to  the  gorge  of  the  mountain 
by  Robinson's  house.  General  Parsons  has  importuned  me  for 
leave  to  attend  the  Governor  and  Council  of  Connecticut,  which  I 
have  granted,  and  hope  for  your  Excellency's  approbation." 

Colonel  Harrison,  Washington's  secretary,  replied  from 
Hackensack  the  20th: 

"  As  General  Parsons  is  a  very  judicious  and  good  officer  and  his 
presence  may  have  a  happy  influence  in  the  appointment  of  good 
officers,  I  can  almost  assure  you  the  liberty  you  have  granted  him 
will  be  approved  by  his  Excellency." 

The  capture  of  Fort  Washington  on  the  16th  was  the 
severest  blow  sustained  by  the  Americans  during  the  whole 
war.  Our  loss  in  prisoners  alone  was  over  twenty-eight  hun 
dred  officers  and  men.  This  was  followed  on  the  20th  by  the 
evacuation  of  Fort  Lee  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Hudson. 

The  day  following  the  evacuation  of  Fort  Lee,  Washington 
commenced  his  retreat  through  the  Jerseys  with  Cornwall! s 
in  close  pursuit.  Leaving  Hackensack  the  21st,  he  arrived  at 
Newark  the  evening  of  the  22d.  Remaining  there  five  days,  he 
moved  to  Brunswick  on  the  28th,  his  rear-guard  leaving  New 
ark  just  as  Cornwallis'  advance  was  coming  in.  December 
1,  he  left  Brunswick,  Cornwallis  entering  the  town  the  even 
ing  of  the  same  day.  Marching  by  night  to  Princeton,  he  left 
General  Lord  Stirling  with  twelve  hundred  men  to  watch  the 
enemy  while  with  the  rest  of  the  army  he  pressed  on  to  Tren- 


78  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

ton.  After  transferring  his  baggage  and  stores  to  the  west 
side  of  the  Delaware,  he  faced  about  to  meet  Stirling  who  was 
retreating  before  a  vastly  superior  force.  Marching  his 
whole  army  to  Trenton,  he  put  the  river  between  it  and  the 
enemy,  and,  securing  all  the  boats  for  seventy  miles  up  and 
down  the  river  and  placing  guards  at  all  the  crossings  from 
Coryell's  Ferry  to  Bristol,  left  Cornwallis  baffled  and  defeated 
on  the  eastern  side. 

On  the  7th,  as  the  troops  were  preparing  to  cross  the  Dela 
ware,  Washington  wrote  to  Heath  in  the  Highlands  directing 
him 

to  cross  the  North  River  with  the  troops  under  your  command, 
to  wit,  Parsons'  brigade,  and  move  so  as  to  give  all  possible  protec 
tion  to  the  country  and  vigor  to  the  cause.  If  you  could  move  on 
towards  Morristown,  New  Jersey,  it  would  be  best,  as  by  this  means 
a  junction  may  be  made  if  necessary,  and  at  all  events  such  a  move 
ment  would  attract  attention. 

On  receipt  of  this  order,  Heath  wrote  to  Parsons : 

PEEKSKILL,  December  9,  1776. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  have  this  moment  received  orders  from  General 
Washington  to  move  over  the  North  River  with  the  Continental 
troops  under  my  command,  to  wit,  your  brigade.  You  will,  there 
fore,  immediately  give  orders  to  Prescott's,  Ward's  and  Wyllys' 
regiments  to  be  ready  to  march  to-morrow  at  ten  o'clock;  tents,  ket 
tles  and  light  baggage  only  to  be  carried.  The  heavy  baggage  to  be 
left  with  the  men  who  are  unfit  for  duty.  Four  days  provision  to  be 
taken.  Hard  biscuit  may  be  drawn.  1  am  &c 

W.  HEATH. 
To  General  Parsons. 

From  Heath's  Memoirs  we  learn  that  "December  10,  1776, 
a  little  after  noon,  Parsons'  brigade  marched  over  to  King's 
Ferry,  the  greatest  alertness  having  been  discovered  by  both 
officers  and  men;"  that  on  the  llth  "the  troops  crossed  the 
Ferry  and  marched  to  Haverstraw ; "  and  on  the  12th 
"  marched  from  Haverstraw  to  Tappan." 

On  the  8th  of  December,  General  Clinton  and  Earl  Percy 
with  six  thousand  British  troops  detached  from  the  main  army 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        79 

in  New  York,  had  taken  possession  of  Newport  and  Rhode 
Island.  This  created  great  alarm  throughout  Connecticut.  In 
reply  to  a  letter  from  Governor  Trumbull  asking  aid,  Wash 
ington  wrote  him  on  the  14th:  "Your  situation  at  the  east 
ward  is  truly  alarming.  I  have  countermanded  the  march  of 
Heath's  division  which  was  coming  down  from  Peekskill.  It  is 
ordered  to  return  again  to  that  place  and  hold  itself  in  read 
iness  to  move  as  occasion  may  require."  In  a  postscript  he 
says :  "  Learning  from  Heath  that  Parsons  was  to  cross  the 
North  River  the  10th  and  must  be  at  Morristown  by  this  time,  I 
have  changed  my  intention  in  view  of  the  short  time  his  troops 
have  now  to  serve." 

The  situation  having  become  less  threatening  as  the  inten 
tions  of  the  enemy  developed,  Washington  again  writes 
Heath  :— 

HEADQUARTERS  NEAR  CORYELI/S  FERRY, 

December  16,  1776. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  llth  inst.  advising 
me  of  the  march  of  Parsons'  brigade  from  Peekskill  to  join  us. 
From  information  as  to  the  enemy  I  should  conceive  it  expedient 
that  you  return  Parsons'  brigade  to  your  former  station. 

He  also  the  same  day  wrote  the  New  York  Convention  that 
he  had  ordered  Heath  to  return  to  Peekskill. 

On  the  night  of  December  19  while  still  in  New  Jersey, 
Generals  Parsons  and  Clinton,  as  the  latter  writes  to  the  New 
York  Convention  from  Pyramus, 

with  five  hundred  of  his  troops  and  mine,  set  out  about  dusk 
on  a  visit  to  our  friends  in  the  English  neighborhood  (in  the  north 
ern  part  of  the  State)  where  we  were  informed  Colonel  Buskirk's 
regiment  of  new  levies  and  some  companies  of  light  infantry  were 
quartered.  When  we  came  to  the  first  house  in  the  English  neigh 
borhood,  we  detached  Colonel  Woodhull  with  two  hundred  men  to 
take  the  enemy  in  the  rear  and  prevent  their  escape  while  we  with 
the  remainder  of  the  troops  attacked  them  in  front.  We  surprised 
their  advance  guard  and  were  marching  to  attack  their  main  body, 
when  the  enemy,  being  alarmed  by  the  firing  and  Woodhull  not  hav 
ing  yet  come  up,  escaped.  It  was,  however,  a  successful  little  expe 
dition.  We  took  twenty-three  prisoners,  eighteen  excellent  new 


80  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

muskets,  a  wagon  and  eight  horses  and  killed  four  or  five.  Had  it 
not  been  so  exceeding  cold  and  the  men  beat  out  with  the  length  of 
the  march,  which,  by  the  route  we  took,  was  at  least  twenty-eight 
miles,  I  have  not  the  least  doubt  we  should  have  killed  or  taken  the 
whole  party. 

On  the  22d,  Parsons'  brigade  commenced  its  return  march 
to  Peekskill,  reaching  there  the  next  day.  On  the  26th  of 
December,  five  of  Parsons'  regiments  were  to  be  paid  off,  their 
term  of  service  expiring  at  the  end  of  the  month.  While  at 
Peekskill  attending  to  this  matter,  General  Parsons  writes  as 
follows  to  his  youngest  son,  Thomas,  then  about  nine  years 
of  age: 

PEEKSKILL,  December  27,  1776. 

DEAR  THOMAS. — I  have  sent  two  soldiers  to  live  at  your  house. 
One  understands  French  and  the  other  painting.  You  may  learn 
something  by  them.  I  wish  you  to  remember  your  books.  Be  vir 
tuous  and  manly  in  your  behavior,  a  comfort  to  your  mother  and 
family.  Leave  off  all  childish  follies  and  learn  to  behave  with 
decency  and  manly  fortitude.  Lay  aside  that  bashful  conduct.  A 
modest  behavior  with  resolution  and  courage  will  endear  you  to  all 
your  acquaintances.  Falsehood  and  lies  you  must  always  abhor 
and  detest. 

Billy  will  be  at  home  next  week.  When  I  shall  come  home  I  can't 
tell,  but  remember,  if  I  fall  in  this  war,  I  expect  you  and  all  my 
sons  to  arm  in  defense  of  your  glorious  liberty  and  lay  down  your 
lives  in  defense  of  your  country  and  to  avenge  my  death,  if  neces 
sary.  Yours  &c., 

SAM'L.  H.  PARSONS. 

No  sooner  had  Washington  secured  the  safety  of  his  army 
beyond  the  Delaware,  than  he  began  to  plan  how  with  the 
troops  coming  to  his  assistance  he  might  strike  some  "  lucky 
blow  which  would  be  fatal  to  the  enemy  and  rouse  the  spirits 
of  the  people,  which  are  quite  sunk  by  our  late  misfortunes." 
At  Trenton  were  three  regiments  of  Hessians  and  a  troop  of 
British  light-horse.  On  Christmas  night,  with  twenty-four 
hundred  Continentals  under  his  immediate  command,  moving 
in  two  columns  under  Sullivan  and  Greene,  Washington  crossed 
the  Delaware  at  McKonkey's  Ferry,  and  reaching  Trenton  at 
eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  two  columns  attacked  simul- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        81 

taneously  from  opposite  points,  and  in  less  than  an  hour  cap 
tured  over  nine  hundred  prisoners  and  a  thousand  stands  of 
arms.  The  news  of  this  success  brought  Cornwallis  with  seven 
thousand  veteran  troops  down  from  Princeton,  before  whom 
the  Americans  retired  to  the  high  grounds  beyond  the  Assan- 
pink  River.  During  the  night,  leaving  his  camp  fires  burning, 
Washington,  taking  the  roundabout  road  to  Princeton, 
arrived  there  early  in  the  morning  and  without  delay  attacked 
the  three  British  regiments  left  there  by  Cornwallis,  putting 
them  to  flight  with  the  loss  of  nearly  five  hundred  killed, 
wounded  and  prisoners.  Cornwallis  retracing  his  steps,  Wash 
ington  retreated  to  his  high  grounds  and  went  into  winter 
quarters  at  Morristown. 

On  the  5th  of  January,  1777,  Washington  wrote  from 
Pluckemin  to  General  Heath: 

The  enemy  are  in  great  consternation,  and  as  the  panic  affords 
us  a  favorable  opportunity  to  drive  them  out  of  the  Jerseys,  it  has 
been  determined  in  Council  that  you  should  move  down  towards  New 
York  with  a  considerable  force  as  if  you  had  a  design  upon  the  city. 
That  being  an  object  of  great  importance,  the  enemy  will  be  reduced 
to  the  necessity  of  withdrawing  a  considerable  part  of  their  force 
from  the  Jerseys,  if  not  the  whole,  to  secure  the  city.  I  shall  draw 
the  force  on  this  side  of  the  North  River  together  at  Morristown, 
where  I  shall  watch  the  motions  of  the  enemy  and  avail  myself  of 
every  favorable  circumstance.  You  will  retain  for  the  expedition 
four  thousand  of  the  militia  coming  from  the  New  England  Gov 
ernments. 

Washington  expected  much  from  this  expedition.  Writing 
to  Lincoln,  who  was  to  take  an  active  part  in  it,  he  says : 

If  the  enemy  does  not  throw  a  considerable  body  back  again 
(from  New  Jersey)  you  may  in  all  probability  carry  the  city,  or  at 
least,  blockade  them  in  it.  ...  Be  as  expeditious  as  possible 
in  moving  forward,  for  the  sooner  a  panic-struck  enemy  is  followed, 
the  better. 

Lincoln  had  brought  down  six  thousand  militia  from  Mass 
achusetts,  two  thousand  of  whom  were  to  join  Washington 
in  New  Jersey.  John  Morin  Scott's  brigade  had  been  for 


82  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

nearly  two  months  with  Heath  in  the  Highlands.  Wooster, 
since  the  battle  of  White  Plains,  had  been  guarding  the  west 
ern  part  of  Connecticut.  General  Parsons,  who  had  gone  to 
the  Highlands  in  November,  had  been  since  the  8th  of  January 
encamped  on  Kingstreet,  a  road  in  the  town  of  Rye  running 
northerly  along  the  high  plateau  on  the  west  side  of  the  Byram 
River,  overlooking  Port  Chester,  and  a  frequent  camping 
ground  for  troops  throughout  the  Revolutionary  War. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  written  from  this 
camp  by  Parsons  to  his  wife: 

KINGSTREET,  12th  January,  1777. 

MY  DEAR. — Could  I  have  enjoyed  the  pleasure  of  my  family 
without  staining  my  honor,,  I  should  have  accepted  my  General's 
permission  and  before  this  time  have  been  at  home.  An  attack  upon 
the  enemy  in  this  country  is  determined  upon,  the  troops  are  assem 
bling  and  the  middle  of  this  week  will  doubtless  determine  the  suc 
cess  of  the  enterprise.  If  I  am  fortunate  to  survive  a  successful 
attack,  I  shall  return  home  with  the  tidings. 

The  remarkable  success  of  our  arms  since  the  25th  of  December 
has  inspired  new  courage  in  all  ranks,  and  it  now  seems  the  wish 
of  every  man  to  push  the  advantage  with  the  utmost  assiduity,  whilst 
the  consternation  which  has  seized  the  enemy  remains.  A  more 
particular  account  of  the  movements  of  the  army  than  you  have 
received  may  perhaps  be  agreeable  to  you. 

He  then  gives  a  brief  account  of  the  battles  of  Trenton  and 
Princeton. 

Heath's  little  army  marched  in  three  divisions ;  Lincoln  with 
the  Massachusetts  men  by  the  road  along  the  east  side  of  the 
Hudson ;  Scott  with  his  New  Yorkers,  by  way  of  White 
Plains ;  and  Wooster  and  Parsons  with  the  Connecticut  militia 
from  New  Rochelle  and  East  Chester.  On  the  18th,  just  before 
sunrise,  the  three  divisions  reached  the  enemy's  outposts  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Kingsbridge  nearly  at  the  same  time.  After 
a  little  skirmishing  and  the  capture  of  a  few  prisoners,  Heath 
summoned  Fort  Independence  to  surrender.  "  Twenty  minutes 
only  can  be  allowed  for  the  garrison  to  give  their  answer,  and 
should  it  be  in  the  negative,  they  must  abide  the  consequences," 
was  Heath's  ultimatum.  The  Hessian  garrison,  perhaps  not 
understanding  English  or  not  impressed  by  Heath's  lofty  and 


83 

peremptory  tone,  avoided  the  threatened  consequences  of  an 
answer  in  the  negative  by  sending  no  answer  at  all.  The  Fort, 
nevertheless,  was  not  attacked,  and  Heath,  after  maintaining 
his  position  firmly  for  ten  days,  retired  towards  White  Plains. 
No  troops  were  drawn  from  the  Jerseys  by  this  diversion  and 
but  a  single  brigade  was  returned  from  Rhode  Island.  Heath 
was  severely  censured  for  his  conduct  of  the  expedition,  not 
only  by  Washington,  but  by  his  own  officers.  General  Scott 
and  William  Duer,  both  members  of  the  New  York  Convention, 
each  wrote  General  Washington  disapproving  the  manner  in 
which  it  had  been  conducted,  and  General  Parsons  expressed 
himself  to  the  same  effect.  Duer  writing  January  28th, 
said : — 

Brigadier  General  Parsons,  who  came  down  with  us  from 
Peekskill,  has  gone  back  to  Connecticut,  not  choosing,  as  I  conceive, 
to  risk  his  reputation  by  a  longer  stay  here  .  .  .  Should  your 
Excellency  wish  to  know  to  what  our  want  of  success  is  to  be  attrib 
uted,  I  must  beg  leave  to  refer  to  your  own  judgment  of  the  char 
acter  of  men;  observing  only,  that  it  is  my  private  opinion,  that  if 
measures  could  be  devised,  without  injuring  the  public  service,  that 
either  General  Mifflin,  General  Parsons  or  General  Clinton  could 
direct  our  operations  in  this  part  of.  the  County  of  Westchester, 
that  the  enemy  would  not  only  be  driven  from  this  County,  but  other 
measures  might  probably  be  devised  for  pushing  our  success  and 
harassing  the  enemy. 

Scott,  writing  on  the  14th  of  February,  said: — 

I  wish  I  had  it  in  my  power  to  give  you  a  favorable  account 
of  our  little  expedition,  which  I  imagine,  would  have  been  successful 
beyond  expectation,  had  it  not  been  for  certain  reasons;  when  I 
found  it  had  dwindled  into  a  mere  foraging  business,  I  thought  it 
my  duty  to  return  to  the  Convention. 

In  a  private  letter  to  Heath,  dated  February  3d,  1777. 
Washington  wrote: — 

This  letter  is  to  hint  to  you,  and  I  do  it  with  concern,  that  your 
conduct  is  censured  (and  by  men  of  sense  and  judgment  who  were 
with  you  on  the  expedition  to  Fort  Independence),  as  being  fraught 


84  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

with  too  much  caution,  by  which  the  army  has  been  disappointed 
and  in  some  sense  disgraced.  Your  summons,  as  you  did  not  attempt 
to  fulfil  your  threats,  was  not  only  idle  but  farcical,  and  will  not 
fail  of  turning  the  laugh  exceedingly  against  us.  These  things  I 
mention  to  you  as  a  friend.  Why  you  should  be  so  apprehensive  of 
being  surrounded,  even  if  Lord  Percy  had  landed,  I  cannot  conceive. 
You  know  that  landing  men  and  procuring  horses  is  not  the  work  of 
an  hour,  a  day  or  even  a  week.  Upon  the  whole  it  appears  to  me 
from  information,  that,  if  you  had  pushed  vigorously  upon  your 
first  going  to  Fort  Independence,  the  Post  would  have  been  carried. 

Heath  had  given  as  a  reason  for  his  retreat,  "  that  his 
troops  could  not  stand  the  inclemency  of  the  weather,  and  that 
he  feared  the  troops  expected  from  Rhode  Island  would  land 
upon  his  back."  Replying,  February  6th,  to  Washington's 
letters  of  the  3d  and  4th,  after  speaking  of  the  pain  caused  by 
his  rebuke,  Heath  goes  on  to  say : — 

Before  I  received  your  Excellency's  orders  to  move  myself  to 
wards  Kingsbridge,  upon  the  application  of  the  Committee  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  I  appointed  General  Parsons  to  take  the  com 
mand  of  the  troops  destined  for  their  secret  expedition.  He  gave 
me  his  answer  in  writing,  accepting  the  command  in  obedience  to 
orders,  but,  at  the  same  time,  desiring  that  his  answer  might  remain 
in  writing,  that  it  might  appear,  that,  although  he  cheerfully  obeyed 
orders,  yet  that  he  considered  the  taking  the  command  of  a  body 
of  militia  for  such  an  attempt,  to  use  his  own  words,  as  a  sacrifice 
of  his  character.  By  your  Excellency's  orders  to  me,  his  has  escaped, 
but  it  seems  mine  is  to  receive  the  fatal  stab. 

The  results  of  the  campaign  now  closed  were  far  from 
flattering  to  the  British  Commander.  Notwithstanding  his 
immense  preparations  and  the  best  efforts  of  his  splendid  army 
and  powerful  fleet,  the  only  territory  remaining  under  his  con 
trol  was  Newport  in  Rhode  Island,  New  York  and  the  adjacent 
Islands,  and  New  Jersey  as  far  Amboy  and  Brunswick. 


CHAPTER    X 

RECRUITING  THE  CONNECTICUT  LINE.  INOCULATION  OF  THE 
TROOPS.  TRYON'S  RAID  ON  DANBURY.  DEATH  OF  WOOSTER. 
CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  WASHINGTON.  MEIGS  EXPEDITION  TO 
SAG  HARBOR. 

January — June,   1777 

THE  Continental  establishment  of  1776  had  been  disbanded 
on  the  31st  of  December,  and  the  army  now  in  the  field  was  com 
posed  almost  entirely  of  militia  and  State  troops.  Experience 
had  shown  that  a  more  permanent  army  was  necessary  in  order 
to  cope  successfully  with  the  British  Regulars.  To  provide 
such  a  one,  Congress,  by  its  resolutions  of  September  and 
October,  1776,  had  authorized  the  enlistment  of  eighty-eight 
regiments  of  the  Line,  to  serve  for  three  years  or  during  the 
war,  besides  cavalry  and  artillery.  It  had  also,  upon  the 
urgent  representations  of  Washington,  provided  for  the  rais 
ing  of  sixteen  "  additional  regiments,"  so  called,  to  be  recruited 
from  the  country  at  large.  All  these  troops  were  to  be  enlisted, 
organized,  disciplined,  armed  and  equipped  before  the  opening 
of  the  next  campaign.  Of  the  regiments  of  the  Line,  eight 
were  to  be  furnished  by  Connecticut,  to  be  known  during  the 
war  as  the  "  Connecticut  Line."  Besides  these  regiments, 
there  were  also  recruited  during  the  year  in  the  State,  the 
"  additional  regiment "  of  Colonel  Samuel  B.  Webb,  Washing 
ton's  late  aid-de-camp,  Sheldon's  regiment  of  dragoons  and 
parts  of  Lamb's  artillery  and  other  organizations.  Generals 
Putnam,  Spencer  and  Arnold  being  on  duty  outside  the  State, 
and  Wooster  being  occupied  in  guarding  the  Westchester  lines, 
the  duty  of  supervising  the  enlistment  and  of  organizing  thQ 
Connecticut  Line,  devolved  mainly  on  General  Parsons.  The 
inducements  to  enlist  offered  in  Washington's  orders  of  Decem 
ber  17th,  were  a  bounty  of  twenty  dollars,  a  suit  of  clothes 
annually  and  a  hundred  acres  of  land  upon  the  expiration  of 

85 


86  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

the  term  of  service.  Tories,  deserters  from  the  King's  army, 
boys  and  slaves  were  not  to  be  enlisted.  "  To  encourage  the 
brave  and  spirited  to  enter  the  service,  the  General  promises 
them  all  the  plunder  they  shall  take  from  the  enemy,  to  be 
equally  divided  among  the  officers  and  men  according  to  their 
pay."  This  order  was  so  misunderstood  and  abused,  that  on 
the  21st  of  January,  Washington  issued  another  order  modify 
ing  and  explaining  the  previous  order  and  limiting  "  the 
indulgence  to  scouting  parties  as  a  reward  for  the  extra 
ordinary  fatigue,  hardship  and  danger  they  were  exposed  to." 
The  property  captured  was  not  to  be  divided,  but  the  proceeds, 
after  appraisement  and  sale.  The  practice  of  plundering  the 
inhabitants  under  the  specious  pretence  of  their  being  Tories, 
was  prohibited  under  penalty  of  severe  punishment,  and  the 
troops  were  urged  "  to  protect  and  support  the  poor  and  dis 
tressed  inhabitants  and  not  to  multiply  and  increase  their 
calamities." 

On  the  22d  of  January,  while  Heath  was  still  encamped  at 
Kingsbridge,  General  Parsons  by  permission  of  Washington 
left  camp  to  urge  forward  the  recruiting  in  Connecticut. 
Joining  the  army,  Friday,  the  31st,  after  its  return  to  White 
Plains,  he  went  with  Heath's  consent  to  Fairfield,  whence  he 
wrote  to  Washington  as  follows : 

FAIRFIELD,  February  3,  1777. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — According  to  your  express  permission  I  came 
into  this  State  the  22d  of  January  to  give  what  assistance  I  could 
to  the  recruiting  service  and  to  forming  and  regulating  the  troops. 
The  25th  I  received  General  Heath's  orders  to  return  to  camp  near 
Kingsbridge  which  I  obeyed  with  some  degree  of  reluctance  as  I 
could  not  see  the  necessity  of  my  presence  there.  I  found  General 
Heath  at  White  Plains  last  Friday,  when  he  again  consented  I 
should  return  to  this  State  .  .  .  Our  little  army  consisted  of 
about  three  or  four  thousand  as  good  men  I  think  as  I  ever  saw 
collected  together  and  some  exceedingly  good  officers  to  command 
them.  .  .  .  The  little  time  I  was  in  the  State  made  it  impossible 
for  me  to  become  acquainted  with  any  degree  of  certainty  as  to  the 
number  of  recruits  raised  in  the  State.  Have  ordered  returns  for 
every  regiment  to  be  forwarded  to  your  Excellency.  I  imagine  the 
number  enlisted  does  not  exceed  one  thousand  to  fifteen  hun 
dred.  .  .  .  As  we  are  situated  on  the  sea-coast,  excursions  might 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        87 

be  made  against  the  enemy  with  success  and  distress  them  by  de 
stroying  forage,  wagons,  &c.  I  should  be  glad  to  receive  your 
Excellency's  permission  to  make  attempts,  in  which  case  I  should  be 
glad  to  know  in  what  light  those  who  have  taken  the  oath  of  alle 
giance  to  Great  Britain  are  to  be  regarded,  and  whether  estates  of 
those  who  have  taken  active  part  against  the  country  are  to  be  con 
sidered  enemy's  property. 

I  am  yr  Excellency's  Obt.  Servt. 
To  General  Washington.  S.  H.  PARSONS. 

To  this  Washington  sent  the  following  reply: 

MORRISTOWN,  February  8,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR. — Yesterday  I  received  yours  of  the  3d  inst.  Since 
General  Heath,  by  his  retreat  to  White  Plains,  has  given  the  enemy 
time  to  recover  themselves,  I  do  not  know  at  this  time  what  can  bet 
ter  be  done  in  that  quarter,  than  adopting  the  plan  you  propose  of 
crossing  over  to  the  east  end  of  Long  Island  and  destroying  the 
forage.  I  am  so  fully  convinced  of  the  good  effect  of  this  enterprise, 
that  I  have  ordered  it  to  be  done  generally  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  enemy  here,  in  which  success  has  attended  us  to  our  utmost 
wish.  You  will  endeavor  at  the  same  time  to  bring  off  all  the  draft 
horses  fit  for  service.  Colonel  Henry  B.  Livingston  of  New  York 
State,  was  lately  with  me,  and  has  my  orders  for  this  purpose. 
With  him  you  will  please  to  concert  a  good  plan. 

From  the  enclosed  proclamation  you  will  be  able  to  regulate  your 
conduct  with  regard  to  the  Tories.  No  form  of  oath  of  allegiance 
is  yet  drawn  up,  but  you  can  easily  strike  off  one  that  will  answer 
the  end  designed.  They  have  permission  to  carry  in  with  them  their 
necessary  wearing  apparel,  but  nothing  that  can  possibly  be  useful 
to  the  enemy.  Their  estates  must  be  secured  till  the  civil  power 
determines  what  shall  be  done.  I  have  written  to  the  New  England 
States  on  the  subject  of  arming  the  troops  they  are  to  raise.  You 
will  get  their  answer.  You  will  please  to  publish  the  enclosed 
general  order  [that  against  plundering] . 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  GEO.  WASHINGTON. 

Two  days  later  Washington  writes  to  Parsons  requesting 
him  to  give  orders  for  inoculating  the  Connecticut  troops,  and 
to  postpone  the  proposed  expedition  if  it  will  interfere  with  the 
inoculation. 


88 

MORRISTOWN,  February  10th,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR. — Since  I  wrote  to  you  on  the  8th  inst.,  I  have  been 
compelled  from  the  spreading  of  the  small  pox  in  our  army  to  sub 
mit  to  the  necessity  of  inoculation  and  have  accordingly  ordered 
all  the  Continental  troops  now  here  and  coming  from  the  Western 
States  to  be  inoculated  immediately  on  their  arrival.  You  will 
therefore  give  orders  for  the  inoculating  the  Connecticut  troops ; 
and  as  Governor  Cooke  is  ordered  to  forward  on  the  Rhode  Island 
troops  to  Connecticut  for  this  purpose,  you  will  also  have  proper 
attention  paid  to  them.  I  need  not  recommend  to  you  the  greatest 
secrecy  and  dispatch  in  this  business,  because  a  moments  reflection 
will  inform  you  that  should  the  enemy  discover  our  situation,  they 
cannot  fail  taking  advantage  of  it. 

You  may  not  perhaps  be  able  to  reconcile  this  order  with  the 
enterprise  proposed  in  my  former  letter  against  Long  Island.  If 
that  can  be  carried  on  at  the  same  time  with  inoculation  I  would 
by  no  means  have  you  decline ;  but  if  one  must  give  way  to  the  other, 
(of  which  you  will  be  the  best  judge)  inoculation  being  of  the 
greatest  importance,  must  have  the  preference  and  the  enterprise 
be  laid  aside.  It  will  be  best  to  draw  the  troops  within  as  small 
a  circle  as  possible  towards  Peekskill  to  have  them  inoculated;  by 
this  means  if  proper  care  is  used,  the  danger  of  the  infection  spread 
ing  will  be  small  and  the  country  have  but  little  cause  to  dread  it. 

I  am  yours  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  GEO.  WASHINGTON. 

The  inoculating  of  the  troops  unavoidably  postponed  the 
execution  of  the  proposed  plan  of  invading  Long  Island  until 
after  they  had  been  ordered  to  join  the  main  army;  but  later 
on  it  was  carried  out  with  signal  success. 

On  Friday,  February  7,  General  Parsons  conferred  with 
the  Connecticut  Council  of  Safety  on  the  subject  of  clothing 
for  the  soldiers,  great  difficulty  having  been  experienced  in 
procuring  a  sufficient  quantity  for  the  new  levies.  Fears  being 
expressed  as  to  the  safety  of  the  eastern  part  of  the  State,  it 
was  voted  that  he  be  "  desired  to  draw  on  Colonels  Hunting- 
ton's  and  Durkee's  battalions  to  man  the  Posts  and  Forts  at 
New  London,  Groton  and  Stonington  for  defense." 

Writing  from  Lyme  in  Connecticut,  February  10,  1777, 
Parsons  reports  that  he  is  "  employed  in  recruiting  and  for 
warding  the  eight  battalions  to  be  raised  in  this  State,  and  that 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        89 

he  has  sent  to  Peekskill  for  five  hundred  stands  of  arms." 
Alluding  to  the  jealousy  between  the  several  States,  he  says: — 
"I  wish  all  distinctions  between  States  to  be  buried  in  ever 
lasting  oblivion,  and  therefore  desire  nothing  for  this  or  any 
other  State  which  will  give  occasion  for  any  strife.  I  shall 
use  my  utmost  diligence  whilst  here  to  promote  the  recruiting 
service  in  which  I  hope  to  do  some  good."  Again  on  the  19th, 
he  writes  from  Lyme  as  to  the  exchange  of  Captain  Wells  of 
Glastenbury  and  tells  of  the  effect  produced  by  the  cruel  treat 
ment  of  the  American  prisoners  in  New  York :  "  The  inhuman 
treatment  our  prisoners  received  from  the  British  officers  in 
New  York  has  proved  the  death  of  much  the  greater  part  of 
those  who  came  out  of  the  city  in  this  part  of  the  country.  I 
believe  about  three-fourths  are  dead  since  returning  home. 
The  remaining  few  burn  with  rage  against  the  enemy  and 
exceedingly  desire  to  engage  again  in  the  service  of  their 
country." 

February  16,  General  Parsons  orders  "  Lieut.  Daniel  Waite 
to  take  a  party  of  twenty  soldiers  enlisted  into  the  Con 
tinental  Army  and  proceed  in  whaleboats  to  Long  Island 
to  seize  vegetables  and  provisions  bound  for  New  York.  All 
plundering  of  the  inhabitants  is  strictly  forbidden."  Writing 
from  Lyme,  February  23,  he  reports  to  Washington  the 
results  of  the  expedition  and  asks  as  to  linen  and  other  goods 
seized,  and  recommends  that  raids  be  made  on  Huntington  and 
Oyster  Bays,  and  offers  to  make  the  trial  with  his  permission. 

The  smallpox  having  become  very  prevalent  among  the  new 
recruits  and  it  having  been  found  impossible  to  prevent  it 
spreading  through  the  army,  Washington  wrote  to  the  Gover 
nor  and  Council  of  Connecticut  on  the  10th  of  February,  that 
he  had  determined  to  inoculate  all  the  new  troops  who  had  not 
had  the  disease ;  and  that  to  this  end  he  had  given  directions  to 
General  Parsons  to  superintend  the  inoculation  of  the  Conti 
nental  troops  in  that  State.  The  Governor  and  Council  there 
upon  ordered  that  the  new  troops  for  Continental  service  should 
be  inoculated,  and  General  Parsons  was  desired  to  consult  the 
authorities  of  the  towns,  who  were  directed  to  co-operate  with 
him,  and  to  report  to  the  Governor  from  time  to  time  his  prog 
ress  in  the  business.  February  24,  Governor  Trumbull 


90  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

writing  from  Lebanon  to  General  Washington  as  to  inoculat 
ing  the  troops,  says :  "  I  am  happy  to  find  General  Parsons 
disposed  to  give  his  attention  to  render  the  measure  as  effec 
tive  as  possible."  March  6  Parsons  writes  from  Lyme  to 
General  Washington,  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  his  letters 
of  the  8th,  10th  and  18th  of  February  and  advising  him  that 
he  had  already  established  in  the  State  a  hospital  for  inoculat 
ing  recruits,"  but  that  the  inoculating  the  troops  renders  it 
impossible  at  this  time  to  make  a  descent  on  Long  Island ;  that 
he  will  send  on  levies  as  fast  as  they  can  be  armed  and  clothed ; 
and  that  about  thirteen  hundred  and  eighty  men  have  already 
been  enlisted  for  the  eight  regiments  of  the  line  and  Samuel  B. 
Webb's  "  additional  regiment."  "  Nothing,"  he  adds,  "  shall 
be  wanting  to  promoting,  recruiting  and  forwarding  troops  or 
any  other  service  assigned  me." 

On  the  8th  he  writes  from  New  London  as  to  the  recruiting 
and  says,  "  but  such  is  the  amazing  lethargy  of  the  country 
that  little  short  of  the  sound  of  the  last  trumpet  will  rouse 
them  to  realize  their  danger  and  awake  them  to  their  duty." 
...  "  There  is  too  much  reason  to  believe  that  idleness  in 
some  and  dissipation  in  other  recruiting  officers  prevails  too 
much  for  the  public  weal,  but  I  hope  this  does  not  prevail  very 
generally.  I  hope  to  send  six  hundred  men  next  week." 

In  the  minutes  of  the  Council  of  March  17,  it  is  noted  that 
"  General  Parsons  and  Colonel  Bradley  were  present  at  a  meet 
ing  of  the  Governor  and  Council  and  considerable  time  was 
spent  with  them  in  arranging  officers,  &c.  and  exchanging 
places  among  subalterns." 

On  the  21st  of  March,  Parsons  writes  of  the  difficulty  of 
recruiting  and  assures  "  his  Excellency  of  the  support  of  the 
Assembly."  The  same  day  Governor  Trumbull  wrote  to  Wash 
ington  :  "  I  flatter  myself  that  General  Parsons  will  in  ten 
days  or  a  fortnight  send  you  a  battalion  of  Continental  troops 
from  this  State  and  hope  more  will  soon  follow."  Writing 
further,  as  to  inoculation,  he  says :  "  I  requested  Parsons  that 
the  troops  might  be  inoculated  in  the  western  part  of  the  State, 
and,  while  convalescing,  might  be  stationed  at  Stamford,  Horse- 
neck  and  Danbury.  As  to  the  marching  of  troops  I  conclude 
that  General  Parsons  gives  frequent  information." 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        91 

April  3,  Washington  writes  to  General  Parsons  as  follows : 

MORRISTOWN,  3  April,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR. — My  letters  of  the  20th  and  2Qth  Ulto.  will  convey 
evident  proofs  to  you  of  my  extreme  solicitude  respecting  the  assem 
bling  of  our  troops ;  and  yet,  as  I  have  but  too  much  reason  to  believe, 
that  dissipation  in  some  and  the  comfortable  enjoyment  of  domestic 
pleasures  in  others,  have  had  an  unhappy  influence  upon  the  con 
duct  of  recruiting  officers,  I  must  again  repeat  the  urgent  necessity 
there  is  for  the  officers  of  every  denomination  exerting  themselves 
to  the  utmost  in  bringing  forward  the  new  levies. 

General  Howe  is  vigorous  in  his  preparations ;  the  troops  at  Rhode 
Island,  from  the  best  intelligence  I  have  been  able  to  get,  were 
about  to  embark;  a  number  (to  the  amount  it  is  said  of  3000)  have 
actually  embarked  from  New  York  and  Amboy,  and  are  now  at  the 
watering  place  near  the  Narrows.  In  short,  the  campaign  is  open 
ing,  and  we  have  no  men  for  the  field.  If  this  is  owing  to  the  causes 
above  mentioned,  the  officers  employed  in  the  recruiting  service  must 
expect  to  be  answerable  for  the  consequences.  If  they  have  done 
their  duty,  and  it  proceeds  from  unwillingness  in  the  men  to  enlist, 
the  Government  must  have  recourse  to  coercive  measures ;  for  if  the 
quotas  required  from  each  state  cannot  be  had  by  voluntary  enlist 
ment,  in  time,  and  the  powers  of  Government  are  not  adequate  to 
drafting,  there  is  an  end  to  the  contest  and  opposition  becomes  vain. 
I  therefore  wish  you  to  see  Governor  Trumbull  and  converse  with 
him  on  the  importance  of  this  subject,  for  delay  in  obtaining  the 
men,  falls  very  little  short  of  not  getting  them  at  all.  If  the  enemy, 
for  want  of  men  to  oppose  them,  can  march  through  the  country  in 
triumph,  or  if  the  opposition  is  so  feeble  as  to  become  ineffectual, 
and  our  army  thereby  destroyed  by  piecemeals,  the  bad  effects  of 
either  is  much  easier  to  be  conceived,  than  described,  and  should  be 
avoided  if  possible. 

The  eight  regiments  of  your  State  I  would  have  divided  into  two 
brigades  as  follows: 

First.  Second. 

1.  Colo.  Chas.  Webb.  2.  Colo.  Huntington. 

S.        "     Wyllys.  4.  "     Bradley. 

5.              Douglas.  6.  Chandler. 

7.       "     Durkee.  8.  "     Swift. 

The  first  brigade  to  be  under  your  immediate  command;  the 
second  to  be  under. the  care  of  the  eldest  colonel  (superintended  by 
you)  till  General  Spencer  arrives,  or  a  brigadier  is  appointed  to  it. 


92  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

All  the  officers  and  men  of  these  brigades  to  march  immediately  to 
Peekskill,  except  such  as  have  not  had  the  small  pox,  and  are  now 
under  inoculation,  and  except  such  officers  as  are  necessary  for  the 
care  of  the  sick,  and  for  recruiting,  which  ought  to  be  attended  to 
and  prosecuted  with  all  possible  vigor.  Take  care  to  give  me 
previous  notice  of  the  arrival  of  these  troops  at  the  Kills,  that  (if 
the  exigencies  of  affairs  require  it)  they  may  be  immediately  ordered 
on  to  Headquarters  without  loss  of  time. 

I  am  &c. 
To  General  Parsons.  GEO.  WASHINGTON. 

April  4,  General  Parsons  reports  from  New  Haven  that 
the  total  enlistments  in  the  State  are  fifteen  hundred  and  fifty- 
two,  and  that  "  some  of  the  troops  began  their  march  to  join 
the  army  yesterday."  ...  "I  feel  myself  exceedingly  dis 
tressed  that  the  troops  are  so  very  backward  and  the  recruit 
ing  service  so  slowly  prosecuted.  I  am  conscious  I  have 
omitted  no  pains  to  arm,  clothe  and  forward  the  marching  of 
the  levies,  and  nothing  on  my  part  shall  be  wanting."  On  the 
6th,  he  again  writes  General  Washington  from  New  Haven : 

I  have  received  your  letters  of  the  6th,  12th,  20th  and  2Qth  of 
March.  The  first  detachment  of  the  troops  from  this  State  will 
march  from  Danbury  on  Tuesday  morning  under  the  command  of 
Lieut.  Col.  Butler  of  Wyllys'  regiment.  Nothing  has  been  or  shall 
be  wanting  on  my  part  to  forward  to  camp  every  person  who  is  able 
to  march. 

From  my  soul  I  ardently  wish  and  desire  your  Excellency 
may  receive  every  necessary  aid  from  this  and  every  other  State. 
I  think  your  Excellency's  censure  on  the  dilatory  conduct  of  some 
recruiting  officers  but  too  well  founded.  I  have  spent  my  whole 
time  in  riding  from  place  to  place  in  this  State  to  animate  the 
officers  to  their  duty  and  endeavor  to  put  everything  in  forwardness 
to  march.  The  gentleman  who  commands  this  detachment  is  a 
worthy  and  brave  officer  and  I  hope  will  meet  your  approbation.  A 
more  particular  answer  to  your  letters  I  will  send  by  next  post. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Washington.  S.  H.  PARSONS. 

April  14,  1777,  General  Parsons  in  published  orders,  directed 
Huntington's  and  Durkee's  regiments  to  rendezvous  at  Nor 
wich,  Wyllys'  at  Hartford,  Douglas'  at  New  Haven,  Swift's  at 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        93 

New  Milford,  Chas.  Webb's,  Bradley's  and  Chandler's  at  Dan- 
bury,  Samuel  B.  Webb's  at  Wethersfield  and  Lieut.  Col.  Meigs' 
with  the  half  of  Sherburne's  regiment  under  his  command,  at 
Middletown.  From  these  points  the  troops  were  ordered  to 
march  to  Peekskill,  New  York,  as  soon  as  possible. 

April  15,  Parsons  writing  from  Lyme  to  General  Wash 
ington  as  to  the  condition  of  the  recruiting  service,  says : 

I  have  ordered  all  recruits  who  have  not  had  small  pox  to  Dan- 
bury  to  be  inoculated.  On  the  desire  of  the  Governor  and  Council 
I  have  sent  for  three  thousand  stands  of  arms  from  Portsmouth, 
which,  I  suppose,  are  arrived  at  Norwich,  which,  with  about  eight 
hundred  arms  received  at  Peekskill  and  what  can  be  furnished 
from  this  State,  I  hope  will  arm  our  troops.  The  number  of  troops 
reported  to  date  is  nineteen  hundred  and  fifty-six. 

Danbury,  April  22,  he  further  reports  to  Washington  the 
state  of  the  recruiting,  and  writes  respecting  the  facts  de 
veloped  up  on  the  trial  of  Robert  Thompson  by  a  court-martial, 
as  follows : 

In  the  course  of  this  enquiry  it  appears  to  be  the  general  expec 
tation  of  the  Tories  that  the  enemy  will  soon  land  on  the  coast  about 
twenty  miles  from  this  place  and  attempt  to  secure  or  destroy  the 
magazine  of  provisions  here.  Of  late  considerable  bodies  of  dis 
affected  persons  have  collected  in  this  neighborhood,  and  it  seems 
their  intention  to  join  the  enemy  on  landing.  As  the  stores  are  of 
great  importance,  I  think  it  highly  necessary  that  a  strong  guard 
should  be  kept  here. 

Three  days  after  this  letter  was  written,  the  expected  raid 
occurred.  Two  thousand  British  troops  under  Governor  Tryon, 
on  the  25th  of  April  landed  near  Fairfield  and  marching  to 
Danbury,  twenty-three  miles  distant,  set  fire  to  the  public 
stores,  including  some  seventeen  hundred  much-needed  tents, 
and  to  several  private  dwellings.  Generals  Silliman,  Arnold 
and  Wooster,  collecting  a  body  of  militia,  endeavored  to  inter 
cept  the  raiders  on  their  return.  Wooster  boldly  attacked  the 
rear  of  the  retreating  column  and  fell  mortally  wounded. 
Arnold  threw  up  a  breastwork  across  a  road  along  which  the 
enemy  were  to  pass,  where  a  sharp  conflict  ensued  when  they 
appeared  lasting  nearly  an  hour.  The  Americans  finally  gave 


94  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

way  but  rallied  and  pursued  the  enemy  to  their  boats  in  which 
they  got  off  during  the  night  of  the  28th. 

May  2,  General  Parsons,  upon  receiving  news  of  the  losses 
at  Danbury,  writes  from  New  Haven  urging  the  necessity  of 
retaining  troops  in  the  State  to  protect  the  magazines  of 
provisions,  and  says  he  has  consulted  with  General  Arnold  who 
is  of  the  same  opinion. 

Morristown,  May  7,  1777,  General  Washington  writes  Gen 
eral  McDougall:  "As  Generals  Arnold  and  Parsons  may  not 
be  in  New  Haven,  for  which  place  their  letters  are  directed,  I 
beg  you  will  send  them  on  by  a  person  who  will  see  to  the 
delivery  of  them,  as  they  are  of  consequence." 

Hartford,  May  11,  1777,  General  Parsons  writes  to  General 
Washington : — 

DEAR  GENERAL. — The  5th  inst.  I  was  honored  with  the  receipt 
of  yours  of  the  23d  of  April.  I  have  ordered  all  the  troops  in  this 
State  who  are  of  the  Continental  Army  to  New  Haven  and  Dan- 
bury.  Governor  Trumbull  desires  me  to  post  them  there  until  he 
shall  receive  an  answer  to  a  letter  he  has  sent  your  Excellency 
respecting  the  defense  of  this  State.  As  their  march  to  Peekskill, 
if  they  should  be  ordered  there,  will  be  little  retarded  by  it,  I  have 
directed  their  rendezvous  at  these  two  places,  and  shall  order  them 
to  New  Haven  and  westward  on  the  sea  coast,  and  hope  the  Gov 
ernor  will  soon  receive  your  Excellency's  answer,  so  I  may  be  able 
to  give  satisfaction  to  you  and  to  him.  I  cannot  think  a  descent 
on  the  coast  of  this  State  very  probable,  unless  it  be  to  distract  our 
attention  from  some  capital  attempt  on  the  Post  near  the  North 
River  or  some  other  place  of  more  consequence  than  the  possession 
of  any  post  within  this  State;  however,  of  this  your  Excellency  has 
the  best  means  of  judging.  The  draft  ordered  by  the  Governor  and 
Council  I  fear  has  not  been  so  effectual  as  I  hoped,  but  the  number 
of  recruits  added  by  that  measure  is  not  yet  fully  known.  .  .  . 

On  this  view  of  the  matter  I  have  come  to  this  place  where  the 
General  Assembly  are  now  sitting,  to  endeavor  to  procure  the 
Assembly  to  pursue  some  decisive  measure  to  fill  up  the  quota  of 
this  State  immediately,  and  I  think  there  are  fair  prospects  of  their 
adopting  measures  which  will  not  fail  of  accomplishing  my  hopes; 
at  present,  I  don't  know  that  I  can  do  more  service  in  any  way  than 
by  remaining  here  until  they  have  gone  through  their  proposals  for 
raising  of  the  levies. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        95 

Some  of  the  posts  on  Long  Island  I  think  might  be  surprised 
with  little  danger  of  loss.  If  our  condition  is  such  that  we  can 
spare  a  few  hundred  of  our  troops  for  this  purpose,  there  appears 
from  the  situation  of  our  prisoners  a  pretty  good  prospect  of  suc 
ceeding  in  an  attempt  to  retake  and  bring  them  off. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Washington.  SAM'L.  H.  PARSONS. 

Hartford,  May  15,  1777,  General  Parsons  again  writes  to 
General  Washington: 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  7th  inst.  and  have  ordered  all 
the  troops  who  have  had  the  small  pox  and  are  able  to  march,  to 
Peekskill.  By  the  number  wanting  still  to  complete  our  battalions, 
with  those  who  have  not  yet  been  through  the  small  pox,  'tis  proba 
ble  we  shall  soon  have  two  or  three  thousand  men  who  have  not  had 
the  disease.  ...  I  have  received  a  request  from  the  Governor 
and  Council  of  this  State,  a  copy  of  which  I  herewith  send  you.  As 
I  could  not  comply  with  their  desires  without  your  Excellency's 
direction,  I  have  stayed  those  troops  only  who  have  not  had  the  small 
pox  or  are  in  a  convalescent  state."  He  reports  the  number  of 
recruits  at  thirty-two  hundred  and  fifty-one,  and  says  that  "  this 
with  the  addition  of  officers  makes  us  more  than  half  our  quota. 
The  prospects  of  completing  the  battalions  are  good.  Nothing  on 
my  part  shall  be  omitted  which  can  forward  this  service. 

Thirteen  transports  have  gone  to  Newport.  There  is  no  cer 
tainty  of  troops  being  on  board.  From  the  information  we  have 
here,  we  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  any  considerable  number 
has  gone  from  thence  to  New  York.  I  have  no  great  apprehension 
of  a  descent  on  our  coast,  but  think  we  may  make  some  on  theirs 
to  advantage. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Washington.  S.  H.  PARSONS. 

To  Parsons'  letter  of  May  llth,  Washington  replied  as 
follows  : 

MORRISTOWN,  17th  May,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  was  favored  yesterday  with  your  letter  of  the  llth 
instant.  I  wrote  to  Governor  Trumbull  fully  and  informed  him 
that  no  part  of  the  troops  exacted  from  the  State  could  remain 
there.  This  letter  I  presume  has  reached  the  Governor,  and  I  trust 
the  observations  contained  in  it  would  satisfy  him  of  the  necessity 


96  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

of  drawing  the  whole  troops  together.  I  think  with  you  that  the 
enemy  will  make  no  impressions  into  Connecticut.  If  they  attempt 
anything  of  the  sort,  it  will  be  to  call  our  attention  from  more  im 
portant  objects.  It  is  much  to  be  wished  that  they  would  prosecute 
the  war  on  a  partisan  or  detached  plan.  Nothing  could  more  cer 
tainly  ensure  their  destruction.  The  troops,  as  fast  as  they  can  be 
raised,  and  their  recovery  from  the  small  pox  will  admit,  must  come 
on  to  Peekskill. 

I  am  sorry  the  expedient  adopted  by  the  Governor  and  Council 
for  filling  their  quota  of  men  has  not  been  attended  with  all  the 
advantages  expected  from  it.  I  wish  their  next  attempt  may  have 
more  happy  consequences.  I  am  persuaded  your  remaining  in  the 
State  some  time  longer  would  be  of  service;  yet  as  I  consider  the 
defense  of  the  fortifications  and  passes  through  the  Highlands  an 
object  of  the  last  importance,  and  possessing  them  most  probably 
to  form  the  chief  end  of  the  enemy's  counsels  and  immediate  opera 
tions,  I  wish  you  to  come  to  Peekskill  and  there  continue  with  the 
troops,  till  some  further  disposition  shall  become  necessary  or  may 
be  ordered.  At  the  same  time  I  would  wish  you  to  fix  upon  and 
leave  behind  a  sufficient  number  of  proper  officers  to  collect  and 
hasten  on  the  recruits  as  fast  as  they  are  raised  and  gone  through 
inoculation.  Perhaps  more  than  one  may  be  necessary;  and  I  have 
no  doubt  you  will  choose  for  this  purpose  such  as  will  be  of  great 
activity  and  industry,  and  in  whose  conduct  the  most  implicit  con 
fidence  may  be  reposed. 

How  far  the  expedition  to  Long  Island  would  be  practicable, 
supposing  our  army  was  full,  I  cannot  determine.  In  our  present 
position  we  have  no  men  to  spare  for  the  purpose.  Further,  I  am 
by  no  means  satisfied  that  the  rules  of  war  would  justify  our  de 
taching  a  force  to  recover  our  prisoners  under  the  present  circum 
stances.  I  rather  think  they  would  not;  but  without  going  into  a 
full  discussion  of  the  measure,  either  upon  the  principles  of  war  or 
justice,  I  am  certain  that  policy  strongly  forbids  the  attempt.  Suc 
cess  in  such  case  would  lead  to  unhappy  consequences.  No  future 
prisoners  would  receive  the  same  favorable  indulgence,  so  essential 
to  their  health  and  comfort,  and  it  would  authorize  their  imposing 
on  them  a  more  close  and  severe  confinement.  You  are  not  to  infer 
from  hence,  that  I  esteem  the  recovery  of  prisoners  unjustifiable 
in  all  cases,  or  have  any  doubts  respecting  the  propriety  of  it. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  GEO.   WASHINGTON. 

The  expedient  referred  to  was  to  fill  up  the  Continental  regi- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        97 

ments  with  men  drafted  from  the  militia  to  serve  until  January 
1,  the  regular  enlistments  to  continue  meanwhile.  Parsons 
had  suggested  an  expedition  to  Long  Island  from  Connecticut, 
and  had  asked  Washington's  opinion  as  to  the  propriety  of 
attempting  the  rescue  of  the  American  prisoners  in  the  vicinity 
of  Flatbush. 

May  21,  Parsons  writes  from  New  Haven  that  it  is  so 
late  in  the  season  that  it  seems  useless  to  inoculate  the  troops 
and  asks  whether  he  shall  continue  it.  He  reports  the  embarka 
tion  of  British  troops  for  Long  Island ;  will  forward  detach 
ments,  but  finds  it  difficult  to  provide  sufficient  clothing. 

While  in  New  Haven  about  the  middle  of  May,  General  Par 
sons,  learning  that  the  enemy  was  collecting  forage  on  the 
east  end  of  Long  Island  for  the  supply  of  their  army  in  New 
York,  ordered  a  detachment  under  Colonel  Meigs  to  proceed  to 
Sag  Harbor  and  destroy  it.  The  following  report  made  by 
General  Parsons  to  General  Washington,  gives  the  details  of 
the  expedition: 

NEW  HAVEN,  May  25th,  1777. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — Having  received  information  that  the  enemy 
were  collecting  forage,  horses,  &c.,  on  the  east  end  of  Long  Island, 
I  ordered  a  detachment  from  the  several  regiments  then  at  this 
place,  consisting  of  one  major,  four  captains,  viz:  Troop,  Pond, 
Mansfield  and  Savage,  and  nine  subalterns,  and  two  hundred  and 
twenty  men,  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates,  under  the  com 
mand  of  Col.  Meigs,  to  attack  their  different  posts  on  that  part  of 
the  Island,  and  destroy  forage,  &c.,  which  they  had  collected.  Col. 
Meigs  embarked  his  men  here,  in  thirteen  whale  boats,  the  21st 
inst.,  and  proceeded  to  Guilford,  but  the  wind  proving  high  and  the 
sea  rough,  could  not  pass  the  Sound  until  Friday,  the  23d.  He 
left  Guilford  at  one  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  the  23d,  with  one 
hundred  and  seventy  of  his  detachment,  and  under  convoy  of  two 
armed  sloops,  and  in  company  with  another  unarmed,  (to  bring  off 
prisoners),  crossed  the  Sound  to  the  north  branch  of  the  Island 
near  Southold,  where  he  arrived  about  6  o'clock  in  the  evening; 
the  enemy's  troops  on  this  branch  of  the  Island  had  marched  for 
New  York  two  days  before;  but  about  sixty  of  the  enemy  remain 
ing  at  a  place  called  Sag  Harbor,  about  fifteen  miles  distant  on  the 
south  branch  of  the  Island,  he  ordered  eleven  whale  boats,  with  as 
many  men  as  could  be  safely  transported  across  the  bay,  over  the 


98  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

land  to  the  bay,  where  they  re-embarked  to  the  number  of  one  hun 
dred  and  thirty,  and  at  about  twelve  o'clock  arrived  safe  across  the 
bay,  within  four  miles  of  the  harbor,  where  having  secured  the 
boats  in  the  woods  under  care  of  a  guard,  Col.  Meigs  formed  his 
little  remaining  detachment  in  proper  order  for  attacking  the  dif 
ferent  posts  and  quarters  of  the  enemy,  and  securing  the  vessels 
and  forage  at  the  same  time.  They  marched  in  the  greatest  order 
and  silence,  and  at  two  o'clock  arrived  at  the  harbor.  The  several 
divisions,  with  fixed  bayonets,  attacked  the  guards  and  posts 
assigned  them,  whilst  Capt.  Troop,  with  the  detachment  under  his 
command,  secured  the  vessels  and  forage  lying  at  the  wharf.  The 
alarm  soon  became  general,  when  an  armed  schooner  of  twelve 
guns  and  seventy  men,  within  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  of  the 
wharf,  began  a  fire  upon  our  troops,  which  continued  without  cessa 
tion  for  three-quarters  of  an  hour,  with  grape  and  round  shot,  but 
the  troops  with  the  greatest  intrepidity  returned  the  fire  upon  the 
schooner  and  set  fire  to  the  vessels  and  forage  and  killed  and 
captured  all  the  soldiers  and  sailors,  except  about  six,  who  made 
their  escape  under  cover  of  the  night.  Twelve  brigs  and  sloops, 
one  an  armed  vessel  with  twelve  guns,  about  one  hundred  and  twenty 
tons  of  pressed  hay,  oats,  corn  and  other  forage,  ten  hogsheads  of 
rum  and  a  large  quantity  of  other  merchandise,  were  entirely  con 
sumed.  It  gives  me  the  greatest  satisfaction  to  hear  the  officers 
and  soldiers  without  exception,  behaved  with  the  greatest  bravery, 
order  and  intrepidity. 

Col.  Meigs  having  finished  the  business  on  which  he  was  sent, 
returned  safe  with  all  his  men  to  Guilford  by  two  o'clock  P.  M. 
yesterday,  with  ninety  prisoners,  having  in  twenty-five  hours,  by 
land  and  water,  transported  his  men  full  ninety  miles,  and  suc 
ceeded  in  his  attempts  beyond  my  most  sanguine  expectations,  with 
out  losing  a  single  man,  either  killed  or  wounded.  It  gives  me 
singular  pleasure  to  hear  no  disposition  appeared  in  any  one  soldier 
to  plunder  the  inhabitants  or  violate  private  property  in  the  smallest 
degree,  and  that  even  the  clothing  and  other  articles  belonging  to 
the  prisoners,  the  soldiers,  with  a  generosity  not  learned  from 
British  troops,  have  with  great  cheerfulness  restored  to  them  where 
they  have  fallen  into  their  hands. 

Maj.  Humphreys,  who  waits  on  your  Excellency  with  the  account, 
was  in  the  action  with  Col.  Meigs,  and  will  be  able  to  give  any 
further  necessary  information. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Washington.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        99 

In  reply  to  Parsons'  letter  of  the  25th,  Washington  wrote  as 
follows : 

HEADQUARTERS,   MIDDLEBROOK,   29th   May,   1777. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  was  just  now  favored  with  your  letter  of  the  25th 
by  Major  Humphreys.  The  intelligence  communicated  by  it  is 
truly  interesting  and  agreeable,  and  now  I  shall  take  occasion,  not 
only  to  give  you  my  hearty  approbation  of  your  conduct  in  planning 
the  expedition  to  Long  Island,  but  to  return  my  sincere  thanks  to 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Meigs  and  to  all  officers  and  men  engaged  in 
it.  This  enterprise,  so  fortunate  in  the  execution,  will  greatly  dis 
tress  the  enemy  in  the  important  and  essential  article  of  forage, 
and  reflects  much  honor  on  those  who  performed  it.  I  shall  be 
happy  to  reward  merit  when  in  my  power,  and  therefore  wish  you 
to  inquire  for  a  vacant  ensigncy  in  some  of  the  regiments  for  Ser 
geant  Ginnings,  to  which  you  will  promote  him,  advising  me  of  the 
same  and  the  time. 

As  I  could  only  repeat  what  I  have  said  in  my  former  letters  to 
you  and  to  Governor  Trumbull  on  the  subject  of  his  and  the 
Assembly's  request  for  part  of  the  troops  to  remain  in  Connecticut, 
it  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  say  more  respecting  it,  than  that  I  can 
not  possibly  comply  with  it  at  this  time.  The  passes  and  fortifi 
cations  in  the  Highlands  are  of  the  last  importance,  and  every 
means  in  our  power  must  be  employed  to  secure  them.  If  the 
enemy's  movements,  which  most  probably  will  be  understood  in  a 
little  time,  should  be  such  as  to  show  that  Hudson's  River  is  not 
their  object,  and  the  state  of  the  troops  will  admit,  I  shall  with 
great  pleasure  post  a  part  of  them  about  White  Plains  and  Stam 
ford,  and  give  every  protection  I  can  to  Connecticut,  consistent 
with  the  general  interest;  but  till  these  events  take  place,  neither 
prudence  nor  policy  will  justify  me  in  sparing  men.  You  will, 
agreeably  to  my  request,  repair  to  Peekskill  after  making  the  neces 
sary  orders  about  the  troops. 

I  am,  with  great  esteem  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  GEO.  WASHINGTON. 

Congress  voted  a  sword  to  Colonel  Meigs  in  recognition  of 
the  "  prudence,  activity,  enterprise  and  valor  "  with  which  the 
expedition  had  been  conducted.  The  event  was  noted  with 
commendation  in  General  Orders. 

General  Parsons  having  given  the  necessary  orders  respect 
ing  the  recruiting  and  forwarding  of  the  troops,  repaired  to 


100  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Peekskill,  as  requested  by  Washington  in  his  letter  of  the  29th 
of  May.  From  that  place,  under  date  of  June  12,  he 
writes  to  Washington,  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  his 
letters  of  the  25th  and  29th,  and  advising  him  of  the  condition 
in  which  he  left  the  recruiting  service  and  of  the  changes  and 
promotions  among  the  officers,  and  says :  "  Your  Excellency's 
approbation  of  the  expedition  to  Long  Island  affords  me  par 
ticular  satisfaction.  I  hope  it  will  ever  be  my  highest  ambition 
to  promote  the  highest  good  of  my  country." 


CHAPTER    XI 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1777.  PARSONS  REINFORCES  WASHINGTON  IN  NEW 
JERSEY.  LETTER  TO  His  WIFE.  BURGOYNE'S  MOVEMENT.  PAR 
SONS  ORDERED  TO  THE  DEFENSE  OF  THE  HIGHLANDS.  His  EX 
PEDITION  TO  SETAUKET.  BRANDYWINE  AND  GERMANTOWN.  SUR 
RENDER  OF  BURGOYNE. 

•N 

December,  1787 — December,  1788 

PEEKSKILL,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson  and  at  the  southern 
gate  of  the  Highlands,  was  selected  by  Washington  as  the 
rendezvous  for  the  New  York  and  New  England  troops  for 
reasons  which  he  states  in  his  letter  of  March  12  to  General 
Schuyler : — "  If  the  troops  are  drawn  together  there,  they  will 
be  advantageously  situated  to  give  support  to  any  of  the 
Eastern  or  Middle  States.  Should  the  enemy's  design  be  to 
penetrate  the  country  up  the  North  River,  they  will  be  well 
placed  to  oppose  them;  should  they  attempt  to  penetrate  into 
New  England,  they  will  be  well  stationed  to  cover  it;  if  they 
move  westward,  the  eastern  and  southern  troops  can  easily  form 
a  junction;  and,  besides,  it  will  oblige  the  enemy  to  leave  a 
much  stronger  garrison  at  New  York,  and  they  will  by  no 
means  be  disadvantageously  posted  to  reinforce  Ticonderoga 
and  cover  the  country  around  Albany."  Soon  after  the  battle 
of  White  Plains,  the  command  at  Peekskill  was  assigned  to 
General  Heath;  but  when  he  left  for  Massachusetts  early  in 
March,  it  devolved  upon  General  McDougall,  who,  although 
appointed  brigadier  at  the  same  time  as  Parsons,  ranked  him, 
his  name  standing  one  higher  on  the  list.  In  June,  McDougall 
was  superseded  by  Putnam,  Washington  regarding  the  Post 
of  such  importance  as  to  require  a  division  commander. 

The  British  Ministry  having  advised  General  Howe  that  but 
a  small  part  of  the  reinforcements  asked  for  would  be  sent  to 
America,  he  had  abandoned  his  proposed  attempt  against  New 
England  and  had  written  Carleton  that  he  could  not  co-operate 
with  the  Northern  Army  by  a  movement  in  force  up  the 
Hudson.  His  plan  now  was,  to  proceed  to  Philadelphia  by 

101 


102  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

water  rather  than  risk  a  march  through  the  Jerseys ;  but  his 
first  object  was  to  bring  on  a  general  engagement  and  either 
destroy  or  greatly  weaken  the  American  Army.  All  this, 
however,  was  unknown  to  Washington,  and  consequently  the 
movements  of  the  enemy  at  the  commencement  of  the  campaign 
were  very  perplexing.  The  Highlands,  New  England  or 
Philadelphia  might  be  the  object  of  attack,  and  his  troops  must 
be  disposed  so  as  to  move  readily  to  the  support  of  either. 

Finding  that  General  Howe  was  concentrating  his  whole 
available  force  at  Brunswick,  Washington  began  collecting  his 
troops  at  Middlebrook,  a  very  strong  position  about  ten  miles 
distant  from  the  enemy.  June  12,  he  ordered  Putnam  to  send 
forward  Generals  Parsons,  McDougall  and  Glover  with  all  the 
Continental  troops  at  Peekskill,  except  one  thousand  effective 
men,  which,  with  the  militia,  were  deemed  sufficient  to  take  care 
of  the  enemy  east  of  the  Hudson.  These  troops  were  "  ordered 
to  march  in  three  divisions,  each  to  follow  one  day's  march 
behind  the  other,  and  each  of  the  first  two  divisions  to  take 
with  them  two  pieces  of  artillery." 

On  the  14th,  Parsons  writes  to  Washington  from  Peeks- 
kill  : — "  The  part  of  my  brigade  present  and  able  to  march  has 
crossed  the  river  according  to  your  Excellency's  order  received 
yesterday.  They  number  one  hundred.  ...  It  is  not  in  my 
power  to  clothe  them  decently  as  I  could  wish.  .  .  .  They 
have  no  tents."  He  asks,  "  What  shall  be  done  with  those 
who  have  not  had  the  small  pox." 

On  the  night  of  the  13th,  Howe  extended  his  left  to  Somer 
set  Court  House,  about  nine  miles,  threatening  our  right,  "  the 
most  accessible  and  weakest  part  of  our  line,"  but  protecting 
himself  from  attack  by  keeping  the  Raritan  River  in  his  front. 
Here  he  remained  until  the  night  of  the  19th,  when  he  retreated 
somewhat  precipitately  to  Brunswick,  burning  and  plundering 
as  he  went.  On  Sunday,  the  22d,  he  fell  back  to  Amboy,  Gen 
eral  Greene,  with  three  brigades,  pursuing  as  far  as  Piscataway, 
the  main  army  being  drawn  up  on  the  Heights  ready  to  sup 
port  if  occasion  required.  On  the  24th,  Washington,  leaving 
his  strong  position  in  the  hills,  moved  his  whole  army  towards 
the  enemy  to  Quibbletown.  Perceiving  this,  Howe  made  a  sud 
den  lunge  at  his  left  with  his  entire  force  with  the  evident 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      103 

intent  of  turning  it,  to  avoid  which  Washington  retired  again 
to  Middlebrook.  The  next  day  the  enemy  moved  towards 
Samptown,  our  light  troops  in  their  rear  and  pursuing,  and  on 
the  30th,  evacuated  New  Jersey. 

The  following  letter  from  General  Parsons  to  his  wife,  writ 
ten  in  camp,  June  22,  while  these  movements  were  still  in 
progress,  may  not  be  uninteresting: — 

I  have  no  way  to  tell  you  where  I  am,  but  by  describing  the 
place  which  has  no  name.  Our  camp  is  about  two  miles  advanced 
in  front  of  the  mountain  where  the  army  is  posted,  on  the  road  to 
Quibbletown,  about  one  and  a  half  miles  north  of  that  town,  about 
two  and  one-half  miles  northwest  of  Samptown,  about  three  miles 
west  of  Browestown,  and  about  ten  miles  northwest  of  Spanktown, 
about  eight  miles  northeast  of  Brunswick,  six  miles  from  Middle- 
brook,  about  one  mile  from  the  stream  called  Bound  Brook,  east 
ward,  but  further  distant  from  the  village  of  that  name.  If  you 
can  find  me  by  this  description,  I  shall  be  rejoiced  to  hear  from  you. 
I  expect  to  remove  from  this  place  very  soon.  Our  neighborhood 
with  the  enemy  gives  us  frequent  skirmishes,  though  nothing  very 
material  has  occurred  since  the  rascals  retreated  in  so  scandalous 
a  manner  from  Somerset  Court  House  to  Brunswick.  Their  grand 
encampment  seems  now  to  be  extended  from  Brunswick  to  Amboy. 
We  are  induced  to  believe  they  are  embarking  for  some  other  place, 
and  this  State  will  be  clear  of  them;  however,  this  is  at  present  not 
certain.  I  think  their  retreat  must  have  an  exceeding  good  effect 
in  every  point  of  view.  If  they  advance  to  Millstone  or  Somerset 
to  try  the  credit  they  may  give  their  friends,  and  see  what  number 
will  join  them,  they  must  be  greatly  mortified  to  find  almost  every 
man  who  had  received  his  Majesty's  protection  and  most  gracious 
pardon  in  arms  against  them.  Not  the  militia  only  of  this  State, 
but  almost  every  man  in  it  able  to  bear  arms,  have  voluntarily  flown 
to  arms  on  this  occasion.  If  they  designed  to  penetrate  the  country 
to  Philadelphia,  they  are  convinced  it  is  impracticable.  If  they 
designed  to  turn  the  flank  of  our  army,  and  draw  us  from  our  strong 
grounds,  they  are  disappointed. 

The  effect  this  maneuver  will  have  on  their  army  and  our  forces, 
and  on  the  minds  of  the  disaffected  in  the  country,  will  probably 
be  of  great  advantage  to  us.  Our  army  is  now  respectable,  but  not 
such  that  we  incline  to  attack  them  in  their  strongholds  at  present; 
especially  as  delay  is  considered  as  fatal  to  them,  if  we  prevent 
their  penetrating  the  country.  The  general  is  very  well  and  in 


104  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

good  spirits ;  and  our  affairs  have  a  more  promising  aspect  than 
since  the  war  began.  Where  their  next  movement  will  be  is  yet 
uncertain;  perhaps,  if  I  live,  I  may  see  you  sooner  than  I  expected 
when  I  left  home.  About  one  thousand  of  my  brigade  have  joined 
us;  more  are  expected  every  hour.  Col.  Butler  and  Major  Sill  are 
at  Morristown;  I  expect  they  will  soon  have  orders  to  join  their 
brigades.  Every  necessary  of  life  is  exceedingly  dear;  salt  is 
from  ten  to  twenty  dollars  per  bushel,  and  other  things  very  ex 
travagant.  I  am  in  very  comfortable  circumstances  myself,  though 
not  very  well. 

Since  writing  the  above,  the  enemy  have  evacuated  Brunswick, 
with  great  precipitation  and  evident  signs  of  fear,  and  are  fled  to 
Amboy.  They  left  Brunswick  at  ten  o'clock,  and  Gen.  Greene  took 
possession  by  the  time  they  were  out.  They  left  a  considerable 
quantity  of  flour  and  other  things,  but  I  have  not  seen  the  return 
yet.  We  pursued  them,  and  attacked  their  rear  and  flank,  to  Amboy, 
where  they  are  going  aboard  their  ships.  This  State  is  once  more 
delivered  from  those  pests  of  society;  who  will  next  be  infested 
with  them,  is  uncertain,  but  we  are  in  high  spirits,  and  ready  to 
march  to  any  part  of  the  country.  I  expect  orders  to  march  very 
soon,  perhaps  to  the  North  River  again,  where  I  shall  write  you. 
I  am  my  dear  with  love  to  children, 

Your  affectionate  husband, 

SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS. 


The  very  next  day  after  the  retreat  from  New  Jersey,  Wash 
ington  received  intelligence  from  General  Schuyler,  "  that 
General  Burgoyne  is  beginning  to  operate  against  Ticonderoga 
and  its  dependencies."  Still  in  doubt  as  to  the  intentions  of 
the  enemy  and  anxious  to  provide  against  every  contingency, 
he  wrote  Governor  Trumbull  in  Connecticut  on  the  2d  of  July: 
— "  If  this  movement  is  not  a  diversion  but  a  serious  attack, 
it  is  certain  that  the  next  step  of  General  Howe's  army  will  be 
towards  Peekskill  to  get  possession  of  the  passes  in  the  High 
lands  before  this  army  can  have  time  to  form  a  junction  with 
the  troops  already  there.  To  guard  against  contingencies,  I 
have  ordered  General  Parsons'  and  General  Varnum's  brigades 
to  march  off  with  all  dispatch  towards  Peekskill,  and  when 
they  have  arrived  at  or  near  that  place,  a  reinforcement  of  four 
of  the  strongest  Massachusetts  regiments  will  proceed  thence 
immediately  to  Albany  on  their  way  to  Ticonderoga." 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      105 

July  2,  Parsons'  and  Varnum's  brigades  broke  camp  at  Mid- 
dlebrook  and  commenced  their  march  to  Peekskill,  where  they 
arrived  about  the  9th.  July  15,  while  in  camp  at  that  Post, 
Parsons  wrote  to  Washington  at  the  request  of  Colonel  Samuel 
B.  Webb,  a  former  aid-de-camp  of  his  Excellency,  who  was 
apprehensive  that  he  had  fallen  under  Washington's  dis 
pleasure,  explaining  and  justifying  his  conduct.  He  assured 
him  that  Webb  had  been  active  and  diligent  in  recruiting,  and 
had  never  been  guilty  of  idleness  or  dissipation,  and  that  he 
and  his  officers,  in  his  opinion,  did  as  well  as  any  could  have 
done  under  the  circumstances.  This  letter  was  probably  called 
out  by  one  from  Washington  to  Colonel  Webb,  of  June  7,  in 
which  he  takes  him  severely  to  task  for  drawing  five  hundred 
suits  of  clothing  for  his  regiment,  when,  by  a  return  from 
General  Parsons  of  May  13,  it  contained  but  two  hundred 
and  five  men,  rank  and  file.  Webb  seems  to  have  placed  his 
chief  reliance  on  Parsons  as  his  helper  in  time  of  trouble,  and 
we  frequently  find  Parsons  interceding  in  his  behalf.  Their 
acquaintance  began  while  Webb  was  acting  as  the  secretary  of 
Silas  Deane,  who,  as  well  as  Parsons,  was  a  member  of  the 
Connecticut  Committee  of  Correspondence. 

July  16,  1777,  Parsons  writes  Washington,  "  that  General 
Prescott  of  the  British  army,  who  had  just  been  captured  at 
his  home  near  Newport  by  Lieut.  Colonel  Barton  of  the  Rhode 
Island  militia,  is  to  be  taken  to  Windham  in  Connecticut,  which 
is  by  no  means  a  place  of  safety,  as  it  would  be  easy  for  him 
to  effect  an  escape  to  Long  Island  with  the  assistance  of  the 
dissaffected,  and  recommends  that  he  be  placed  under  the  care 
of  vigilant  officers  and  be  removed  further  from  the  Sound  to 
some  place  where  the  people  are  generally  well  affected."  The 
next  day,  Washington  wrote  Governor  Trumbull  repeating 
Parsons'  recommendations,  and  asked  the  Governor  to  see  that 
they  were  carried  into  effect. 

On  the  21st  of  July,  Parsons  and  Huntington,  with  their 
brigades,  marched  towards  the  Sound  to  oppose  the  enemy 
should  they  attempt  to  land  upon  the  coast.  Nothing  being 
heard  of  them,  the  troops  returned  to  camp  on  the  27th. 

The  situation  in  the  Highlands  at  this  time  was  anything 
but  inspiriting.  The  greater  part  of  the  force  intended  for 


106  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

its  defense  had  been  sent  to  the  assistance  of  Schuyler,  or  drawn 
by  Washington  to  his  own  army  for  the  defense  of  Phila 
delphia.  Burgoyne's  campaign  was  in  full  progress.  On  the 
7th  of  July,  he  had  captured  Ticonderoga,  and  now,  on  the 
30th,  was  at  Fort  Edward,  less  than  sixty  miles  from  Albany, 
with  a  perfectly  equipped  force  of  eight  thousand  men.  St. 
Leger,  operating  from  Oswego,  was  already  near  Fort  Stanwix, 
(Rome,  N.  Y.)  preparing  to  invest  it  with  a  thousand  Indians 
and  Tories.  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  from  whom  most  was  to  be 
feared,  was  waiting  with  six  thousand  men  in  New  York  for  an 
opportunity  to  form  a  junction  with  Burgoyne,  seize  the  Posts 
in  the  Highlands  and  close  the  Hudson.  "  The  importance  of 
preventing  this,"  wrote  Washington  to  Putnam,  on  the  1st 
of  August,  "  is  infinite  to  America,  and,  in  the  present  situation 
of  things,  every  effort  that  can  be  thought  of  must  be  used." 
The  responsibility  of  defending  this  vitally  important  position 
had  been  imposed  on  Putnam  and  Parsons,  with  no  force  at 
their  command  except  Parsons'  brigade  of  Continentals,  about 
two  thousand  men,  composed  of  the  regiments  of  Wyllys, 
Charles  Webb  and  Meigs,  with  the  "  additional  regiments  "  of 
Samuel  B.  Webb  and  Sherburne.  Under  these  trying  circum 
stances,  Parsons,  ever  on  the  alert  and  anxious  for  the  safety 
of  the  important  Posts  in  his  charge,  wrote  to  Washington,  as 

follows : — 

PEEKSKILL,  July  30th,  1777. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — The  designs  of  the  enemy  and  the  importance 
of  the  Posts  in  the  various  parts  of  the  country,  are  doubtless  better 
understood  by  your  Excellency  than  I  can  pretend  to  know  them. 
This  ought  not  to  prevent  my  proposing  my  sentiments  to  your 
Excellency's  consideration;  in  this  I  do  no  more  than  my  duty,  and, 
if  I  am  mistaken,  it  can  be  of  no  ill  consequence  to  anyone  but 
myself.  The  Posts  on  the  North  River  have  always  appeared  to 
me  of  greater  importance  to  the  enemy  than  any  in  America  and 
the  most  difficult  to  obtain  if  any  considerable  body  of  men  were 
left  to  defend  them.  In  this  light  they  have  been  generally  viewed, 
as  the  communication  between  the  Eastern  and  Southern  States  will 
be  almost  wholly  cut  off  if  the  enemy  hold  the  passes  in  or  near  the 
river.  When  I  was  last  at  Headquarters,  it  was  thought  of  so  much 
importance,  that  Gen.  Nixon's  brigade  was  ordered  not  to  march 
for  Albany  until  I  should  arrive  within  a  day's  march  of  Peekskill, 
when  three  brigades  and  the  militia  would  have  then  been  left  at 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      107 

the  Post.  If  the  Post  is  of  so  much  importance  to  be  held,  and  the 
intention  of  the  enemy  not  fully  known,  it  appears  to  me  very 
necessary  that  a  body  of  troops  sufficient  for  the  defense  of  it  should 
be  left  here.  The  militia  are  to  leave  us  to-morrow.  Two  brigades 
are  ordered  over  the  river  for  Philadelphia.  About  two  thousand 
men  are  then  left  to  defend  the  forts,  man  the  ships  and  other  com 
mands  and  to  defend  the  passes  through  the  mountains,  one  thou 
sand  of  which  will  be  necessarily  detached  over  the  river  and  in  the 
ships  and  to  other  Posts,  the  remaining  number  much  too  small  to 
answer  the  expected  purposes.  That  the  enemy  do  not  design  to 
attack  any  other  place  at  present  I  think  most  probable  for  these 
reasons:  that  no  object  can  be  of  so  much  importance  toward  sub 
jugating  the  country;  and  if  a  junction  of  Mr.  Howe's  army  with 
that  at  the  northward  is  an  event  they  wish  to  take  place,  it  can  in 
no  other  way  be  so  easily  effected  as  by  this  river.  The  force  left 
in  and  about  York  Island  is  certainly  much  larger  than  is  necessary 
for  the  defense  of  New  York.  I  think  there  can  be  no  doubt  but 
they  have  six  thousand  men  left  there,  and  unless  this  army  is  much 
greater  than  I  conceive  it  to  be,  he  cannot  have,  with  the  fleet,  men 
sufficient  to  effect  anything  considerable  against  the  force  he  would 
expect  to  meet  at  any  other  place  southward  of  this  Post.  On  these 
grounds  I  am  still  of  opinion  the  enemy  are  designed  here,  and  the 
present  maneuver  is  to  draw  off  our  troops  from  this  place.  The 
difficulty  of  carrying  the  Post  if  a  good  body  of  troops  were  left 
here,  I  think  will  fully  justify  the  maneuver  of  the  enemy.  They 
have  never  attempted  to  obstruct  our  passage  over  the  river,  which 
was  always  in  their  power.  This  I  think  strengthens  the  opinion 
they  design  to  attack  here.  Under  these  circumstances  I  feel  myself 
exceedingly  concerned  that  so  many  of  the  troops  are  drawn  to  so 
great  a  distance.  'Tis  not  my  own  reputation  only  which  gives  me 
so  much  concern,  though  I  am  very  sensible  the  little  I  have  will  be 
forever  lost  if  the  Post  is  not  maintained,  and  I  think  the  most 
sanguine  person  can  have  very  little  hope  of  it  with  no  greater 
force  than  will  remain  here.  With  the  four  brigades  and  what 
assistance  we  can  have  from  the  militia  there  might  be  a  prospect 
of  maintaining  it  against  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  until  your 
Excellency's  arrival  here;  otherwise  I  see  very  little  prospect  of 
holding  out  one  day.  However,  I  hope  I  may  be  mistaken  in  my 
conjecture;  if  I  should  be,  I  shall  be  heartily  rejoiced.  The  two 
brigades  should  join  you,  and  I  wish  I  may  be  added  to  the 
number.  I  am  your  Excellency's  obedient  servant, 

SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS. 
To  General  Washington. 


108  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

In  August,  1777,  Colonel  Richard  Hewlett,  with  two  hundred 
and  sixty  Queens  County  Loyalists,  had  fortified  himself  in  the 
Presbyterian  Meeting  House  at  Setauket,  on  the  Long  Island 
shore  nearly  opposite  Fairfield  and  at  the  head  of  the  little 
bay  of  that  name.  About  the  middle  of  the  month,  General 
Parsons  prepared  an  expedition  to  surprise  and  capture  this 
force.  The  following  are  the  orders  issued  to  him  by  General 
Putnam,  the  commander  of  the  Connecticut  Division : — 

HEADQUARTERS,  August  16,  1777. 

You  are  hereby  required  to  take  under  your  command  a  detach 
ment  from  the  Continental  Army  and  proceed  to  the  sea  coast  near 
Fairfield  and  procure  a  number  of  boats  to  transport  four  or  five 
hundred  men,  and  such  small  armed  or  other  vessels  as  you  find 
necessary  and  proper. 

You  are  to  make  a  descent  on  Long  Island  and  deplete  and  destroy 
such  parties  of  the  enemy  as  are  found  at  Huntington  and  Setauket 
or  other  place  on  the  Island,  and,  if  you  find  it  practicable  without 
too  great  hazard,  you  are  to  retake  and  bring  off  all  the  officers  and 
soldiers  of  the  Continental  Army  now  on  Long  Island. 

If  any  military  stores,  magazines,  provisions,  forage  or  naval 
stores  are  found  on  the  Island,  you  are  to  bring  off  or  destroy  them. 
You  are  to  procure  such  information  before  you  attempt  to  go  on 
as  will  render  the  descent  possible  and  the  design  practicable.  If 
you  find  the  position  of  the  enemy  on  the  Island  or  the  ships  in 
the  Sound  such  as  you  judge  will  not  facilitate  the  carrying  the 
design  into  execution,  you  will  not  attempt  it.  This  is  left  to  your 
judgement.  If  that  should  be  the  case,  you  will  return  by  way  of 
White  Plains  and  receive  further  orders.  You  will  take  such  men 
from  the  militia  or  the  troops  necessary  for  the  defense  of  the 
State  of  Connecticut,  in  addition  to  the  Continental  troops,  found 
necessary,  and  also  a  field  piece.  From  the  sea  coast  you  will  be 
careful  to  secure  the  return  of  your  men  to  the  Main  in  such 
manner  and  from  such  place  as  you  judge  most  effectual  after 
having  effected  the  business  you  were  sent  to  perform. 

Wishing  you  success,  I  am,  Sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

ISRAEL  PUTNAM. 

Parsons'  orders  of  August  16,  to  Colonel  Samuel  B.  Webb 
of  his  brigade,  were  as  follows : — 

SIR. — You  will  have  your  command  paraded  in  the  street  in  front 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      109 

of  Colonel  Wyllys'  regiment  at  12  o'clock,  provided  with  arms, 
thirty  rounds  of  ammunition  and  three  days'  provisions,  and  march 
them  to  Crompond  where  you  will  open  the  enclosed,  which  will 
give  you  further  directions.  This  you  will  communicate  to  no  one 
until  you  march  forward. 

Yr.  humble  serv't, 
To  Colonel  Samuel  B.  Webb.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

Parsons  took  with  him  on  this  expedition  about  five  hundred 
men  and  several  pieces  of  brass  cannon.  On  the  21st,  soon  after 
his  arrival  at  Fairfield,  he  issued  the  following  general  order 
to  his  troops  prescribing  the  conduct  to  be  observed  by  them 
on  the  march: — 

FAIRFIELD,  August  21,  1777. 
Orders  of  Brigadier  General  Parsons: 

On  the  present  expedition,  'tis  of  the  first  importance  to  the  suc 
cess  of  the  enterprise  and  the  credit,  honor  and  safety  of  the  troops, 
that  the  most  exact  order  and  discipline  be  observed,  and  the  honor 
of  our  arms  and  the  righteousness  of  our  contest  will  be  made 
manifest  to  the  world  and  our  enemies  by  the  regular  and  orderly 
behavior  of  the  officers  and  soldiers.  'Tis  not  from  base  and  mer 
cenary  motives,  'tis  not  to  distress  the  helpless  women  or  honest 
citizen  we  draw  our  swords,  but  from  the  noble  and  generous  prin 
ciple  of  maintaining  the  right  of  humanity  and  vindicating  the 
liberties  of  freemen.  The  officers  and  soldiers  are  therefore  most 
earnestly  exhorted  and  strictly  commanded  to  forbear  all  violation 
of  personal  property;  not  the  least  article  is  to  be  taken  but  by 
orders ;  we  are  to  convince  our  enemies  we  despise  their  practices 
and  scorn  to  follow  their  example.  But  should  any  person  be  so 
lost  to  all  virtue  and  honor  as  to  infringe  this  order,  he  or  they  may 
depend  on  the  most  exemplary  punishment. 

No  officer  is  to  suffer  a  soldier  to  leave  his  ranks  on  any  pretence 
whatever  and  the  greatest  silence  on  the  march  is  to  be  observed. 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

Landing  on  Crane's  Neck  very  early  in  the  morning,  General 
Parsons  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  Post ;  but  "  by  means 
of  some  infernal  Tory,"  says  the  Boston  Gazette,  "  which  shows 
how  much  we  suffer  from  internal  foes  who  get  knowledge  of 
our  most  secret  moments  and  find  means  to  convey  it  to  the 
enemy."  Hewlett  had  obtained  intelligence  of  the  intended  sur 
prise,  and  protected  the  church  so  effectively  by  breastworks 


110  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

six  feet  high,  thrown  up  thirty  feet  from  the  building,  in 
which  were  mounted  four  swivel  guns,  that,  with  the  means  at 
hand,  the  Post  was  practically  impregnable.  The  enemy  refus 
ing  to  surrender,  Parsons  opened  on  them  with  his  guns,  but 
failing  to  make  any  considerable  impression,  and  fearing  that 
the  British  fleet  on  the  Sound  might  be  attracted  by  the  firing, 
he  withdrew,  not,  however,  without  capturing  a  quantity  of 
blankets  and  twelve  or  thirteen  horses  belonging  to  the  British, 
and  returned  to  Connecticut  the  next  day  in  safety. 

At  Norwalk  upon  his  return,  General  Parsons  issued  the 
following  further  order  to  Colonel  Webb: — 

NORWALK,  August  29,  1777. 

You  are  to  proceed  with  the  detachment  under  your  command 
to  Horseneck  or  Sawpits,  as  you  think  safe  and  convenient  for 
securing  your  boats,  protecting  the  country  and  carrying  into  exe 
cution  the  designs  the  detachment  was  sent  out  for.  Take  care  that 
the  whale  boats  are  kept  under  a  good  guard.  When  they  are  not 
in  use,  you  will  send  parties  to  Hempstead  Harbor,  Great  Neck 
or  such  other  parts  of  Long  Island  as  you  find  safe,  to  destroy  the 
forage  and  other  things  collected  for  the  enemy's  use 
Every  method  you  can  devise  to  deceive  the  enemy  and  blind  the 
people,  may  be  advisable  to  pursue." 

S.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Col.  Samuel  B.   Webb. 

Along  the  Connecticut  shore  from  Rye  to  Norwalk,  and 
especially  in  the  vicinity  of  Horseneck  and  Saw  Pits  (Green 
wich  and  Port  Chester),  were  numerous  shallow  inlets  where 
were  concealed  during  the  war  large  numbers  of  whale  boats, 
usually  thirty  feet  long,  fitted  with  from  four  to  twenty  oars 
and  very  fast,  which  were  employed  in  raids  upon  the  enemy 
on  Long  Island,  both  by  the  inhabitants  and  the  military 
authorities.  Darting  across  the  Sound  under  cover  of  night 
or  during  a  dense  fog,  and  running  into  inlets  on  the  southern 
shore,  they  would  harass  and  annoy  the  enemy,  sometimes 
plundering,  sometimes  taking  prisoners,  occasionally  cutting 
out  small  vessels  and  often  destroying  large  quantities  of 
forage  and  stores  collected  for  the  use  of  the  enemy. 

The  day  Webb  received  his  orders  to  march  to  Crompond, 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      111 

the  battle  of  Bennington  was  fought,  so  disastrous  to  Bur- 
goyne.  On  the  22d,  while  Parsons  was  at  or  near  Setaukct, 
St.  Leger,  abandoning  the  siege  of  Fort  Stanwix,  retreated  to 
Canada.  On  the  same  day,  Washington  received  the  news 
which  relieved  him  of  all  doubt  as  to  the  intentions  of  the 
enemy  and  determined  his  future  movements,  the  news  that 
Howe's  fleet  was  anchored  in  Chesapeake  Bay.  From  this  on 
events  followed  in  rapid  succession. 

On  the  22d  of  August,  Howe  disembarked  his  army,  and  by 
the  23d  of  September,  Cornwallis'  and  Knyphausen's  Divisions 
were  on  their  march  to  Philadelphia.  Our  army  having 
advanced  beyond  the  Brandywine  to  within  a  few  miles  of  Wil 
mington,  Howe  pushed  forward  thinking  to  turn  the  American 
right  and  gain  their  rear;  but  Washington,  divining  his  pur 
pose,  crossed  the  river  in  the  night,  and  taking  position  on  the 
high  ground  above  Chad's  Ford,  still  barred  Howe's  road  to  the 
north. 

Leaving  Knyphausen  to  make  a  feint  of  attacking  the 
American  left  at  Chad's  Ford,  which  was  commanded  by  Wash 
ington  in  person,  Howe,  with  Cornwallis'  division,  crossed  the 
Brandywine  at  an  unguarded  ford  seven  miles  higher  up  the 
river,  and  fell  upon  the  right  wing  under  Sullivan  before  he 
had  time  to  form,  throwing  his  troops  into  confusion  and 
causing  a  precipitate  retreat  through  the  woods  in  his  rear; 
but  Washington,  hastening  to  his  support,  was  able  to  check 
the  pursuit.  In  the  meanwhile,  Knyphausen,  knowing  by  the 
firing  that  Cornwallis  was  engaged,  crossed  at  Chad's  Ford 
and  attacked  the  American  intrenchments  in  earnest.  These 
were  strongly  held  by  Wayne's  Division,  and  for  some  time  the 
contest  was  warm  and  well  sustained.  During  the  night  the 
whole  army  retreated  to  Chester  and  the  next  day  to  German- 
town. 

Three  weeks  after  this,  on  the  4th  of  October,  the  battle  of 
Germantown  was  fought,  in  which  the  Americans  nearly  gained 
a  complete  victory,  and  failed  only  because  a  dense  fog  which 
prevailed  prevented  their  seeing  the  confusion  of  the  enemy  and 
the  decided  advantage  they  had  gained.  In  each  of  these 
battles  the  American  loss  was  nearly  one-third  greater  than  that 
of  the  British.  In  November,  both  armies  prepared  to  go  into 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

winter   quarters,   Howe   in   Philadelphia,    and   Washington   at 
White  Marsh,  fourteen  miles  from  Philadelphia. 

While  events  in  Pennsylvania  were  resulting  so  favorably 
for  Howe,  the  outlook  in  the  north  for  Burgoyne  had  become 
very  dark  and  depressing.  His  army  was  disheartened  by  the 
failure  of  St.  Leger's  expedition  and  the  disaster  at  Benning- 
ton.  Lincoln,  in  his  rear  with  two  thousand  men,  had  cut  off 
his  communications  with  Canada,  taken  possession  of  several 
Posts,  threatened  Ticonderoga  and  destroyed  two  hundred 
vessels,  all  important  to  Burgoyne  were  he  forced  to  retreat. 
With  no  alternative  but  to  fight  or  surrender,  on  the  morning 
of  the  19th  of  September,  he  moved  out  of  his  fortified  camp 
on  the  Heights  of  Saratoga  towards  Bemis  Heights,  where 
Gates  was  encamped,  and  offered  battle.  The  severe  engage 
ment  which  ensued  was  terminated  only  by  darkness,  both 
armies  claiming  the  victory  and  both  sleeping  on  their  arms 
upon  the  field.  It  was  a  soldier's  battle  on  the  American  side, 
no  general  officer  except  Arnold  and  Learned  appearing  during 
the  action.  The  next  day  Burgoyne  fell  back  to  the  high 
grounds  two  miles  north  of  the  American  lines.  Here  he 
remained  for  more  than  two  weeks,  cheered  only  by  the  news 
of  Howe's  victory  on  the  Brandy  wine,  awaiting  the  promised 
aid  from  Clinton.  Hearing  nothing  from  him,  he  called  a 
council  of  officers  on  the  eve  of  the  4th  of  October,  the  very 
day  that  Germantown  was  fought  and  that  Clinton  began  his 
movement  up  the  Hudson,  at  which  it  was  decided,  as  a  last 
desperate  resort,  to  again  attack  the  American  camp.  Advanc 
ing  with  his  entire  force  on  the  morning  of  the  7th,  the  two 
armies  became  almost  immediately  engaged.  The  fighting  was 
fierce  and  determined  on  both  sides  and  continued  with  little 
intermission  until  night,  ending  with  the  complete  rout  of  the 
Germans  and  the  retreat  of  the  British  a  mile  beyond  their 
intrenchments.  Ten  days  after,  destitute  of  provisions,  unable 
to  advance  or  retreat,  with  no  tidings  from  Clinton  (for  the 
spy  who  bore  a  message  from  him  enclosed  in  a  silver  bullet 
had  been  captured  and  hanged),  Burgoyne,  on  the  17th  of 
October,  surrendered  his  whole  army  prisoners  of  war. 


CHAPTER  XII 

PARSONS  AT  WHITE  PLAINS.  PUTNAM  PLANS  TO  ATTACK  NEW 
YORK.  CLINTON,  REINFORCED,  ATTEMPTS  TO  RELIEVE  BUR- 
GOYNE.  CAPTURES  THE  POSTS  ON  THE  HUDSON.  PARSONS  FOR 
WARDS  REINFORCEMENTS  FROM  CONNECTICUT.  JAMES  DE- 
LANCEY  A  PRISONER.  TRYON  BURNS  PHILLIPS  MANOR.  THE 
PARSOXS-TRYON  CORRESPONDENCE. 

September — December,    1777 

UPON  his  return  from  the  expedition  to  Setauket,  General  Par 
sons,  by  Putnam's  orders,  went  into  camp  with  his  brigade  at 
White  Plains.  "  By  being  there,"  as  Putnam  wrote  Washing 
ton  from  his  Headquarters  at  Peekskill,  September  16,  "  he 
answers  a  double  purpose — to  protect  that  part  of  the  country 
from  the  incursions  of  the  enemy,  and  he  is,  in  my  opinion, 
equally,  or  a  greater  security  to  this  Post  than  if  they  laid 
here,  as  he  is  under  advantages  to  learn  their  first  movements." 
He  was  also  in  a  convenient  position,  a  fact  to  which  Wash 
ington's  attention  was  not  called,  to  aid  in  carrying  out  a  plan 
Putnam  had  formed  for  making  a  simultaneous  attack  on  the 
enemy  at  Staten  Island,  Paulus  Hook,  York  Island  and  Long 
Island.  This  plan  was  favored  by  Governor  Trumbull,  who 
had  encouraged  expectations  of  large  reinforcements  of 
Connecticut  militia,  which,  with  the  Continental  troops  under 
his  command  and  the  assistance  he  might  procure  from  New 
York  and  New  Jersey,  Putnam  believed  would  enable  him  to 
execute  his  design.  Anticipating  an  early  movement,  he 
obtained  through  General  Parsons  accurate  information  of  the 
strength  and  disposition  of  the  enemy's  force  and  the  location 
and  armament  of  their  Works,  as  appears  from  the  following 
letter : — 

WHITE  PLAINS,  September  20,  1777. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  find  General  Clinton  returned  from  Jersey 
last  Tuesday,  and  brought  about  200  head  of  cattle  and  some 
horses. 

113 


114  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

The  35th  and  57th  Regiments  of  British  troops,  one  Battalion  of 
Hessians,  consisting  of  three  or  four  regiments,  two  regiments  of 
DeLancey's  Brigade,  Brown's  Corps,  Fanning's  Regiment  and  the 
York  volunteers,  are  encamped  on  the  hill  between  Kingsbridge 
and  Fort  Washington;  Robinson's  Regiment  and  Hierlehy's  Inde 
pendent  Companies  at  Morrisania.  A  picket  of  fifty  men  in  each 
Redoubt  on  this  side  of  the  Bridge  is  all  their  Horse  except  a  de 
tachment  from  the  new  Corps  of  Rangers  armed  with  rifles,  about 
500  in  number,  and  the  Light  Horse. 

The  Redoubts  are  in  a  line  from  Fort  Independence  to  the  hill 
a  little  N.  Westerly  of  Richard  Morris'  house.  They  are  strongly 
abutted  and  have  a  ditch  without  and  horizontal  pickets  projecting 
over  the  ditch.  In  the  southernmost  Redoubt  are  two  twelve 
pounders ;  in  the  next  to  that  are  four  embrasures,  but  no  cannon 
mounted;  in  each  Redoubt,  one  cohorn. 

The  return  of  General  Clinton  before  we  could  march  to  the 
Bridge  after  notice  of  the  enemy's  march,  has  hitherto  prevented 
any  attempt  that  way.  'Tis  by  the  Field  Officers  thought  ad 
visable  to  rest  a  few  days  till  their  present  alarm  has  a  little  sub 
sided.  The  speedy  return  of  the  enemy  from  Jersey,  I  am  informed 
was  occasioned  by  information  Mr.  Clinton  received  that  General 
Putnam  was  moving  down  in  force  to  attack  the  Posts  -at  the 
Bridge. 

This  is  the  best  account  I  am  yet  able  to  procure  of  the  enemy's 
strength  at  the  Bridge.  There  are  also  some  foreign  troops  at 
Fort  Washington  and  on  Tippet's  Hill  not  included  before,  and  also 
the  7th  and  63d  British  at  Harlem.  The  Grenadiers  and  Light 
Infantry  of  the  British  regiments  were  completed  to  fifty  men  and 
went  with  the  main  Army. 

I  have  two  deserters,  one  Green  Coat  and  one  British  soldier, 
who  will  soon  be  sent  up.  This  moment  another  British  deserter 
has  come  in.  He  says  a  reinforcement  of  5000  men  are  expected 
every  day,  when  General  Clinton  proposes  to  attack  the  Posts  in 
the  Highlands. 

I  am,  Sir,  yr.  obedt.  servt., 
To  Major  General  Putnam.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

Putnam's  project,  however,  very  much  to  his  disappoint 
ment,  was  put  an  end  to  for  the  time,  by  Washington's  order 
"  to  detach  as  many  effective  rank  and  file  as  will  make  the 
whole  number,  including  those  with  General  McDougall,  amount 
to  twenty-five  hundred  privates  and  non-commissioned  officers 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       115 

fit  for  duty."  These  troops  were  undoubtedly  sadly  needed  in 
Washington's  Army,  but  it  soon  became  evident  that  the 
detachment  of  so  large  a  body  had  endangered  the  defense  of 
the  Highlands.  On  the  27th,  Putnam  wrote  Colonel  Malcom 
"to  join  Parsons  brigade  which  he  had  ordered  up  from 
White  Plains." 

Late  in  September,  the  reinforcement  referred  to  in  Par 
sons'  letter,  which  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  so  long  and  so  im 
patiently  waited  for,  arriving  in  New  York  after  a  three  months' 
voyage.  Early  intelligence  of  this  was  obtained  by  Parsons, 
probably  through  the  same  spies  who  had  furnished  the  infor 
mation  as  to  the  strength  and  disposition  of  the  enemy,  and 
promptly  communicated  to  Putnam  in  the  following  letter: — 

WHITE  PLAINS,  September  26,  1777. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  have  a  large  party  just  returned  from  East 
Chester,  from  whence  they  crossed  through  "  Mile  Square "  to 
Phillip's,  with  small  parties  advanced  against  the  enemy;  by  them 
and  in  a  variety  of  other  ways,  I  learn  the  enemy  design  an  excur 
sion  into  the  country,  probably  as  far  as  Croton  River,  their  object 
being  to  clear  the  country  of  cattle  &c.  Yesterday,  they  had  a 
Field  Day,  at  which  all  the  militia  of  Westchester  were  obliged  to 
attend.  They  have  ordered  their  bakers  to  work  day  and  night  to 
prepare  hard  bread  for  the  purpose.  'Tis  also  said  the  ships  are 
to  go  up  the  River  to  receive  troops  if  necessary.  Colonel  Byard 
with  his  regiment,  came  over  from  Powle's  Hook  yesterday,  and  two 
deserters  who  came  in  this  morning,  say  they  understood  the  Post 
was  evacuated.  By  every  circumstance  I  can  find,  I  think  they  will 
be  out  of  this  business  very  soon,  perhaps  in  a  day  or  two.  I  ought 
not  to  forget  to  mention  that  the  enemy  have  a  considerable  num 
ber  of  Horse. 

27th. — I  have  this  moment  received  accounts  by  Mr.  Fanning 
from  New  York,  that  sixty  ships  arrived  the  day  before  yesterday 
with  recruits.  He  says  he  judges  by  the  best  intelligence  he  can 
get,  they  amount  to  three  thousand  and  upwards,  British  and  Ger 
man  troops;  this  perhaps  may  alter  the  face  of  affairs  and  perhaps 
may  enable  them  to  make  a  real  attack  on  the  North  River  Posts. 

I  am  yours  &c., 
To  General  Putnam.  S.  H.  PARSONS. 

This  information  was  communicated  by  Putnam  to  Governor 


116  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Clinton,  who  reported  his  action  thereon  to  Washington  in  the 
following  letter: — 

NEW  WINDSOR,  October  9,  1777. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  have  to  inform  you,  that,  in  consequence  of 
intelligence  received  by  General  Putnam  from  General  Parsons 
[who  lay  with  his  brigade  at  White  Plains]  of  the  enemy  having 
received  a  reinforcement  from  Europe  at  New  York,  and  that  by 
their  movements  there  was  reason  to  believe  they  intended  an  attack 
on  Peekskill,  and  to  possess  themselves  of  the  passes  in  the  High 
lands,  the  General  immediately  wrote  to  me  these  circumstances ; 
and  to  prevent  if  possible  the  disagreeable  consequences  that  might 
arise  if  the  army  at  the  different  posts  was  not  timely  reinforced, 
I  ordered  that  part  of  the  militia  of  the  State  that  had  not  already 
marched  northward,  to  move,  and  part  of  them  to  join  General 
Putnam,  and  the  remainder  to  reinforce  the  Posts  of  Fort  Mont 
gomery  and  Fort  Clinton;  but  it  being  a  critical  time  with  the 
Yeomanry,  as  they  had  not  yet  sown  their  grain,  and  there  being 
at  that  time  no  appearance  of  the  enemy,  they  were  extremely  rest 
less  and  uneasy.  They  solicited  General  Putnam  for  leave  to 
return,  and  many  of  them  went  home  without  his  permission.  Urged 
by  these  considerations,  he  thought  proper  to  dismiss  a  part  of 
them. 

The  easy-going  ways  of  Putnam  were  evidently  not  pleasing 
to  the  Governor,  for  he  immediately  called  out  one-half  of  the 
militia,  to  be  relieved  by  the  other  half  at  the  end  of  a  month. 
But  before  he  was  able  to  strengthen  his  posts,  Sir  Henry  Clin 
ton  had  commenced  his  predicted  movement.  On  the  morning 
of  the  4th  of  October,  he  set  sail  up  the  Hudson  with  three  or 
four  thousand  men,  and,  on  the  5th,  landed  at  Verplancks 
Point,  a  few  miles  below  Peekskill,  threatening  that  Post.  On 
the  sixth,  under  cover  of  a  dense  fog,  he  crossed  the  River  with 
some  two  thousand  men,  and,  after  a  sharp  fight,  captured 
Forts  Clinton  and  Montgomery,  commanded  by  the  Governor 
and  his  brother,  General  James  Clinton,  both  of  whom  were 
fortunate  enough  to  escape,  though  the  latter  was  badly 
wounded.  What  happened  on  the  6th  on  the  east  side  of  the 
River,  Putnam  details  in  a  letter  to  Washington  written  from 
Fishkill  on  the  8th : — 

The  morning  being  so  exceedingly  foggy,  the  pickets  and  scouts 
which  we  had  out,  could  not  learn  the  exact  number  of  the  enemy 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      117 

that  were  remaining  on  the  east  side  of  the  river;  but  from  the 
best  accounts,  they  were  about  fifteen  hundred.  At  the  same  time 
a  number  of  ships  and  galleys  with  about  forty  flat  boats,  made 
every  appearance  of  their  intention  to  land  troops  both  at  Fort 
Independence  and  Peekskill  Landing.  These  circumstances,  and 
my  strength,  being  not  more  than  twelve  hundred  Continental  troops 
and  three  hundred  militia,  prevented  me  from  detaching  a  party 
to  attack  the  enemy  that  day  on  the  east  side  of  the  river. 

After  we  had  thought  it  impracticable  to  quit  the  heights,  which 
we  had  then  possession  of,  and  attack  the  enemy,  Brigadier  General 
Parsons  and  myself  went  to  reconnoiter  the  ground  near  the 
enemy;  and  on  our  return  from  thence  we  were  alarmed  with 
a  very  heavy  and  hot  firing,  both  of  small  arms  and  of  cannon,  at 
Fort  Montgomery,  which  immediately  convinced  me  that  the  enemy 
had  landed  a  large  body  of  men  in  the  morning  on  the  west  side 
of  the  river.  Upon  which  I  immediately  detached  five  hundred  men 
to  reinforce  the  garrison;  but  before  they  could  possibly  cross  the 
river  to  their  assistance,  the  enemy,  far  superior  in  numbers,  had 
possessed  themselves  of  the  Fort.  .  .  .  Governor  Clinton  ar 
rived  at  Peekskill  the  same  evening  about  eleven  o'clock,  and  with 
the  advice  of  him,  General  Parsons  and  several  other  officers,  it  was 
thought  impossible  to  maintain  the  post  at  Peekskill  with  the  force 
then  present  against  one  that  the  enemy  might  in  a  few  hours  bring 
on  the  heights  in  our  rear.  It  was  therefore  agreed,  that  the  stores 
ought  to  be  immediately  removed  to  some  secure  place,  and  the 
troops  take  post  at  Fishkill  until  a  reinforcement  of  militia  shall 
come  to  their  aid. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Washington.  ISRAEL  PUTNAM. 

The  next  morning,  October  7th,  General  Parsons  hastened 
to  Danbury,  thirty  miles  distant,  to  hurry  forward  the  troops 
coming  to  Putnam's  assistance.  Reaching  Danbury  the  same 
day,  Parsons  writes  to  Governor  Trumbull  as  to  the  prospect 
for  reinforcements  and  gives  him  an  account  of  the  attack  on 
Fort  Montgomery.  On  the  9th,  having  joined  Putnam  at 
Peekskill,  he  again  writes  Trumbull,  advising  him  that  the 
enemy  are  advancing,  and  urging  the  absolute  necessity  of  all 
who  can  bear  arms  marching  immediately  to  Poughkeepsie, 
and  the  importance  of  defeating  Clinton  before  he  reaches 
Albany.  The  following  are  the  two  letters  to  Trumbull  of 
the  7th  and  9th:— 


118  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

DANBURY,  October  7th  1777. 

SIR. — I  came  this  morning  to  forward  with  all  possible  expedi 
tion,  such  troops  as  I  should  find  coming  to  our  aid  from  Connecti 
cut.  I  am  much  pleased  to  find  my  countrymen  seem  again  roused 
from  the  stupor  which  had  seized  them.  I  think  by  appearances 
that  we  shall  soon  receive  a  reinforcement  of  two  thousand  men 
from  this  State.  Happy  would  I  have  been  had  the  fourth  of  this 
body  arrived  yesterday. 

I  am  sorry  to  inform  your  Excellency  that  the  enemy  made  a 
successful  attack  on  Fort  Montgomery  yesterday.  The  5th,  they 
landed  about  fifteen  hundred  men  at  King's  Ferry,  on  the  east  side 
of  the  river,  under  cover  of  their  ships  and  armed  vessels,  and  the 
night  after  re-embarked  most  of  them,  which,  with  a  large  addi 
tional  number  (about  twenty-five  hundred  in  the  whole)  were  landed 
on  the  west  side  (the  6th)  in  the  morning,  keeping  a  large  reserve 
on  board  at  King's  Ferry. 

About  ten  o'clock  the  enemy  began  to  attack  the  Fort,  which 
lasted  without  cessation  until  nearly  half  past  six  in  the  evening, 
when  the  Fort  was  carried  by  storm  after  eight  or  ten  unsuccessful 
attempts,  in  which  they  were  repulsed  with  great  loss.  The  courage 
and  bravery  displayed  by  the  troops  (principally  militia  from  New 
York)  who  defended  the  Post,  would  do  honor  to  the  best  disci 
plined  regiments.  No  terms  would  be  accepted,  but  with  fortitude 
seldom  found,  they  undauntedly  stood  the  shock,  determined  to 
defend  the  Fort  or  sell  their  lives  as  dear  as  possible.  The  Fort 
was  finally  taken,  merely  for  want  of  men  to  man  the  lines,  and  not 
for  want  of  spirit  in  the  men.  But  about  five  hundred  was  afforded 
to  man  the  Post  and  outworks  belonging  to  them,  a  number  of  men 
not  more  than  sufficient  to  defend  the  largest  Fort.  The  Post  on 
the  east  side  was  left  in  a  weak,  defenseless  state,  and  could  afford 
but  little  aid. 

Tims  was  a  Post  of  importance,  and  the  lives  and  liberties  of 
some  of  the  bravest  men,  made  a  sacrifice  to  the  careless  inattention 
of  our  countrymen  to  objects  of  great  and  extensive  public  impor 
tance.  The  enemy  must  have  suffered  much,  as  for  more  than  three 
hours  of  this  attack  the  musketry  was  incessant  within  forty  yards, 
and  less  a  greater  part  of  the  time.  Gov.  Clinton,  who  commanded, 
and  Col.  Lamb  and  some  other  officers,  escaped  after  the  enemy  had 
entered.  Gen.  James  Clinton  was  wounded  and  is  a  prisoner.  Maj. 
Humphrey,  Col.  Dubois,  Lieut.  Col.  Livingston  and  sundry  other 
officers  are  missing. 

This  event  is  unfortunate,  but  I  hope  will  not  be  attended  by  any 
very  ill  consequences.  I  think  a  little  more  patience  and  public 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      119 

virtue,     (which    is    now    very    scarce,)     will    set    all    things    right 
again. 

I  am,  with  esteem,  your  Excellency's  obedient  servant, 

,TT        7    7,  SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS. 

1  o  Governor  1  rumbuLL 

PEEKSKILL,  October  9th  1777. 

SIR. — I  wrote  yesterday  from  Danbury  an  account  of  the  mis 
fortune  which  had  befallen  this  Post  merely  for  the  want  of  a 
timely  reinforcement  of  men  sufficient  to  man  the  lines.  On  that 
head  I  can  only  add,  that  should  this  misfortune  have  the  happy 
effect  to  rouse  my  countrymen  to  more  vigorous  exertions,  and  to 
the  exercise  of  a  degree  of  patience,  submission  and  perseverance 
necessary  to  accomplish  anything  great,  or  save  the  country  from 
inevitable  ruin,  we  may  consider  the  event  as  fortunate,  rather  than 
as  an  event  from  which  any  ill  effects  will  follow. 

Gov.  Clinton,  his  brother,  Gen.  James  Clinton,  Col.  Lamb,  Maj. 
Humphrey  and  most  of  the  officers  and  a  great  part  of  the  men  who 
were  supposed  to  be  lost,  have  got  in,  many  of  them  badly 
wounded.  The  garrison  was  defended  with  the  utmost  bravery: 
no  men  could  do  more.  Our  loss  cannot  yet  be  ascertained:  I  hope 
not  so  considerable  as  we  feared.  The  army  of  the  enemy  are  now 
advancing.  We  have  no  doubt  Albany  is  their  object.  Should  they 
attack  this  Post,  from  which  they  are  seven  miles  distant,  and  the 
same  spirit  of  inattention  seize  our  countrymen,  I  fear  you  will  hear 
no  better  news  from  here.  We  shall  fight  the  enemy  if  possible. 
We  shall  do  our  utmost  to  defend  ourselves  if  attacked.  The  troops 
are  in  good  spirits.  The  issue  is  in  the  disposal  of  the  great  Arbiter 
of  all  events.  I  think  it  of  absolute  necessity  that  all  who  can  bear 
arms  and  can  be  spared,  should  be  immediately  sent  forward  to 
Poughkeepsie,  except  those  on  their  march  for  this  Post,  who  will 
join  us  here. 

Gen.  Clinton,  who  commands  the  British  forces  in  person,  must 
be  defeated  at  Albany,  or  before  he  arrives  there,  or  Gen.  Gates 
will  be  undone.  Every  exertion  is  necessary  to  animate  and  en 
courage  the  people  in  this  important  crisis.  That  we  are  embarked 
in  the  cause  of  justice  and  truth — in  the  cause  of  God  and  man 
kind — is  beyond  a  doubt.  That  we  shall  finally  succeed,  I  think 
equally  certain.  When  public  spirit  prevails  over  private  interest — 
and  injustice  (so  scandalously  prevalent  at  this  time)  is  restrained, 
and  religion  and  virtue  and  a  sense  of  our  dependence  on  Heaven 
for  all  our  mercies,  and  especially  deliverance  from  imminent  dan 
ger,  takes  the  place  of  vain  confidence  in  our  own  arm  and  on  our 
own  strength,  then  and  not  till  then,  will  our  salvation  be  brought 


120  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

out;  but  I  cannot  say  that  a  profound  belief  of  these  things,  and  a 
careless  neglect  of  using  the  means  put  into  our  hands  for  our  own 
deliverance,  is  any  evidence  of  the  sincerity  of  our  profession. 

As  Gen.  Putnam  is  exceedingly  busy,  I  have  wrote  by  his  desire. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be 

Your  Excellency's  obedient  servant 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS. 

On  the  first  of  October,  Putnam  had  not  to  exceed  two 
thousand  men  in  the  Highlands  with  which  to  defend  Forts 
Clinton  and  Montgomery,  Independence  and  Constitution,  the 
Posts  of  Peekskill  and  Fishkill  and  the  mountain  passes.  Clin 
ton's  force  was  not  only  twice  as  large,  but,  being  on  trans 
ports,  could  be  landed  when  and  where  he  chose  and  accomplish 
his  purpose  before  Putnam  could  possibly  concentrate  troops 
enough  to  prevent  him.  Almost  without  effort  he  was  able  to 
reduce  the  forts,  the  effect  of  which  was,  as  Washington,  on 
the  8th,  wrote  to  Governor  Livingston  would  be  the  case,  "  to 
open  the  navigation  of  the  River  and  enable  the  enemy  with 
facility  to  throw  their  forces  into  Albany,  get  into  the  rear 
of  General  Gates  and  either  oblige  him  to  retreat,  or  put  him 
between  two  fires."  Had  Clinton  moved  ten  days  earlier,  Bur- 
goyne's  campaign  might  have  had  a  different  ending,  but  the 
chances  are  that  if  the  troops  assigned  to  the  defense  of  the 
Highlands  had  not  been  ordered  south,  the  movement  up  the 
River  would  never  have  been  attempted.  His  reasons  for  with 
drawing  the  troops,  Washington  gives  in  his  answer  to  Gover 
nor  Clinton's  letter  of  the  9th : — "  Nothing,"  he  says,  "  but  an 
absolute  necessity  could  have  induced  me  to  withdraw  any 
further  part  of  the  troops  allotted  for  the  defence  of  the  Posts 
up  the  North  River ;  but  such  was  the  reduced  state  of  our  Con 
tinental  regiments  after  the  battle  of  Brandywine,  and  such  the 
difficulty  of  procuring  reinforcements  of  militia  from  the 
southward,  that  without  the  troops  from  Peekskill,  we  should 
scarcely  have  been  able  to  keep  the  field  against  General  Howe. 
I  had  the  greatest  hopes  that  General  Putnam  would  draw  in  as 
many  Connecticut  militia  as  would  replace  the  Continental 
troops,  and  I  make  no  doubt  that  he  did  all  in  his  power  to 
obtain  them  in  time."  In  his  order  to  Putnam  of  September 
23,  withdrawing  these  troops,  Washington  had  said : — "  It  is 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      121 

our  first  object  to  defeat,  if  possible,  the  army  now  opposed  to 
us  here.  That  the  passes  in  the  Highlands  may  be  perfectly 
secure,  you  will  immediately  call  in  all  your  forces  now  on  com 
mand  at  outposts.  You  must  not  think  of  covering  a  whole 
country  by  dividing  them ;  and  when  they  are  ordered  in  and 
drawn  together,  they  will  be  fully  competent  to  repel  any 
attempt  that  can  be  made  by  the  enemy  from  below  in  their 
present  situation."  The  Connecticutt  militia  had  been  reserved 
for  this  very  purpose,  Massachusetts  men  having  been  used  to 
reinforce  Gates,  but  the  difficulty  was  to  obtain  them  in  time. 
An  emergency  would  come  and  go  before  they  could  be  assem 
bled,  and  therein  was  the  danger  of  depending  on  them  for 
the  defense  of  the  important  posts  of  the  Highlands.  Parsons 
secured  two  thousand  militia  on  the  7th,  but  "  happy  would  he 
have  been  had  the  fourth  of  this  body  arrived  the  day  before." 

The  Highlands  could  have  been  defended  against  Howe  as 
well  in  Pennsylvania  as  on  the  Hudson,  but  not  against  Clin 
ton.  To  reinforce  the  depleted  regiments  of  Washington  at 
the  expense  of  the  Highlands,  would  seem  to  have  been  a 
dangerous  expedient  at  the  best,  and  not  to  be  resorted  to 
merely  to  prevent  the  capture  of  Philadelphia — a  place  of  no 
strategic  value  to  either  side — when  it  would  have  invited  attack 
on  the  most  vital  point  in  the  whole  confederacy,  endangered 
the  control  of  the  Hudson  and  imperiled  the  communications 
between  New  England  and  the  other  States,  the  severing  of 
which  meant  little  less  than  the  utter  collapse  of  the  revolution. 
As  it  turned  out,  it  was  not  in  the  Highlands,  but  at  Saratoga, 
that  the  control  of  the  Hudson  was  secured.  Burgoyne's 
defeat  on  the  7th,  and  his  subsequent  surrender,  garrisoned 
the  Highland  posts  more  strongly  than  the  whole  army  could 
have  done,  drove  Clinton  back  to  New  York  and  ended  the  last 
attempt  of  the  British  to  obtain  possession  of  the  river  by 
arms. 

On  the  morning  of  the  7th  of  October,  after  breaking  the 
boom  across  the  river,  Clinton's  whole  force  of  thirty-six  hun 
dred  men  under  the  command  of  General  Vaughn,  sailed  up  the 
Hudson,  with  the  object  of  creating  a  diversion  in  favor  of 
Burgoyne  and  preventing  the  militia  from  joining  Gates. 
They  took  Fort  Constitution  on  the  way,  destroyed  every  vessel 


122  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

found  on  the  river  and  fired  into  many  country  seats  along  the 
shores.  On  the  13th,  they  burned  Kingston,  then  the  capital 
of  the  State.  Continuing  up  the  river  to  Livingston  Manor, 
they  were  there  arrested  in  the  midst  of  their  work  of  destruc 
tion  by  the  news  of  Burgoyne's  surrender,  and  made  a  hasty 
retreat  towards  New  York. 

After  the  conference  on  the  night  of  the  sixth,  following 
the  capture  of  Forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton,  General  Put 
nam,  as  advised  by  Governor  Clinton,  General  Parsons  and 
other  officers,  withdrew  from  Peekskill  and  established  his 
headquarters  at  Fishkill,  just  north  of  the  Highlands.  Three 
days  later,  October  9,  General  Tryon  was  detached  with 
Emmerick's  Chasseurs  and  other  German  troops,  to  destroy 
Continental  village,  near  the  southern  entrance  of  the  High 
lands,  where  a  few  months  before  barracks  had  been  con 
structed  capable  of  accommodating  two  thousand  men.  This 
he  accomplished  effectually.  The  barracks  and  nearly  every 
house  in  the  village,  together  with  the  public  stores,  were  con 
sumed  and  many  cattle  slaughtered. 

After  reinforcement  by  the  Connecticut  militia,  Putnam 
reported  to  General  Washington  as  follows : 

FISHKILL,  October  16th  1777. 

SIR.— Last  Monday,  the  thirteenth,,  General  Parsons  with  about 
two  thousand  troops,  marched  down  and  took  possession  of  Peeks- 
kill  and  the  passes  in  the  Highlands.  He  has  taken  a  number  of 
cattle,  horses  and  sheep  which  were  collected  by  the  enemy.  They 
had  burned  the  buildings  and  barracks  at  Continental  village  and 
several  dwellings  and  other  buildings  at  Peekskill.  They  have  de 
molished  Forts  Montgomery  and  Constitution  and  are  repairing  Fort 
Clinton.  Yesterday  about  forty  sail  passed  up  the  River  crowded 
with  troops,  and  are  anchored  at  Poughkeepsie,  the  wind  not  favor 
ing.  We  were  on  our  march  after  them,  when  I  met  the  agreeable 
intelligence  of  the  surrender  of  General  Burgoyne  and  his  army  as 
prisoners  of  war,  a  copy  of  which  is  enclosed.  I  thereupon  most 
sincerely  congratulate  your  Excellency.  I  have  halted  my  troops 
and  am  now  considering  what  ought  to  be  my  movement.  I  have 
sent  to  Governor  Clinton  for  his  opinion  and  ordered  General  Par 
sons  to  spare  no  pains  to  find  out  the  situation  at  Kingsbridge  in 
order  to  direct  my  future  operations  advantageously.  I  have  about 
six  thousand  troops  who  are  chiefly  militia. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      123 

Fishkill,  October  13,  1777,  Lieut.  Colonel  Oswald  writing 
to  Colonel  Lamb  of  the  artillery,  says : 

General  Parsons  is  at  Peekskill.  This  morning  "  Old  Put " 
came  and  ordered  me  to  send  off  Capt.  Lockwood  with  his  two  pieces 
to  join  him;  and  I  am  told  we  are  all  to  go  down  to  White  Plains. 
This  morning  General  Parsons  sent  intelligence  that  Clinton  had 
been  reinforced  from  New  York  and  is  determined  to  push  up  the 
River. 

The  reinforcement  referred  to  is  probably  the  "  forty  sail  " 
mentioned  in  Putnam's  report.  While  General  Parsons  was  at 
Peekskill,  the  enemy,  on  their  way  down  the  river,  landed  at 
Verplancks  Point.  Discovering  that  Parsons  was  preparing 
to  attack,  they  re-embarked  precipitately  and  thus  thwarted 
his  design,  as  appears  from  the  following  letter  from  him  to 
Governor  Trumbull: 

PEEKSKILL,  October  22d,  1777. 

SIR. — The  enemy  prevented  our  designed  attack  upon  them  by  a 
very  sudden  embarkation  of  their  troops  on  board  their  ships,  which 
still  lie  off  Verplancks  Point.  Every  favorable  opportunity  has 
offered  for  their  going  to  New  York,  but  no  movements  have  taken 
place.  Their  Northern  Army  is  more  within  your  Excellency's 
knowledge  than  mine.  If  we  should  soon  be  ordered  toward  New 
York,  I  think  some  aid  from  Connecticut  will  be  much  wanted.  As 
I  understand,  fourteen  hundred  men  are  ordered  from  the  east  side 
of  the  Connecticut  River  to  join  Gen.  Gates;  under  his  present  situa 
tion  would  it  not  be  best  to  order  them  to  join  this  part  of  the  army 
as  soon  as  possible. 

The  militia  from  this  post  are  all  returned  home. 

I  am  your  Excellency's  obedient  servant, 

S.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Governor  Trumbull. 

On  the  26th  of  October,  Forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton 
were  evacuated,  and  the  same  day,  the  British  fleet  left  for 
New  York  with  all  their  transports  and  troops.  To  Putnam's 
letter  reporting  this,  Washington  replied,  November  4, 
expressing  his  satisfaction  at  the  enemy's  retreat,  and  saying 
that  "  by  their  doing  this  and  sending  a  reinforcement  to 
General  Howe,  it  is  evident  that  they  have  done  with  all 


124  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

thoughts  of  attempting  anything  further  to  the  northward. 
Having  lost  one  army,  it  is  certainly  their  interest  and  inten 
tion  to  make  the  other  as  respectable  as  possible,  and,  as  now 
their  force  is  nearly  drawn  together  at  one  point,  Philadel 
phia,  it  is  undoubtedly  our  plan  to  endeavor  to  destroy 
General  Howe." 

The  same  day  Washington  wrote  to  General  Dickinson  in 
New  Jersey,  who,  like  Putnam,  was  planning  to  threaten  New 
York  in  order  to  prevent  reinforcements  going  to  Howe: — 

Your  idea  of  counteracting  the  reinforcements  for  Howe's  army 
by  a  demonstration  of  designs  on  New  York,  I  think  an  exceeding 
good  one,  and  am  very  desirous  that  you  should  improve  and  mature 
it  for  immediate  execution.  A  great  show  of  preparations  on  your 
part,  boats  collected,  troops  assembled,  your  expectation  of  the 
approach  of  Generals  Gates  and  Putnam  intrusted  as  a  secret  to 
persons  who  you  are  sure  will  divulge  and  disseminate  it  in  New 
York;  in  a  word,  such  measures  taken  for  effectually  striking  an 
alarm  into  that  city,  as  it  is  altogether  unnecessary  for  me  minutely 
to  describe  to  you,  I  am  in  great  hopes  will  effect  the  valuable 
purpose  you  expect. 

General  Parsons,  ordered  to  White  Plains  presumably  with 
reference  to  Putnam's  contemplated  movement  against  New 
York,  writes  on  the  27th  to  Colonel  Webb  that  he  is  "  glad 
to  be  relieved  from  staying  longer  at  Peekskill  arid  wants  noth 
ing  more  than  to  be  with  his  brigade  and  have  Webb  with  him." 
November  3,  Webb  received  orders  to  join  the  brigade,  but 
after  a  few  days  his  regiment  was  ordered  to  the  coast  and 
went  into  camp  on  Kingstreet,  near  Horseneck.  The  following 
extracts  from  Webb's  diary,  as  given  in  his  Life  and  Letters, 
edited  by  Worthington  C.  Ford,  are  interesting  as  showing 
Parsons'  movements  during  the  month  while  preparations  were 
in  progress  against  New  York: 

Horseneck,  Wednesday,  Nov.  5.  Arrived  here  from  Stamford 
about  9  A.  M. ;  found  General  Parsons  quartered  at  Knapp's. 

Nov.  14,  1777-  Quarters  between  Mamaroneck  and  White 
Plains.  Returned  from  Horseneck  with  General  Parsons  and  dined 
at  my  Quarters ;  preparing  for  a  march. 

Sunday,  Nov.  16.     Rode  with  General  Parsons  to  Horseneck. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      125 

Wednesday,  Nov.  19-  This  forenoon  rode  to  Mamaroneck,  and 
from  thence  to  White  Plains  in  company  with  Maj.  Gen.  Putnam 
and  Brigadier  Parsons.  Every  movement  indicates  something  speed 
ily  to  be  done. 

Rye,,  Nov.  21.  This  being  Thanksgiving  Day,  rode  with  Gen. 
Parsons,  Major  Huntington  and  Captain  Bull  to  Knapp's  in  Horse- 
neck. 

Rye,  Nov.  21.  Note  from  Gen.  Parsons  that  he  had  received 
information  that  the  enemy  intended  to  burn  Tarrytown,  and  to 
have  regiment  ready  to  march  on  shortest  notice. 

Saturday,  Nov.  29-  Last  night  scouting  party  went  down  to 
West  Chester  and  made  prisoner  of  Col.  James  DeLancey  [later  of 
the  Refugee  Corps]  and  several  others. 

Nov.  30.     With  Brigadier  Parsons  rode  to  Horseneck. 

Dec.  2.  Horseneck.  With  Gen.  Parsons  and  Col.  DeLancey, 
dined  at  Mr.  Bushes. 

Dec.  3.  At  one  P.  M.,  Brigadier  Parsons  and  myself  set  for 
ward  and  arrived  at  Norwalk  about  dusk. 

Colonel  DeLancey,  even  at  this  time,  seems  to  have  been  in 
bad  odor  with  the  people  of  Westchester,  for  the  Committee 
of  Safety  of  that  County,  in  the  following  curious  petition, 
proceeded  immediately  upon  his  arrest  to  denounce  him  as  a 
Tory  and  demand  his  close  confinement : — 

To  His  Excellency,  George  Clinton,  Governor  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  General  of  the  Militia  and  Admiral  of  the  Navy  of  the 
same : 

May  it  please  Your  Excellency,  the  Committee  of  Safety  for 
Westchester  County,  Humbly  showeth: — that,  whereas  James  De 
Lancey  of  this  County,  soon  after  the  enemy  got  possession  of  New 
York,  gave  his  parole  to  one  of  our  general  officers  that  he  would 
abide  by  the  country  in  the  present  war  with  Great  Britain  and  con 
tinue  at  his  own  house,  but  within  a  week  after,  he,  with  both  his 
brothers,  went  on  board  of  the  men-of-war  in  the  East  River 
and  went  to  New  York,  and  soon  after  came  back  with  the 
enemy  to  West  Chester,  and  has  been  there  ever  since,  acting  with 
the  greatest  venom  imaginable  against  the  good  people  of  this 
County,  as  a  Colonel  commanding  the  militia  in  that  end  of  the 
County,  and  as  a  captain  in  raising  a  company  of  Light  Horse, 
encouraging  a  number  of  horse  thieves  to  steal  horses  for  said  com 
pany  in  the  northern  parts  of  said  County;  and  several  times  he  has 


126  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

been  known  to  be  in  person  with  said  thieves  and  plunderers  up  in 
the  County;  all  of  which  unspeakable  miseries  and  distresses  this 
County  has  suffered  for  ten  months  last  past  by  such  robbers,  has 
been  owing  to  his  conduct.  But  a  few  days  past,  he  was  taken  at 
West  Chester  by  a  party  of  Continental  troops  and  carried  to  Gen 
eral  Putnam,  and  by  him  sent  on  his  parole  to  remain  at  Hartford. 

We,  the  above  said  Committee,  in  behalf  of  the  distressed  people 
of  Westchester  County,  humbly  beg  your  Excellency  would  interpose 
with  General  Putnam,  that  said  parole  may  be  taken  away,  and  he 
be  put  into  close  confinement,  so  that  the  law  may  have  its  proper 
course  against  such  a  traitor  to  this  State  in  particular  and  the 
whole  United  States  in  general,  as  he  has  proven  himself  to  be. 

And  in  the  meantime  your  Petitioners  will  ever  pray  that  God, 
by  his  almighty  power,  preserve  and  direct  your  Excellency  in  your 
public  administration  in  this  so  difficult  a  time. 

Signed  by  order  of  the  Committee 
WESTCHESTER  Co.  Dec.  6,  1777  AB'M'  LKGGETT,  Chairman. 

In  a  letter  to  General  Putnam,  dated  Poughkeepsie,  Decem 
ber  12,  1777,  complaining  of  the  bad  treatment  which 
our  soldiers,  prisoners  of  war,  received  at  the  hands  of  the 
British,  Governor  Clinton,  referring  to  this  petition,  wrote: — 
"  I  am  informed  that  a  party  of  yours  were  fortunate  enough 
to  capture  Colonel  James  DeLancey.  This  gentleman,  I  am 
informed,  has  broken  his  parole  once  already.  I  am  persuaded 
you  wont  put  it  in  his  power  to  do  it  a  second  time."  It  does 
not  appear,  however,  that  DeLancey  was  ever  placed  in  close 
confinement,  for  Parsons,  in  a  letter  to  Governor  Clinton, 
dated,  Robinsons,  February  21,  1778,  mentions  that  he  "  has 
returned  agreeable  to  his  parole."  In  this  case  the  vision  of  his 
enemies  was  keener  than  that  of  his  friends.  Could  even  the 
easy-going  Putnam  have  foreseen  the  ruin  and  distress  which 
this  merciless  raider  brought  upon  Westchester  County  and 
western  Connecticut  and  the  efforts  necessary  to  break  up  and 
capture  his  cow-boy  band,  DeLancey  would  not  have  escaped 
as  easily  as  he  did. 

The  following  is  from  General  Putnam  to  General  Parsons : — 

HEADQUARTERS,  SAWPITS,  December  20,  1777. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  wrote  you  the  other  day  and  informed  you 
that  I  had  orders  from  General  Washington  to  return  all  the  troops 


to  Fishkill  and  fortify  the  River  at  all  events.  As  he  is  of  this 
opinion,  the  object  of  obstructing  the  River  far  supercedes  all  other 
events. 

These  orders  from  the  General  I  should  imagine  would  put  an 
end  to  your  plan  of  keeping  a  body  of  men  on  the  Island  this  winter, 
and  makes  it  absolutely  necessary  for  us  to  cross  to  the  main  imme 
diately.  However,  as  you  must  be  better  acquainted  with  that  coun 
try  than  I  am,  I  have  no  objections,  if  you  think  proper,  to  leaving 
fifty  or  one  hundred  men  there  under  a  good  officer.  I  would  have 
all  Continental  troops  with  you.  Join  me  as  soon  as  possible.  I 
leave  the  raising  of  a  number  of  refugees  entirely  to  you,  but  I 
think  the  troops  will  all  go  from  here  as  it  will  be  too  hazardous  to 
trust  them.  I  am  &c., 

ISRAEL  PUTNAM. 

P.  S. — Dr.  Burnett  informs  me  that  Governor  Livingston  has  just 
received  a  letter  from  Congress  assuring  him  that  they  had  not  the 
least  doubt  that  the  French  had  declared  against  Great  Britain 
and  that  five  thousand  troops  were  ordered  to  Martinico. 

On  the  26th,  Parsons  wrote  from  Hartford  to  Governor  Clin 
ton  of  New  York,  suggesting  a  way  in  which  he  might  effect  the 
exchange  of  his  neighbor,  Colonel  Allison : — 

HARTFORD,  December  26,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR. — Finding  Mr.  Thompson  here  anxiously  concerned  to 
procure  the  exchange  of  your  neighbor,  Col.  Allison,  for  one  Col. 
Barton,  I  thought  it  might  not  be  amiss  to  suggest  to  you  that, 
although  the  cartel  is  yet  suspended  and  therefore  no  negotiations 
can  be  by  the  General  on  this  subject,  yet  the  Governors  of  particu 
lar  States  have  in  several  instances  undertaken  to  exchange  in  their 
own  names;  perhaps  this  may  be  effected  in  that  way.  I  hope  to 
see  you  in  camp.  I  am  &c., 

SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Governor  Clinton. 

While  Parsons'  brigade  was  stationed  at  White  Plains, 
General  Tryon,  whose  military  specialty  seems  to  have  been  to 
burn  and  destroy,  sent  out,  on  the  18th  of  November,  a  small 
force  of  Hessian  troops  under  Captain  Emmerick — the  same 
officer  sent  to  destroy  Continental  village — to  burn  the  houses 
in  Phillips'  Manor,  near  the  Hudson.  This  affair  was  marked 
by  circumstances  of  such  savage  barbarity,  that  Parsons' 


128  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

indignation  was  fired  to  white  heat.  The  correspondence 
between  him  and  Tryon  to  which  this  outrage  gave  rise,  is 
given  in  full  as  showing  the  energetic  character  and  bold,  fer 
vid,  earnest  patriotism  which  distinguished  General  Parsons. 
The  occasion  for  the  correspondence  appears  more  fullv  in  the 
following  letter  from  Parsons  to  Mr.  Laurens,  then  President 
of  Congress : — 

To  the  Hon.  Mr.  Laurens,  President  of  Congress: 

SIR. — On  the  18th  ult.  (November),  Gen.  Tryon  sent  about  one 
hundred  men  under  the  command  of  Capt.  Emmerick  to  burn  some 
houses  within  about  four  miles  of  my  guards,  which,  under  cover 
of  a  dark  night,  he  effected  with  circumstances  of  most  savage  bar 
barity,  stripping  the  clothing  from  women  and  children  and  turning 
them  almost  naked  into  the  street  in  a  most  severe  night;  the  men 
were  made  prisoners  and  led  with  halters  about  their  necks,  with  no 
other  clothes  than  their  shirts  and  breeches  in  triumph  to  the  ene 
my's  lines.  This  conduct  induced  me  to  write  to  Gen.  Tryon  upon 
the  subject;  a  copy  of  my  letter  and  his  answer  I  have  herewith 
sent  you.  As  the  practice  of  desolating  villages,  burning  houses 
and  every  species  of  unnecessary  distress  to  the  inhabitants  ought  to 
be  avoided,  I  would  not  wish  to  retaliate  in  any  instance  but  where 
in  its  consequences  the  enemy  may  be  injured  or  one  of  our  people 
saved  by  it.  I  am  aware  if  in  any  instance  this  shall  be  done,  I 
shall  subject  myself  to  censure  unless  it  is  in  consequence  of  some 
general  order  of  Congress  by  which  I  may  be  warranted.  As  these 
instances  may  be  frequently  repeated  by  the  enemy,  I  wish  to  know 
in  what,  or  whether  in  any  instance,  Congress  will  direct  a  retalia 
tion.  I  am,  Sir,  your  obedient  humble  servant, 

SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS. 

Parsons'  letter  to  Tryon  and  Tryon's  reply,  mentioned  in 
the  letter  to  Mr.  Laurens,  are  as  follows : — 

MAMARONECK,  Nov.  21st,  1777. 

SIR. — Adding  to  the  natural  horrors  of  war,  the  most  wanton 
destruction  of  private  property,  are  acts  of  cruelty  unknown  to 
civilized  nations,  and  unaccustomed  in  war  until  the  servants  of  the 
King  of  Great  Britain  have  convinced  the  impartial  world,  no  acts 
of  inhumanity,  no  stretch  of  despotism  are  too  great  for  them  to 
exercise  towards  those  they  are  pleased  to  term  rebels.  Had  any 
apparent  advantage  been  derived  from  burning  the  houses  on  Phil- 


lips  Manor  last  Monday  night,  there  would  have  been  some  appear 
ance  of  reason  to  justify  the  measure,  but  when  no  benefit  can  result 
from  destroying  those  buildings  and  stripping  the  women  and  chil 
dren  of  necessary  apparel  to  cover  them  from  the  severity  of  a  cold 
night,  and  leading  off  the  captivated  heads  of  those  families  in 
triumph  to  your  lines  in  a  most  ignominious  manner,  I  cannot  assign 
a  justifiable  cause  for  this  act  of  cruelty;  nor  can  I  conceive  a  reason 
for  your  further  order  to  destroy  Tarrytown. 

'Tis  not  my  inclination,  Sir,  to  war  in  this  manner  against  the 
inhabitants  within  your  lines  who  suppose  themselves  within  the 
protection  of  the  King.  But  necessity  will  oblige  me  to  retaliate 
in  kind  upon  your  friends,  to  compel  the  exercise  of  that  justice 
which  humanity  used  to  dictate,  unless  your  explicit  disavowal  of 
the  conduct  of  your  Captains  Emmerick  and  Barns  shall  convince 
me  those  houses  were  destroyed  without  your  knowledge  and  against 
your  order.  You  cannot  be  insensible  'tis  every  day  in  my  power 
to  destroy  the  buildings  belonging  to  Col.  Phillips  and  Mr.  Delan- 
cey;  each  as  near  your  lines  as  these  burned  by  your  troops  were  to 
the  guards  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  nor  can  your  utmost 
vigilance  prevent  the  destruction  of  every  building  on  this  side 
Kingsbridge.  'Tis  not  fear,  Sir,  'tis  not  want  of  opportunity  has 
preserved  those  buildings  to  this  time,  but  a  sense  of  the  injustice 
and  savageness  of  such  a  line  of  conduct,  has  hitherto  saved  them; 
and  nothing  but  necessity  will  induce  me  to  copy  the  example  of 
this  kind  so  frequently  set  us  by  your  troops. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  obedient  humble  servant 

SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 
General  Parsons  to  General  Tryon. 

KINGSBRIDGE  CAMP,  23d  November,  1777, 

SIR. — Could  I  possibly  conceive  myself  accountable  to  any  re 
volted  subject  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  I  might  answer  your 
letter  received  by  the  flag  of  truce  yesterday,  respecting  the  conduct 
of  the  party  under  Capt.  Emmerick's  command  upon  the  taking  of 
Peter  and  Cornelius  Van  Tassel.  I  have,  however,  candor  enough 
to  assure  you,  as  much  as  I  abhor  every  principle  of  inhumanity  or 
ungenerous  conduct,  I  should,  were  I  more  in  authority,  burn  every 
committee-man's  house  within  my  reach,  as  I  deem  those  agents  the 
wretched  instruments  of  the  continued  calamities  of  this  country, 
and  in  order  the  sooner  to  purge  this  colony  of  them,  I  am  willing 
to  give  twenty  silver  dollars  for  every  acting  committee-man  who 
shall  be  delivered  to  the  King's  troops.  I  guess  before  the  end  of 
the  next  campaign,  they  will  be  torn  in  pieces  by  their  own  country- 


130  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

men  whom  they  have  forcibly  dragged,  in  opposition  to  their  prin 
ciples  and  duty,  (after  fining  them  to  the  extent  of  their  property), 
to  take  up  arms  against  their  lawful  sovereign,  and  compelled  them 
to  exchange  their  happy  constitution  for  paper,  rags,  anarchy  and 
distress.  The  ruins  of  the  city  of  New  York  from  the  conflagra 
tion  of  the  emissaries  of  your  party  last  year,  remain  a  memorial  of 
their  tender  regard  for  their  fellow  beings  exposed  to  the  severity 
of  a  cold  night. 

This  is  the  first  correspondence  I  have  held  with  the  King's  ene 
mies  in  America  on  my  own  part,  and  as  I  am  immediately  under 
the  command  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  your  future  letters,  dictated 
with  decency,  would  be  more  properly  directed  to  his  Excellency. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  humble  servant 
To  General  Parsons.  WM.  TRYON. 

The  letters  of  November  21  and  23,  Tryon  sent  to  Lord 
George  Germain,  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  and 
loftily  wrote : — "  By  the  enclosed  correspondence  between  me 
and  General  Parsons,  your  Lordship  may  judge  of  the  tone  I 
think  should  be  held  towards  the  rebels."  The  entire  corres 
pondence  is  to  be  found  in  Volume  VIII.  of  the  New  York 
Colonial  Documents,  pp.  735  to  745,  London  Documents  46 
and  47. 

The  following  letter  was  written  by  General  Parsons  to 
General  Tryon  in  reply  to  his  of  Nov.  23. 

FISHKILL,  January  1st,  1778. 

SIR. — Since  I  received  yours  of  the  23rd  of  November,  I  have 
been  employed  in  matters  of  importance  which  have  not  left  me  at 
liberty  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  before;  lest  you 
should  think  me  wanting  in  the  respect  due  to  your  character,  I  beg 
your  acceptance  of  this  letter,  which  closes  our  epistolary  corres 
pondence. 

It  will  ever  be  my  intention  to  dictate  with  decency  any  letters 
I  may  send,  however  remote  it  may  be  from  my  wish  to  copy  the 
examples  of  the  persons  my  duty  may  compel  me  to  correspond 
with;  as  propriety  and  decency  ought  to  be  observed  in  every  trans 
action  even  with  the  most  infamous  characters,  I  shall  never  hope 
so  nearly  to  assimilate  myself  to  them  as  to  be  found  wanting  in 
that  respect  which  is  due  to  all  my  fellow  beings  in  their  stations 
and  characters  in  life. 

I  should  not  have  entertained  a  thought  you  had  failed  in  the 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      131 

duty  you  owe  to  your  King  in  every  part  of  the  globe,  or  that  you 
did  not  fully  possess  the  spirit  of  his  Ministry,  which  has  precipi 
tated  the  present  crisis,  even  though  you  had  omitted  to  assure  me 
this  had  been  the  first  correspondence  you  had  held  with  the  King's 
enemies  in  America. 

The  conflagration  of  New  York  you  are  pleased  to  charge  to  the 
American  troops  under  the  decent  name  of  a  party.  This  deserves 
no  other  answer  than  to  assure  you  it  has  not  the  least  foundation 
in  truth,  and  that  we  are  assured  it  gains  no  credit  with  officers 
whose  rank  and  candor  give  opportunity  to  know  and  believe  the 
truth.  This  like  many  other  circumstances  is  charged  to  the  account 
of  those  who  were  never  believed  guilty,  to  excite  the  rage  and 
resentment  of  the  ignorant  and  misguided  against  very  improper 
objects.  Perhaps  I  might  suggest  with  as  much  propriety  and  more 
truth,  this  unhappy  event  was  brought  about  by  your  own  party 
from  the  same  motives  which  induced  them  in  August  1776  to  man 
gle  the  dead  bodies  of  some  of  the  foreign  troops  in  a  most  shocking 
and  inhuman  manner,  and  place  them  in  the  most  conspicuous  parts 
of  the  roads  their  brethren  were  to  pass. 

A  justifiable  resistance  against  unwarrantable  invasions  of  the 
natural  and  social  rights  of  mankind,  if  unsuccessful,  I  am  sensible 
according  to  the  fashion  of  the  world,  will  be  called  rebellion;  but 
when  successful,  will  be  viewed  as  a  noble  struggle  for  everything 
important  in  life.  Whether  I  am  now  considered  as  a  revolted  sub 
ject  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  or  in  any  other  light  by  his 
subjects,  is  very  immaterial  and  gives  me  very  little  concern;  future 
ages,  I  hope  will  do  justice  to  my  intentions  and  the  present  to  the 
humanity  of  my  conduct. 

Few  men  are  of  talents  so  very  inconsiderable  as  to  be  unaltera 
bly  excluded  from  every  degree  of  fame.  A  Nero  and  a  Caligula 
have  perpetuated  their  memory;  perhaps  twenty  silver  dollars  may 
be  motives  with  those  you  employ  to  do  great  honor  to  your  Machia- 
velian  maxims,  especially  to  that  which  advises,  never  to  commit 
crimes  to  the  halves,  and  leave  lasting  monuments  of  your  princi 
ples  and  conduct  which  will  hand  your  memory  down  to  posterity 
in  indelible  characters.  We  act  on  a  different  scale  and  hold  our 
selves  indispensably  bound,  never  to  commit  crimes,  but  execute 
what's  necessary  for  our  safety  uninfluenced  by  sordid  mercenary 
motives. 

In  the  field  of  conjecture  I  shall  not  attempt  to  follow  you;  your 
talent  of  guessing  may  be  greater  than  I  can  boast  of;  this  satis 
faction  at  least  you  may  enjoy,  if  you  find  yourself  mistaken  in  one 
conjecture,  you  have  an  undoubted  right  to  guess  again.  I  shall 


132  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

content  myself  to  wait  'til  the  event  verifies  your  prediction  or  shows 
you  are  mistaken.  Assuring  you,  I  shall  never  pursue  your  measures 
for  restoring  peace,  whether  my  authority  should  be  greater  or  less, 
further  than  necessity  shall  compel  me  to  retort  the  injuries  the 
peaceable  inhabitants  of  this  country  may  receive  from  the  hand  of 
violence  and  oppression. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  obedient  servant, 
To  General  Tryon.  SAM.  .H.  PARSONS." 

Tryon's  brutality,  as  was  to  be  expected,  provoked  speedy 
retaliation,  not  by  the  military  authorities  but  by  the  injured 
inhabitants  or  their  friends.  November  had  not  expired  before 
a  small  party  of  the  "  advanced  water-guard,"  slipping  by  the 
British  guard-ships  in  the  night,  landed  at  Bloomingdale,  sur 
prised  and  captured  the  small  guard  at  the  landing  and  de 
stroyed  the  country  seat  of  Oliver  DeLancey  with  everything  it 
contained.  Like  the  poor  people  of  Phillips'  Manor,  Mrs. 
DeLancey  and  her  daughters  were  forced  to  flee  to  the  woods, 
barefooted  and  in  their  nightclothes,  and  shelterless,  to 
wander  about  in  the  open  air  all  night.  This  outrage,  though 
but  a  return  blow  struck  by  the  exasperated  victims  of 
Tryon's  cruelties,  and  far  less  culpable  than  the  cold-blooded 
barbarities  of  Tryon's  troops,  was  promptly  disavowed  and 
disapproved  by  the  Committee  of  Safety. 


CHAPTER    XIII 

PARSONS'  EXPEDITION  TO  LONG  ISLAND.  IN  COMMAND  AT  WEST 
POINT.  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  GOVERNOR  CLINTON.  LETTER 
TO  SIR  HENRY  CLINTON. 

October,  1777— April,  1778 

ON  the  31st  of  October  Putnam  advised  Washington  that 
Poor's,  Warner's,  Learned's  and  Patterson's  brigades,  with 
Van  Schaick's  regiment  and  Morgan's  rifle  corps,  fifty-seven 
hundred  men  in  all,  were  on  their  way  from  Gates'  army  to 
join  him  in  the  Highlands,  making  his  total  force  nine  thou 
sand  strong,  exclusive  of  Morgan's  corps,  the  artillery  and  the 
New  York  and  Connecticut  militia.  The  same  day  at  a 
Council  of  his  principal  officers,  it  was  unanimously  determined 
that  four  thousand  men  should  move  down  the  west  side  of  the 
river  to  Haverstraw ;  that  one  thousand  should  be  retained  in 
the  Highlands  to  guard  the  country  and  repair  the  Works,  and 
that  the  remainder  should  march  down  the  east  side  of  the 
river  to  Kingsbridge,  except  Morgan's  corps,  which  should 
join  the  Commander-in-Chief.  The  object  of  this  disposition 
was  to  further  Putnam's  plan  for  diverting  reinforcements 
from  Howe's  army  and  attacking  New  York,  should  the  oppor 
tunity  present  itself.  The  troops  under  orders  to  join  General 
Washington  having  left  Fishkill  on  their  march  southward, 
General  Putnam  moved  down  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson  with 
that  part  of  his  force  detached  to  operate  against  New  York. 
On  the  27th  of  November,  General  Dickinson  made  his  long 
contemplated  descent  on  Staten  Island.  Crossing  from  New 
Jersey  with  fourteen  hundred  men,  he  marched  seven  miles  into 
the  Island,  hoping  to  surprise  the  enemy  encamped  there  under 
Generals  Skinner  and  Campbell;  but,  as  ill  luck  would  have 
it,  intelligence  of  the  movement  had  reached  them  at  three 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  in  time  to  permit  them  to  draw  off  their 
troops,  and  he  was  forced  to  return  without  accomplishing  his 

133 


134  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

object.  The  same  day  General  Putnam  ordered  General  Par 
sons,  then  at  White  Plains,  and  General  Warner,  fresh  from 
the  plains  of  Saratoga,  to  march  with  their  brigades  towards 
Kingsbridge  to  aid  in  creating  a  diversion  in  that  quarter. 
Putnam,  in  person,  reconnoitered  within  three  miles  of  Kings- 
bridge,  but  finding  no  opportunity  to  effect  anything,  diverged 
to  New  Rochelle,  and  there  disposed  his  troops  as  if  to  cross  the 
Sound  and  attack  the  forts  at  Huntington  and  Setauket.  But 
before  he  could  complete  his  preparations,  it  was  found  that 
the  enemy  had  discovered  his  intentions  and  evacuated  their 
Works. 

General  Putnam  remained  near  the  Sound  until  the  middle 
of  December,  when,  under  orders  from  Washington,  he 
returned  with  his  troops  to  the  Highlands.  Meanwhile  an 
expedition,  to  be  under  the  separate  command  of  General  Par 
sons,  was  planned  against  Long  Island.  Two  colonels  of  his 
brigade  were  to  accompany  him,  Samuel  B.  Webb,  who  had 
just  joined  him  with  his  regiment  at  Horseneck,  and  Colonel 
Meigs,  who  had  been  so  successful  in  May  at  the  eastern  end 
of  the  Island.  The  expedition  was  to  cross  the  Sound  in  three 
Divisions.  The  western,  under  Meigs,  was  to  cross  from  Saw 
Pits  (Port  Chester)  to  Hempstead  Harbor,  about  twelve  miles 
distant,  and  attack  a  regiment  stationed  eight  miles  east  of 
Jamaica ;  the  middle,  under  Webb,  was  to  land  at  Huntington 
and  support  either  Division  as  might  be  required;  the  eastern, 
under  the  immediate  command  of  Parsons,  was  to  land  further 
east  on  the  Island  and  destroy  vessels  and  stores  collected 
there.  Each  Division  was  to  have  sailed  on  the  evening  of  the 
9th,  but  the  Sound  proved  so  rough  that  the  whaleboats,  in 
which  Meigs'  men  were  embarked,  were  unable  to  cross.  Par 
sons  and  Webb  left  Norwalk  at  the  appointed  time,  and,  having 
sailing  vessels,  had  no  difficulty  in  crossing,  but  Webb,  the  next 
morning,  unfortunately  fell  in  with  a  British  sloop  of  war  and 
was  captured,  with  four  officers  and  twenty  men  of  his 
regiment  of  regulars,  besides  forty  militiamen.  Parsons  landed 
safely  at  Hockaback,  about  forty  miles  from  the  east  end  of 
the  Island,  and  was  completely  successful  in  his  part  of  the 
undertaking.  Among  his  prisoners  were  several  respecting 
whom  he  wrote  to  Governor  Clinton,  as  follows: 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      135 

LYME  IN  CONNECTICUT,  Dec.  28,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR. — Several  persons  have  been  brought  from  Long  Island 
who  have  been  exceedingly  active  in  distressing  the  well  affected 
there.  Among  them  are  Major  Wickham,  Major  Hudson,  Orange 
Webb  and  Matthew  Wells  of  Southold  township,  John  Ireland  of 
Huntington  and  sundry  others.  None  of  them  act  under  military 
commissions  except  Hudson ;  the  others  must  be  considered  as  State 
prisoners  and  fall  within  your  jurisdiction,  being  subjects  of  your 
State.  They  are  now  with  the  Commissary  of  Prisoners  at  Hart 
ford.  If  you  think  it  necessary  to  give  any  particular  orders  re 
specting  them,  the  Commissary  will  doubtless  comply  with  any  direc 
tions  you  give. 

The  well-affected  inhabitants  of  Suffolk  County  are  anxious  to 
have  Wickham,  Hudson  and  Ireland  kept  upon  the  main;  they  much 
fear  their  return;  they  are  now  all  upon  their  parole. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Governor  Clinton.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  following  letter  from  General  Parsons  to  General  Wash 
ington,  written  from  Lyme,  where  he  then  was  on  a  visit  to  his 
family,  gives  the  details  of  his  expedition  to  Long  Island: — 

LYME,  Dec.  29,  1777. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — Col.  WTebb  falling  into  the  enemy's  hands  the 
10th  inst.  you  doubtless  before  this  have  been  made  acquainted 
with. 

The  descent  on  Long  Island  was  designed  to  destroy  the  timber 
and  boards  prepared  at  the  eastern  end  of  Long  Island  for  barracks 
in  New  York,  to  destroy  the  fleet  there  from  Rhode  Island  for  wood, 
to  attack  a  regiment  stationed  about  eight  miles  eastward  of  Jamaica 
and  to  remove  or  destroy  whatever  public  stores  should  be  found  on 
the  Island.  For  this  purpose  Col.  Meigs  was  to  have  landed  at 
Hempstead  Harbor  to  attack  the  regiment  near  Jamaica ;  Col.  Webb, 
near  Huntington,  to  sustain  Meigs  and  afford  such  aid  to  the  Divi 
sion  eastward  as  should  be  wanted  and  destroy  whatever  was  collected 
in  that  part  of  the  County  of  Suffolk  for  the  use  of  the  enemy.  The 
eastward  Division,  with  which  I  was,  landed  at  a  place  called  Hock- 
aback,  about  forty  miles  from  the  east  end  of  the  Island,  with 
design  to  destroy  the  fleet,  timber,  boards  &c.  Col.  Meigs,  who  was 
to  have  crossed  from  Sawpits,  through  the  roughness  of  the  water, 
was  unable  to  pass  over  in  his  boats.  The  other  two  divisions  sailed 
from  Norwalk  the  evening  of  the  9th  inst.  with  fair  prospects,  but 
unfortunately  the  armed  sloop  in  which  Col.  Webb  was,  on  the  morn- 


136  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

ing  of  the  10th  fell  in  with  the  "Falcon"  sloop  of  war  in  her 
passage  from  New  York  to  Newport,  and  was  forced  on  shore  at  so 
great  a  distance  from  the  beach  as  rendered  their  escape  so  hazard 
ous  that  most  of  them  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

Upon  the  enquiry  I  have  been  able  to  make,  I  believe  that  they 
were  more  unfortunate  than  guilty  of  any  criminal  neglect,  and  the 
falling  in  with  that  ship  was  perfectly  accidental  as  none  were  sta 
tioned  within  many  miles  of  that  place.  The  eastern  Division 
landed  safely.  The  fleet  (except  the  Swan  and  Harlem  sloops  of 
war  and  four  other  vessels)  had  sailed.  One  sloop  had  taken  in 
her  cargo  of  timber  and  boards ;  the  other  three  had  taken  none,  but 
being  light  went  into  the  bay  under  cover  of  the  armed  vessels.  The 
loaded  sloop  we  took,  and  we  destroyed  all  the  timber  and  boards 
prepared  for  New  York  and  a  large  quantity  of  wood  cut  for  another 
fleet  expected  from  Newport.  Capt.  Hart,  with  about  forty  men, 
was  so  fortunate  as  to  find  Capt.  Ascough's  boats  within  about 
twenty  yards  of  the  shore,  and  on  their  refusal  to  surrender  gave 
them  several  well  directed  shots  which  did  great  execution,  Capt. 
Ascough  of  the  Swan,  having  his  thigh  broken;  two  other  officers 
badly  wounded;  eight  killed  and  about  the  same  number  wounded 
whose  rank  was  unknown.  This  we  have  from  one  of  the  inhabi 
tants  on  board  the  Swan.  When  the  boats  came  alongside,  the  ships 
kept  up  a  constant  fire,  but  without  execution.  Immediately  on  this 
the  ships  weighed  anchor  and  sailed  for  Newport. 

The  troops,  except  those  taken  with  Col.  Webb,  are  safely  landed 
on  the  main  again  with  about  twenty  prisoners  taken  here. 

Col.  Webb  is  now  out  on  his  parole  to  endeavor  to  effect  an 
exchange  for  Lt.  Col.  Campbell  of  the  71st  Regiment,  and  is  to 
return  in  two  months  unless  this  is  effected  or  he  is  otherwise  ex 
changed.  If  there  is  no  special  reason  to  prevent  the  exchange  of 
Col.  Campbell,  I  would  beg  your  Excellency's  permission  to  send 
in  Col.  Campbell,  but  if  any  objection  arises  against  his  exchange, 
Col.  Lawrence  taken  at  Staten  Island  or  any  other  of  like  rank  will 
I  suppose  answer  his  parole  if  sent  in  season.  .If  either  of  these 
ways  or  any  other  can  procure  Col.  Webb's  exchange,  he  will  be 
made  happy  and  the  regiment  greatly  benefitted,  as  the  affairs  of 
the  regiment  are  so  circumstanced  that  no  man  can  do  justice  to 
them  if  he  is  confined.  He  has  always  conducted  himself  as  a  good 
officer  and  as  such  merits  the  esteem  of  his  superior  officers. 

I  should  at  this  time  have  requested  your  Excellency's  permission 
to  have  left  the  service  of  my  country  in  the  army,  were  I  not  appre 
hensive  the  example  would  have  too  extensive  an  influence  amongst 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      137 

the  officers  of  my  brigade,  already  so  discontented  as  to  have  pro 
duced  very  many  applications  for  dismissals.  I  have  endeavored 
with  some  success  to  give  satisfaction  with  assurances  Congress 
would  pay  attention  to  their  case  as  would  do  justice.  The  general 
sentiments  and  practice  of  the  country  are  such  as  to  give  too  much 
cause  for  their  complaint. 

When  the  officers  are  calmed  and  have  laid  aside  their  present 
intentions,  I  hope  I  shall  not  be  considered  in  a  disagreeable  light 
if  my  application  for  a  dismissal  should  be  nearer  the  opening  of  a 
new  campaign  than  the  close  of  this. 

I  am  now  by  General  Putnam's  permission  in  the  country  for  a 
few  weeks  with  my  family.  As  our  Assembly  sits  next  week  at 
Hartford  and  not  again  till  May  I  could  wish  measures  to  be  adopted 
this  session  for  filling  the  quota  of  troops  from  this  State,  and  as  I 
know  your  Excellency's  opinion  is  of  great  weight,  I  am  satisfied 
an  early  attention  will  be  paid  to  the  subject  if  recommended  by 
your  Excellency. 

I  intend  to  spend  some  days  at  Hartford,  where,  if  I  can  con 
tribute  anything  to  furnishing  an  army  at  the  opening  of  another 
campaign,  I  shall  think  myself  happy  in  rendering  some  service  to 
the  cause  of  my  country  though  I  should  quit  the  field  myself. 
I  am,  dear  General,  with  esteem 

Yr.  obt.  servant 
To  General  Washington.  S.  H.  PARSONS. 

That  Parsons  was  not  inactive  while  in  Hartford,  appears 
from  this  entry  in  the  records  of  the  Connecticut  Council  of 
Safety : — 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Governor  and  Council  of  Safety,  January 
16,  1778,  upon  the  representation  of  General  Samuel  H.  Parsons, 
showing  to  this  Board  that  a  small  privateer  is  now  fitting  out  by 
the  Governor's  order  to  drive  small  tenders  and  boats  from  the  west 
ern  coast,  which  cannot  be  completed  without  the  loan  of  one  of  the 
nine  pounders  at  New  Haven  belonging  to  the  State,  and  praying 
for  the  loan  thereof  for  the  purpose  aforesaid,  it  was,  Resolved, 
That  the  same  be  loaned  to  General  Parsons  and  that  he  give  his 
receipt  for  the  same. 

The  following  letter  from  General  Parsons  to  Colonel  Webb, 
was  probably  written  by  him  while  on  his  way  from  Connec 
ticut  to  the  Highlands  : — 


138  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

YONKERS,  February  8,  1778. 

DEAR  COLONEL. — I  received  your  kind  letter  of  the  3d  inst.,  this 
evening  on  my  return  from  our  mutual  friend,  Governor  Clinton, 
and  have  the  pleasure  to  assure  you  his  opinion  is  not  shaken  by  any 
reports  he  has  heard.  If  you  should  be  exchanged,  I  beg  you  to 
direct  Major  Huntington  to  come  on  to  camp  as  soon  as  possible; 
he  is  much  wanted.  If  'tis  possible  to  procure  me  a  pencil  and  ivory 
note  book,  buttons  for  a  coat,  lining  &c.,  I  shall  be  particularly 
obliged  for  your  care  for  me  in  this  matter.  A  declaration  of  war 
between  France  and  England;  Pitt  in  administration;  a  general  ex 
change  of  prisoners  very  speedily  and  a  prohibition  against  calling 
us  rebels,  gains  credit  here. 

When  the  drafts  are  made,  I  think  'twill  be  well  to  have  some  good 
recruiting  officers  at  home,  as,  if  there  is  the  greatest  prospect  of 
closing  the  war,  our  prospects  of  recruiting  will  be  increased.  All 
others  of  your  officers,  (unless  some  special  difficulties  exist,)  and 
all  soldiers  whose  furloughs  are  out,  I  desire  may  be  directed  to 
join  immediately,  as  the  Works  (at  West  Point)  are  of  great  im 
portance  to  be  finished  and  our  laborers  are  few. 

The  three  following  letters  are  from  Parsons  to  his  old 
friend  and  compatriot,  Thomas  Mumford  of  Groton,  a  member 
of  the  Connecticut  legislature,  and  one  of  those  who  aided  him 
in  raising  -money  for  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga  in  1775: — 

LYME,  December  28,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  came  home  last  night  and  found  your  letter  of  the 
24th.  I  am  very  sorry  your  prospects  of  redeeming  your  son  are 
no  better.  I  wish  for  one  you  were  closer  connected  with  the  mem 
bers  of  the  Family  Union;  everything  in  my  power  shall  be  done  to 
procure  his  exchange  or  enlargement.  I  have  not  yet  received  a 
letter  from  Maj.  Humphreys.  When  I  do,  I  will  inform  you  imme 
diately.  I  hope  through  the  intervention  of  Mr.  Webb  to  procure 
my  young  friend  without  the  aid  of  the  Governor  or  his  Council. 
Enclosed  is  a  letter  to  Mr.  Wickham.  As  I  expect  to  see  you  next 
Tuesday,  I  have  not  been  more  particular.  I  will  then  give  a  letter 
to  Mr.  Wickham  and  a  flag  if  you  desire  it. 

I  have  sold  the  little  interest  I  have  in  this  town.  If  you  can 
inform  me  where  I  can  hire  a  house  and  about  forty  or  fifty  acres 
of  land  for  a  year  till  our  troubles  end,  you  will  much  oblige 

Yr  friend  and  obt.  servt. 
To  Thomas  Mumford.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      139 

LYME,  January  1^.,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  last  night  received  a  letter  from  General  Putnam 
in  which  is  this  paragraph.  "  A  fetter  from  Lewis  Pintard  Esq., 
agent  for  our  prisoners  in  New  York,  has  put  it  entirely  out  of  my 
power  to  do  anything  in  favor  of  Mr.  Mumford.  He  says  that  the 
General  has  absolutely  declared  that  no  officers  shall  be  exchanged 
until  a  general  one  takes  place. 

He  gives  some  camp  news.  Says  the  Randolph  has  taken  an 
Indiaman.  The  talk  of  a  French  war  is  very  rife,  and  the  same 
thing  is  whispered  in  New  York.  Christmas  eve  Captain  Savage  took 
eight  prisoners  within  musket  shot  of  Fort  Independence.  Same 
evening,  two  officers  shot  at  and  one  killed  near  White  Plains.  Two 
captains  of  vessels  sent  with  a  flag  have  remained  with  the  enemy. 

S.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Thomas  Mumford. 

January  22,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  intended  before  I  left  you,  to  have  mentioned  the 
case  of  General  Arnold,  who  is  languishing  under  the  neglect  of 
his  country,  when  he  has  done  more  perhaps  than  any  one  man  to 
restore  their  sinking  liberties.  A  man  of  bravery  feels  more  sensi 
bly  the  appropriation  of  his  countrymen  than  thousands  of  gold 
or  silver;  this  is  a  cheap  tribute  and  justly  his  due.  I  wish  he  may 
receive  some  public  testimonial  of  the  approbation  of  his  native 
country;  and  that  we  may  not  always  remain  singular  in  this 
neglect. 

I  find  a  great  complaint  among  the  officers  that  thev  are  four- 
folded  for  their  Polls  when  in  service.  Whether  the  law  exempts 
the  officer  from  a  poll  tax  or  not,  I  do  not  know,  but  if  not,  I  think 
it  exceedingly  hard  they  should  be  compelled  to  pay;  and  more  so 
to  be  fourfolded  when  they  are  absent  and  cannot  have  opportunity 
to  know  your  laws  or  to  procure  your  fourfold  abated.  I  wish  you 
to  move  a  law  by  which  they  shall  be  excused  from  your  poll  tax  the 
year  past  and  in  future,  and  that  all  fourfolds  be  abated  them. 
There  is  more  reason  for  the  Assembly  to  interpose  in  this  than  in 
ordinary  cases,  as  the  officer  is  not  in  a  situation  to  apply  to  your 
listers  himself  before  the  tax  is  gathered. 

I  am  &c. 
To  Thomas  Mumford.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

On  the  5th  of  November,  Congress  had  extended  Gates'  com 
mand  to  embrace  the  Highlands,  and  invested  him  with  ample 
powers  to  repair  and  rebuild  the  Works ;  but,  although  urged 
by  Washington  in  his  letter  of  December  2,  to  attend  to  the 


140  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

business  without  delay,  he  had  done  nothing  when  he  left  the 
Department  in  January  to  take  the  Presidency  of  the  Board 
of  War.  Anticipating  his  non-action,  Washington,  the  same 
day,  wrote  to  Governor  Clinton  urging  him  to  take  the  "  chief 
direction  and  superintendence  of  the  business."  This,  on  the 
20th,  Clinton  declined  to  do,  explaining  that,  as  the  legislature 
was  to  meet  in  March,  his  time  would  be  fully  occupied  by  his 
civil  duties.  On  the  same  day  Washington  wrote  also  to 
General  Putnam,  as  follows,  requesting  him  in  the  most  urgent 
terms  to  employ  his  whole  force  in  constructing  and  complet 
ing  the  works  necessary  for  the  defense  of  the  Hudson,  and 
to  consult  Governor  Clinton,  General  Parsons  and  Colonel 
Radiere  upon  the  matter: — 

HEADQUARTERS,  December  2,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR. — The  importance  of  the  North  River  in  the  present 
contest,  and  the  necessity  of  defending  it,  are  subjects  which  have 
been  so  frequently  and  so  fully  discussed,  and  are  so  well  under 
stood,  that  it  is  unnecessary  to  enlarge  upon  them.  These  facts  at 
once  appear  when  it  is  considered  that  it  runs  through  a  whole  State ; 
that  it  is  the  only  passage  by  which  the  enemy  from  New  York,  or 
any  part  of  our  coast,  can  ever  hope  to  cooperate  with  an  army  from 
Canada;  that  the  possession  of  it  is  indispensably  essential  to  pre 
serve  the  communication  between  the  eastern,  middle  and  southern 
states ;  and,  further,  that  upon  its  security  in  a  great  measure  depend 
our  chief  supplies  of  flour  for  the  subsistence  of  such  forces  as  we 
may  have  occasion  for  in  the  course  of  the  war,  either  in  the  eastern 
or  northern  departments,  or  in  the  country  lying  high  up  on  the 
west  side  of  it.  These  facts  are  familiar  to  all;  they  are  familiar 
to  you.  I  therefore  request  you,  in  the  most  urgent  terms,  to  turn 
your  most  serious  and  active  attention  to  this  infinitely  important 
object.  Seize  the  present  opportunity,  and  employ  your  whole  force 
and  all  the  means  in  your  power  for  erecting  and  completing,  as  far 
as  it  shall  be  possible,  such  works  and  obstructions  as  may  be  neces 
sary  to  defend  and  secure  the  river  against  any  future  attempts  of 
•  the  enemy.  You  will  consult  Governor  Clinton,  General  Parsons 
and  the  French  engineer,  Colonel  Radiere,  upon  the  occasion.  By 
gaining  the  passage,  you  know  the  enemy  have  already  laid  waste 
and  destroyed  all  the  houses,  mills  and  towns  accessible  to  them. 
Unless  proper  measures  are  taken  to  prevent,  they  will  renew  their 
ravages  in  the  spring,  or  as  soon  as  the  season  will  admit,  and  per 
haps  Albany,  the  only  town  in  the  State  of  any  importance  remain- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      141 

ing  in  our  hands,  may  undergo  a  like  fate,  and  a  general  havoc  and 
devastation  take  place. 

To  prevent  these  evils,  therefore,  I  shall  expect  that  you  will 
exert  every  nerve,  and  employ  your  whole  force  in  future,  while 
and  whenever  it  is  practicable,  in  constructing  and  forwarding  the 
proper  works  and  means  of  defense.  The  troops  must  not  be  kept 
out  on  command,  and  acting  in  detachments  to  cover  the  country 
below,  which  is  a  consideration  infinitely  less  important  and  inter 
esting. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  &c. 

To  General  Putnam.  GEO.  WASHINGTON. 

On  the  25th  of  January,  1778,  Washington,  uneasy  at  the 
delay,  again  wrote  Putnam: — 

I  begin  to  be  very  apprehensive  that  the  season  will  entirely 
pass  away  before  anything  material  will  be  done  for  the  defense  of 
the  Hudson  River.  You  are  well  acquainted  with  the  great  neces 
sity  there  is  for  having  the  Works  there  finished  as  soon  as  possible ; 
and  I  most  earnestly  desire  that  the  strictest  attention  may  be  paid 
to  every  matter  which  may  contribute  to  finishing  and  putting  them 
in  a  respectable  state  before  spring.' 

The  Forts  and  other  Works  in  the  Highlands  having  been 
completely  destroyed  by  the  British,  it  became  a  question  of 
importance  whether  they  should  be  restored,  or  others  erected 
in  new  places  to  be  selected  for  the  purpose.  After  careful 
examination,  it  was  finally  decided  by  Putnam  and  his  officers, 
and  by  a  committee  of  the  legislature  appointed  to  assist 
in  the  matter,  to  build  at  West  Point  a  fort  with  an  interior 
circuit  of  six  hundred  yards,  and  to  obstruct  the  river  by 
sinking  chevaux-de-frise  and  by  stretching  a  boom  across  it 
from  shore  to  shore.  The  place  selected  for  the  boom  was  the 
narrowest  part  of  the  river,  where  it  would  be  commanded  by 
the  Fort,  and  where  a  point  jutting  out  into  the  stream  com 
pelled  all  vessels  in  rounding  it  to  change  their  course  and 
lessen  their  headway,  thus  keeping  them  longer  under  fire  and 
preventing  them  from  striking  the  boom  with  any  considerable 
force.  The  boom  was  to  consist  of  two  chains  resting  on  the 
ends  of  pine  logs  fifteen  feet  in  length,  laid  with  the  current, 
and  when  completed  would  resemble  a  ladder.  The  links  of  the 


142  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

chain  were  to  be  two  feet  in  length  and  made  of  two  and  one- 
quarter  inch  square  iron.  The  contract  for  the  chain  was 
given  to  Noble,  Townsend  and  Co.,  proprietors  of  the  Sterling 
Iron  Works,  which  is  still  in  operation  near  Sloatsburgh  in 
Rockland  County. 

On  the  13th  of  February,  Putnam  reported  to  General 
Washington  as  to  the  progress  of  the  work  at  West  Point : — 

The  state  of  affairs  now  at  this  Post,  you  will  please  to  observe 
is  as  follows :  the  chain  and  necessary  anchors  are  contracted  for, 
to  be  completed  by  the  first  of  April;  and  from  the  intelligence  I 
have  received,  there  is  reason  to  believe  they  will  be  finished  by  that 
time.  Parts  of  the  boom  intended  to  have  been  used  at  Fort  Mont 
gomery,  sufficient  for  this  place,  are  remaining.  Some  of  the  iron  is 
exceedingly  bad;  this  I  hope  to  have  replaced  with  good  iron  soon. 
The  chevaux-de-frise  will  be  completed  by  the  time  the  River  will 
admit  of  sinking  them.  The  batteries  near  the  water  and  the  fort 
to  cover  them,  are  laid  out.  Barracks  and  huts  for  about  three  hun 
dred  men  are  completed,  and  barracks  for  about  the  same  number 
are  covered.  A  road  to  the  River  has  been  made  with  great  diffi 
culty. 

As  to  the  condition  of  the  troops  he  says : — 

Dubois'  regiment  is  unfit  to  be  ordered  on  duty,  there  not  being 
one  blanket  in  the  regiment.  Very  few  have  either  a  shoe  or  a 
shirt,  and  most  of  them  have  neither  stockings,  breeches  or  overalls. 
Several  hundred  men  are  rendered  useless  for  want  of  necessary 
apparel. 

General  Parsons  has  returned  to  camp  some  time  since,  and  takes 
upon  himself  the  command  to-morrow,  when  I  shall  set  out  for  Con 
necticut."  I  am  &c., 

T    n          7  TT/     i.-  ISRAEL  PUTNAM. 

1  o  (jreneral  Washington. 

On  the  14th  of  February,  1778,  General  Putnam  having  left 
for  Connecticut,  the  command  of  West  Point  and  all  the  Posts 
and  troops  in  the  Highlands,  together  with  the  duty  of  com 
pleting  the  Works  planned  for  the  defense  of  the  Hudson, 
devolved  on  General  Parsons.  This  latter  duty  proved  full  of 
perplexities  and  embarrassments  growing  out  of  the  confusion 
in  which  Putnam  had  left  the  affairs  of  the  Department,  as 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      143 

will  be  seen  by  the  following  correspondence  between  Parsons 
and  Governor  Clinton.  Parsons'  Headquarters  were  at  Robin 
son's  House,  opposite  West  Point,  from  which  on  the  15th,  he 
writes : — 

DEAR  SIR. — Colonel  Wyncoop  is  now  with  me  and  has  taken  a 
memorandum  of  articles  to  procure  at  Albany  and  that  part  of  the 
country.  The  gun  boats,  he  says,  he  thinks  are  not  begun  which  were 
to  be  built  at  Albany;  he  says  General  Schuyler  will  be  particularly 
useful  to  him  in  procuring  what  he  is  to  furnish,  and  will  be  able  to 
give  such  directions  about  the  gun-boats  as  will  expedite  the  com 
pletion  of  them.  I  would  beg  you,  Sir,  to  write  to  General  Schuy 
ler  on  the  subject  and  desire  his  assistance  therein,  as  no  man  can 
do  more  service  than  the  General,  if  he  can  be  induced  to  undertake 
the  direction  of  the  matter.  As  I  am  lately  come  to  this  Post  and 
not  furnished  with  any  account  of  what  is  prepared  or  where  the 
various  works  are  carrying  on;  what  workmen  are  employed;  what 
materials  are  now  ready  or  tools  to  work  with;  in  short,  I  came  to 
this  command  in  most  disagreeable  circumstances,  nothing  done, 
everything  expected  and  wished  for,  and  everything  in  confusion.  I 
have  everything  to  pick  from  perfect  chaos.  I  must,  therefore,  beg 
you  to  give  me  what  assistance  you  can,  and  that  you  would  write 
Colonel  Wyncoop  from  time  to  time  at  Albany  and  give  such  direc 
tions  as  you  think  necessary. 

I  am  with  esteem  &c., 
lo  Governor  Clinton.  c          TT     T> 

SAM.  H.   PARSONS. 

To  which  Governor  Clinton  replies : — 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  February  16,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  will  write  to  General  Schuyler  agreeably  to  your 
request  and  give  you  every  other  assistance  in  my  power  in  for 
warding  the  works  under  your  direction.  I  know  the  confused  state 
you  must  have  found  things  in,  and  most  sincerely  wish  they  had 
been  hitherto  so  conducted  as  to  have  made  your  task  more  easy  to 
yourself  and  advantageous  to  the  public. 

To  General  Parsons.  ^     "'  „ 

GEO.  CLINTON. 

The  same  day  General  Parsons  wrote  to  Governor  Clinton 
respecting  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  teams  to  use  upon  the 
Works,  and  asked  his  direction  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued 
in  securing  them: — 


144  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

HIGHLANDS,  February  16,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  applied  to  Major  Strang  for  twenty  teams  and  had 
assurances  they  should  be  sent  this  day;  instead  of  teams,  I  this 
day  received  the  enclosed  letter.  The  inhabitants  have  made  great 
complaints,  and  perhaps  with  some  reason,  against  the  exercise  of 
military  force  in  these  cases;  indeed,  'tis  the  road  to  obliterate 
the  ideas  of  civil  liberty  and  the  rights  of  a  citizen.  I  am  sensible 
I  came  to  this  command  under  very  disagreeable  circumstances,  the 
minds  of  the  people  not  being  disposed  to  make  favorable  interpre 
tations  of  such  exertions  as  their  own  misconduct  may  at  some 
times  make  absolutely  necessary;  their  tempers  soured  with  the 
General  who  commands  the  Department  (Putnam)  and  not  so  well 
inclined  to  my  command  as  I  could  wish.  These  things  ought  to 
make  me  more  cautious  in  invading  the  rights  of  the  civil  magistrate, 
than  would  be  necessary  where  jealousies  and  ill  dispositions  did 
not  subsist  in  the  minds  of  those  nearly  adjacent  to  this  Post. 

The  importance  of  a  speedy  completion  of  the  Works  I  need 
not  urge  to  your  Excellency,  who,  I  know,  feels  the  necessity  as 
forcibly  as  any  man.  I  must  beg  you,  Sir,  to  give  some  direction 
in  this  and  such  like  cases,  and  if  the  committee,  appointed  to  sup 
ply,  want  the  authority  mentioned  in  Major  Strang's  letter,  that 
they  might  be  empowered  to  impress  where  necessary,  or,  if  it  must 
be  ordered  by  the  commanding  officer  in  the  military  department, 
that  your  legislature  would  give  directions  for  that  purpose;  in 
which  case  he  would  act,  not  in  a  military  character,  but  under  the 
authority  of  your  Act.  The  weather  is  such  that  nothing  can  be 
now  done,  and  there's  time  to  wait  your  answer  before  I  take  any 
steps  in  pursuance  of  his  letter,  which  at  present  I  have  declined, 
and  shall  not  do,  unless  directed  thereto  by  your  Excellency  or  the 
Legislative  Body.  Indeed,  I  am  of  opinion  no  good  has  or  will 
result  from  too  frequent  use  of  this  practice  by  military  officers. 
Your  answer  will  much  oblige. 

Yr.  Excellency's  obt.  humble  servt., 

SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Governor  Clinton. 

Here  follows  the  letter  from  Major  Strang  and  Governor 
Clinton's  reply  to  General  Parsons'  letter: — 

HANOVER,  February  16,  1778. 

SIR. — Agreeable  to  your  request,  I  have  tried  these  two  days  to 
get  the  teams,  but  cannot  prevail  on  any.  The  committee  supposes 
that  it  does  not  come  under  their  authority  to  give  a  warrant  to 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      145 

impress   teams,   there   being   no   clause   hi  the   resolution   for  that 
purpose. 

You,  being  the  commanding  officer  to  whom  the  charge  is  com 
mitted,  with  the  committee  appointed  to  assist  you,  I  do  not  know 
of  any  better  method  (and  so  speedy  to  obtain  them)  as  for  you 
to  send  down  a  guard  with  orders  to  impress  teams  for  that  purpose; 
and,  if  you  desire,  I  will  direct  them  where  to  go. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  JOS'E  STRANG. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  February  17,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  am  favored  with  yours  of  the  l6th  inst.,  enclosing 
a  letter  from  Major  Strang  to  you.  I  am  sensible  of  the  many 
difficulties  you  labor  under  in  your  new  command.  I  am  persuaded 
most  of  them  arise  from  the  causes  you  first  ascribed  them  to  and 
not  from  any  dislike  to  your  having  the  command. 

I  am  of  the  opinion  that  Mr.  Strang  and  the  other  gentlemen  of 
the  committee,  have  competent  authority  to  procure  whatever  shall 
be  requested  by  the  commanding  officer  and  may  be  necessary  for 
carrying  on  the  Works  for  the  defense  of  the  River  in  the  High 
lands,  and  that  whatever  they  shall  do  or  order  to  be  done  therein 
will  be  considered  as  being  done  by  the  civil  authority  of  the  State. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  GEQ    CLINTON- 

The  three  following  letters  are  from  General  Parsons  to 
Governor  Clinton  respecting  matters  at  West  Point: — 

WEST  POINT,  February  20,  1778. 

SIR. — The  completion  of  the  necessary  defenses  on  Hudson's 
River  is  of  very  great  importance  to  this  and  every  of  the  United 
States.  Nothing  more  embarrasses  this  matter  at  present  than  the 
want  of  money  in  the  Quartermaster's  Department. 

For  some  reason,  I  know  not  what,  this  Department  has  been 
so  long  neglected  that  our  affairs  are  already  almost  ruined.  In 
this  exigency,  I  must  entreat  your  Excellency's  influence  to  procure 
a  loan  from  your  State  until  we  can  be  supplied  from  Congress,  or 
at  least  that  the  sums  already  advanced  the  Quartermaster  may  not 
be  called  for  at  present.  Should  he  be  obliged  to  replace  them  soon, 
our  Works,  I  am  certain  will  very  soon  be  at  a  full  stand.  I  ought 
to  mention  that  none  of  the  troops  to  be  raised  by  this  State  are 
arrived  at  or  near  White  Plains,  except  about  thirty  at  Tarrytown; 


146  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

that  the  time  of  service  of  the  militia  ordered  out  by  Connecticut 
expires  next  Friday,  and  Colonel  Meigs  will  be  ordered  up  next 
week.  I  am  &c., 

To  Governor  Clinton.  SAM>  H'  PARS<>NS- 

ROBINSONS',  February  21,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — The  dark  scenes  which  have  troubled  me  begin  to 
disperse;  things  now  look  in  a  more  promising  train.  I  hope  in  all 
next  week  to  have  timber  and  fascines  upon  the  ground  which  will 
make  a  good  figure  in  our  forts  and  batteries,  if  Mr.  Wisner  and 
Major  Strang  don't  fail  me.  They  have  been  here  and  seem  de 
termined  to  exert  themselves  to  discharge  their  duty,  and  I  do  not 
intend  the  fault,  if  the  Works  are  not  completed,  to  fall  on  me. 
The  credulity  which  has  so  distinguishedly  characterized  our  country 
hitherto,  appears  to  me  to  be  very  imprudent  and  almost  unpar 
donable.  When  the  fortifications  are  to  be  begun,  I  think  no  family 
ought  to  be  suffered  to  remain  on  the  Point,  nor  any  person  ad 
mitted  there  occasionally  but  those  who  are  well  recommended.  Mr. 
Moore's  family  and  Colonel  La  Radiere's  clerk,  who  is  a  deserter 
from  General  Burgoyne,  I  think  should  be  removed;  'twill  otherwise 
become  impossible  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  having  regular  re 
turns  of  the  state  of  our  fortifications  if  these  persons  should  be 
disposed  to  injure  us.  Your  opinion  and  direction  therein  when 
you  have  leisure,  will  oblige, 

Your  friend  &c., 

SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

P.  S. — Colonel  DeLancey  has  returned  agreeable  to  his  parole. 
Colonel  Webb  is  not  exchanged  and  has  gone  back  to  the  city. 

To  Governor  Clinton. 

ROBINSONS',  February  24,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — Enclosed  are  some  letters  received  from  New  York. 
Birdsall  may  not  be  worth  attending  to.  I  know  very  little  of  him, 
but  as  he  was  entrusted  with  a  flag  by  the  commanding  officer  here, 
I  think  some  attention  ought  to  be  paid  to  his  case  for  the  honor 
of  the  officer  whose  authority  is  slighted  by  the  detention  of  the 
flag.  I  have,  therefore,  written  to  General  Clinton  on  the  subject, 
a  copy  of  which  is  enclosed.  If  you  think  it  necessary  to  add  your 
weight,  it  may  perhaps  release  an  unhappy  man  from  confinement. 

We  have  the  Works  going  on  now  with  some  order  and  spirit. 
One  thousand  sticks  of  timber  are  cut  and  many  got  out  of  the 
mountains.  I  believe  I  shall  this  week  have  them  mostly  drawn  to 
the  place  where  the  Fort  is  to  be  built,  and  about  ten  to  fifteen 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      147 

thousand  fascines,  if  the  weather  proves  favorable  to  our  designs. 
A  few  more  teams  we  wish  for,  but  are  most  distressed  for  forage; 
till  to-day  we  have  had  none  and  now  but  a  small  quantity.  I  intend 
to-morrow  to  visit  the  Iron  Works  and  find  the  situation  of  the 
chain,  after  which  I  will  wait  on  your  Excellency  at  Poughkeepsie. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Governor  Clinton.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

Here  follows  the  letter  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  the  British 
Commander  in  New  York,  referred  to  in  the  foregoing 
letter : — 

HIGHLANDS,  February  23,  1778. 

SIR. — I  have  received  an  application  from  Mr.  Benjamin  Bird- 
sail  of  the  State  of  New  York,  who  went  under  the  sanction  of  a 
flag  to  Long  Island  and  has  been  confined  as  a  prisoner  in  New 
York  contrary  to  the  laws  of  war  and  the  established  custom  of 
nations.  The  reasons  of  his  confinement,  as  assigned  by  Commis 
sioner  Loring,  are,  an  order  of  Lord  Howe,  published  sometime 
last  summer,  that  no  flags  of  truce  should  be  permitted  between 
Connecticut  and  Long  Island,  and  the  detention  of  one  LXavid  Rice 
at  Fairfield,  who  was  pilot  to  a  flag  of  truce  from  New  York  to 
New  Haven. 

The  first  of  these  reasons  seems  to  have  been  mentioned  by  way 
of  jest  and  diversion,  as,  since  the  publication  of  this  order,  several 
flags  have  gone  from  Connecticut  to  Long  Island  and  from  Long 
Island  to  Connecticut  without  molestation,  the  design  of  the  order 
having  evidently  ceased. 

I  cannot  tell,  Sir,  what  construction  is  put  upon  this  conduct  in 
New  York,  but  in  the  view  of  common  sense,  it  is  an  open  and 
abundantly  sufficient  revocation  of  Lord  Howe's  prohibition,  espe 
cially  as  the  practice  of  sending  flags  from  the  prohibited  places 
was  first  commenced  by  yourselves. 

Rice,  the  person  detained  and  now  requested  as  a  ransom  for 
Birdsall,  escaped  from  gaol  in  Fairfield,  where  he  was  confined  for 
the  perpetration  of  an  act,  not  only  infamous,  but  felonious,  in  the 
view  of  every  civilized  nation.  I  need  not  suggest  to  you,  Sir,  the 
total  impropriety  of  honoring  such  a  villain  with  the  protection  of 
a  flag,  nor  the  entire  rectitude  of  seizing  him  whenever  or  wherever 
he  might  be  found. 

In  addition  to  this,  the  flag  on  board  of  which  Rice  was,  without 
any  reason  or  even  pretence,  came  into  the  harbor  of  Fairfield, 
when  their  destiny  and  limits  were  singly  New  Haven;  for  that 


148  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

transgression  the  vessel  and  men  might  have  been  justly  seized. 
But  we  are  not  punctilious  and  would  rather  err,  if  it  be  an  error, 
on  the  side  of  benevolence.  But,  Sir,  were  Rice's  crimes,  character 
and  first  imprisonment  buried  in  oblivion,  and  the  man  by  a  magical 
spell  restored  to  a  reputation  of  honesty,  nothing  can  be  more  im 
proper  or  unjust  than  the  detention  of  Mr.  Birdsall  by  way  of 
retaliation  for  the  imprisonment  of  Mr.  Rice.  Rice  was  seized  by 
the  order  and  authority  of  the  State  of  Connecticut.  Birdsall  re 
ceived  his  flag  from  the  commanding  officer  of  this  Post,  depart 
ments,  as  you  very  well  know,  Sir,  totally  distinct  and  unconnected; 
nor  is  it  in  the  power,  were  it  ever  so  agreeable  to  the  inclination  of 
the  officer  commanding  here,  to  release  Rice,  as  he  is  responsible 
solely  to  the  laws  and  civil  magistracy  of  the  State. 

For  these  reasons,  Sir,  you  will  not  wonder  that  I  think  it  my 
indispensable  duty  to  make  a  requisition  of  Mr.  Birdsall.  Were  it 
possible,  as  I  am  not  willing  to  believe  it  is,  that  such  a  villain  as 
Rice,  a  felon  taken  in  the  piratical  act  of  running  away  with  a  sloop 
and  cargo,  a  man  whom  the  interests  of  mankind  and  the  universal 
opinion  of  refined  nations  condemns  to  the  gallows,  could,  if  known, 
be  patronized  by  a  person  of  the  rank  and  character  of  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  yet  it  is  exceeding  evident  that  the  act  of  retaliation  ought 
by  no  means  be  directed  to  Mr.  Birdsall. 

I  flatter  myself,  therefore,  that  upon  the  receipt  of  this,  orders 
will  be  immediately  given  for  his  liberation  and  return. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Lieut.  General  Clinton.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

General  Parsons,  writing  from  Crompond  in  Westchester 
County,  advises  Governor  Clinton  that, 

Five  persons  are  apprehended  on  their  road  to  New  York,  who 
will  be  sent  to  Poughkeepsie  to-morrow.  By  one  of  them,  from 
Stillwater,  we  are  informed  that  one,  Stephen  Hooper,  is  on  the 
road  to  New  York  and  that  he  has  two  letters,  one  from  Governor 
Carleton  (of  Canada),  the  other  from  Sir  John  Johnson,  concealed 
in  the  heels  of  his  shoes.  He  is  about  five  feet  six  inches  high, 
about  thirty  years  of  age,  a  large  black  beard,  blue  coat  turned  up 
with  the  same,  flat  brass  buttons  and  a  small  brimmed  hat  and 
leather  breeches.  One,  James  Conklin,  is  in  company  with  him, 
is  something  taller,  thin  visage,  light  countenance,  basket  buttons 
on  his  coat.  The  informant  says,  he  believes  these  persons  are 
now  near  Poughkeepsie  at  John  Valentine's,  who  is  a  relative  of  his. 
This  information  I  thought  necessary  to  give  you  that  proper 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      149 

measures  may  be  taken  to  apprehend  them.     There  are  at  this  place 
about  one  hundred  barrels  of  provisions. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Governor  Clinton.  SAM.   H.    PARSONS. 

March  5,  1778,  General  Parsons  writes  from  his  Head 
quarters  at  Robinson's,  to  Governor  Clinton  respecting  a 
strike  among  the  artificers  at  West  Point: — 

MY  DEAR  SIR. — Enclosed  I  send  you  the  report  of  a  Court  Mar 
tial  on  the  artificers  at  West  Point.  They  have  been  a  refractory 
set  of  men  for  a  long  time  and  seem  to  have  agreed  that  they  will 
not  work  till  their  own  terms  and  particular  inclinations  are  complied 
with  from  time  to  time.  La  Radiere,  I  am  informed,  intends  asking 
leave  to  retire  from  the  Post.  As  the  carrying  on  the  Works  is 
not  in  my  hands,  I  beg  your  advice  what  is  best  to  be  done  on  the 
enclosed  report,  and  that  the  report  may  be  returned  with  your 
opinion,  although  I  suppose  it  an  undoubted  right  of  the  command 
ing  officer  to  approve  or  disapprove  the  sentences  of  Courts  Mar 
tial,  yet,  as  it  may  be  supposed  to  concern  your  department,  I  would 
wish  to  consult  you  lest  you  may  think  yourself  injured  by  the  ap 
probation  thereof,  which  I  shall  do  unless  otherwise  advised. 

Yours  &c., 
To  Governor  Clinton.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

Materials  for  the  Fort  having  been  collected  and  all  things 
being  in  readiness  to  commence  breaking  ground,  General  Par 
sons  writes  to  Governor  Clinton  requesting  him  to  have  five 
hundred  to  one  thousand  additional  troops  ordered  to  West 
Point  where  they  can  now  be  employed  to  advantage  on  the 
Works : — 

ROBINSONS,  March  10,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — Your  last  is  fully  satisfactory.  I  shall  avail  myself 
of  your  license  to  procure  a  warrant  for  much  of  my  conduct. 

We  shall  begin  to  break  ground  in  two  days,  when  we  shall  be 
able  to  employ  five  hundred  men  more  than  we  now  have  to  great 
advantage;  in  ten  days  or  a  fortnight,  we  can  employ  five  hundred 
more.  I  must  beg  your  Excellency's  attention  to  this  subject  and 
that  you  will  be  pleased  to  order  these  additional  troops  as  soon  as 
possible. 

General  Schuyler  writes  me  he  thinks  three  or  four  hundred 
men  may  be  spared  from  Albany.  I  wish  your  Excellency  to  re- 


150  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

quest  the  Marquis  (Lafayette)  to  order  them  down  and  that  Colonel 
Putnam's  regiment  may  be  of  the  number;  he  will  be  very  useful, 
being  much  acquainted  with  the  duty  of  an  engineer;  but  I  beg  of 
you  not  to  suffer  the  "  Congress'  Own  "  regiment  of  infernals  to 
make  part  of  the  number. 

Sylvanus  Hait,  who  lives  near  this  house,  has  gone  to  the  enemy 
and  left  his  family.  One  Swim  and  sundry  other  Tories  in  this 
vicinity,  ought  also  to  be  removed  to  make  room  for  the  troops,  as 
well  as  for  our  own  safety.  I  wish  your  Excellency  to  give  the 
necessary  orders  for  their  removal.  As  they  are  all  upon  the 
Robinson  estate,  I  suppose  the  Committee  of  Sequestration  will  re 
move  them  if  your  Excellency  directs. 

I  am  with  esteem  &c., 
To  Governor  Clinton.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

From  this  time  the  defenses  of  West  Point  progressed 
rapidly  towards  completion  under  the  superintendence  of 
General  Parsons.  By  the  end  of  April  the  Fort  had  been  put 
in  "  some  state  of  defense,"  the  boom  stretched  across  the  River 
and  the  chevaux-de-frise  with  the  other  obstructions  to  naviga 
tion  placed  in  position. 


CHAPTER    XIV 

AT  WEST  POINT.  DIFFICULTIES  ENCOUNTERED  IN  CONSTRUCTING 
THE  WORKS.  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  WASHINGTON.  SOCIAL  LIFE. 
DWIGHT'S  "  CONQUEST  OF  CANAAN." 

January — March,  1778 

GENERAL  PARSONS  in  his  letter  to  Washington  of  December 
29,  reporting  the  details  of  his  expedition  to  Long  Island, 
expressed  a  wish  to  retire  from  the  army  when  he  could  do  so 
without  injury  to  the  service.  Washington  replied  in  the  fol 
lowing  letter,  urging  him  to  consider  the  matter  well  lest  his 
example  should  increase  the  discontent,  already  too  prevalent 
among  the  officers. 

HEADQUARTERS,  VALLEY  FORGE,  January  16,  1778. 
DEAR  GENERAL. — I  am  sorry  to  find  you  have  thoughts  of  leaving 
the  army.  I  hope  you  will  consider  the  matter  well  and  the  con 
sequences  which  such  a  procedure  may  involve.  Besides  the  loss 
of  your  own  services,  the  example  might  have  a  disagreeable  in 
fluence  on  other  officers.  The  discontent  prevailing  in  the  army 
from  various  causes  has  become  but  too  prevalent,  and  I  fear,  unless 
some  measures  can  be  adopted  to  render  the  situation  of  the  officers 
more  comfortable  than  what  it  has  been  for  some  time  past,  that 
it  will  increase.  The  depreciation  of  our  money,  the  difficulty  of 
procuring  necessaries,  and  the  exhorbitant  prices  they  are  obliged 
to  pay  for  them,  when  they  can  be  had,  are  among  the  causes  of 
dissatisfaction.  Whatever  your  determination  may  be,  I  am  per 
suaded  you  will  not  remain  an  idle  spectator,  or  be  wanting  in  your 
exertions  to  promote  the  cause. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  GEO.  WASHINGTON. 

To  this  letter,  four  days   after  assuming  command  in  the 
Highlands,  General  Parsons  replied  as  follows : — 

151 


152  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

HiGHLANDs-oN-HuosoN-RivER,  February  18,  1778. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  had  the  honor  of  receiving  yours  of  the  16th 
of  January  about  eight  days  since  at  this  place,  where  I  have  re 
turned  to  take  charge  of  my  brigade.  In  the  present  state  of  the 
army,  I  shall  continue  in  my  command,  lest  a  different  conduct  may 
prove  injurious  to  the  cause  of  my  country  at  this  conjuncture  of 
affairs.  However  my  inclinations  may  induce  me  to  retire  to  the 
enjoyment  of  domestic  happiness,  I  cannot  think  myself  war 
ranted  to  indulge  my  wishes  at  a  time  when  so  many  officers  under 
my  command  are  desirous  of  leaving  the  toils  of  war  for  the 
pleasures  of  private  life. 

Almost  every  obstacle  within  the  circle  of  possibility  has  hap 
pened  to  retard  the  progress  of  the  Obstructions  in  and  Fortifica 
tions  on  the  banks  of  Hudson  River.  Preparations  for  com 
pleting  them  are  now  in  a  state  which  will  afford  a  good  prospect 
of  completing  them  in  April,  and  unless  some  difficulties  yet  unfore 
seen  should  prevent,  I  think  we  cannot  fail  by  the  fore  part  of  that 
month  to  have  them  in  a  good  degree  of  forwardness.  Nothing  on 
my  part  shall  be  wanting  to  put  them  in  a  state  of  forwardness  to 
answer  the  reasonable  expectations  of  the  country  as  early  as  pos 
sible. 

1  am  &c., 

To  General  Washington.  gAM.   H.   PARSONS. 

General  Washington  replied  as   follows: — 

HEADQUARTERS,  VALLEY  FORGE,  5th  March,  1778. 
DEAR  SIR. — I  am  favored  with  yours  of  the  18th  Feby.  I  am 
exceedingly  glad  to  hear  your  determination  to  remain  in  the  army 
at  this  time  when  too  many  are  withdrawing  themselves  from  the 
service,  and  I  am  not  less  pleased  at  the  account  you  give  me  of  the 
progress  of  the  obstructions  and  fortifications  in  and  upon  the  River. 
I  can  only  recommend  your  strictest  attention  to  a  work  of  so  much 
consequence.  I  must  also  desire  that  you  will  have  all  the  arms 
at  the  different  Posts  in  your  neighborhood  collected,  and  have  those 
that  want  repair  put  into  the  hands  of  the  armorers  at  Fishkill,  for 
I  am  certain  when  we  come  to  draw  our  force  together  in  the 
spring,  that  we  shall  want  arms,  notwithstanding  the  considerable 
importations.  Col.  Hay  of  Haverstraw,  informs  me  that  there  is  a 
large  quantity  of  forage  collected  at  that  place  which  he  fears  will 
fall  into  the  enemy's  hands  if  it  is  not  removed  or  a  proper  guard 
sent  over  to  protect  it.  As  your  force  will  not  probably  allow  you 
to  do  the  latter  with  convenience,  I  wish  you  would  do  all  in  your 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      153 

power  to  effect  the  former.  The  enemy,  I  should  suppose,  must 
be  much  distressed  for  the  want  of  it,  and  when  our  stores  come 
forward  in  the  spring,  our  horses  will  stand  in  need  of  it.  As  Col. 
Hay  complains  of  General  Putnam's  inattention  to  this  matter  when 
he  represented  it  to  him,  I  must  beg  you  to  see  to  it. 

The  Committee  of  Congress  who  are  now  here  have  desired  that 
no  commissions  be  filled  up  till  some  new  general  arrangements  of 
the  army  are  completed.  The  gentlemen  will  not  lose  any  of  their 
pretensions  to  rank  by  waiting  a  little  time  longer  for  their  com 
missions,  which  shall  be  forwarded  as  soon  as  the  business  above 
mentioned  is  finished. 

Col.  Webb's  officers  will  take  rank  from  the  time  he  really  ap 
pointed  them.  As  I  do  not  know  when  that  was,  he  or  Lieut.  Col. 
Livingston  must  make  an  exact  return  of  their  ranks  and  time  of 
appointment  &c. 

I  am,  dear  Sir,  Yours  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  G.   WASHINGTON. 

General  Parsons  upon  assuming  command  at  West  Point, 
found  himself  very  much  embarrassed  in  his  efforts  to  hasten 
the  construction  of  the  Works,  not  only  by  the  confusion  in 
which  the  affairs  of  the  Department  had  been  left  by  General 
Putnam,  but  by  a  lack  of  sufficient  authority  to  make  the 
necessary  contracts.  Although  he  was  able  to  keep  the  troops 
busily  employed,  he  could  not  accomplish  all  he  desired.  In 
the  following  letter  to  Washington,  he  explains  the  difficulties 
under  which  he  labors  and  asks  what  he  shall  do  under  the 
circumstances. 

CAMP  WEST  POINT,  March  7th,  1778. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — In  General  Putnam's  absence  the  command  of 
the  troops  devolves  on  me  with  all  the  perplexities  it  is  capable  of 
being  involved  in.  I  find  the  resolve  of  Congress  of  the  5th  of  Nov. 
directing  the  making  Obstructions  in  and  Fortifications  on  the  banks 
of  Hudson's  River  and  empowering  General  Gates  to  transact  that 
matter,  are  personal  to  Gen.  Gates  and  give  no  order  or  authority 
to  the  commanding  officer  as  such.  By  a  letter  from  your  Excel 
lency  to  Gen.  Putnam  of  the  2d  Dec.,  I  find  him  directed  to  remove 
all  the  troops  from  outposts  or  commands  and  attend  to  fortifying 
on  the  River;  another  of  the  27th  of  December  directs  that  small 
parties  patrol  towards  the  Plains ;  by  a  resolve  of  the  1 8th  Feb., 
Congress  empowered  Gov.  Clinton  to  superintend  the  Works  and  to 


154  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

call  the  militia  of  New  York,  Connecticut,  &c.,  for  effecting  the 
purposes,  and  the  commanding  officer  at  Peekskill  is  ordered  and 
directed  to  give  him  every  assistance  in  his  power  in  forwarding 
and  perfecting  the  business  committed  to  him.  Governor  Clinton 
does  not  choose  to  accept  the  appointment,  but  in  this  and  every 
other  matter  which  will  conduce  to  the  interest  of  the  country  is 
willing  to  afford  his  aid  and  advice.  From  this  state  of  facts  your 
Excellency  will  see  the  difficult  and  disagreeable  situation  I  am 
plunged  into.  The  country  expects  the  Works  to  be  completed  as 
early  in  the  season  as  possible.  The  powers  given  by  Congress  are 
personal  only,  and  evidently  designed  to  be  so,  and  by  the  resolves 
the  commanding  officer  has  no  authority  to  concern  himself  about  it. 
Under  these  circumstances  I  must  entreat  your  Excellency's  direc 
tion  what  I  shall  do.  I  most  ardently  wish  to  aid  Gov.  Clinton 
or  any  gentleman  appointed  to  superintend  the  work;  at  present  no 
person  has  the  direction,  I  suppose  it  to  be  because  no  man  chooses 
to  be  responsible  for  the  post;  I  have  kept  the  troops  at  work  be 
cause  I  found  them  here  when  I  took  command,  and  had  not  particu 
larly  attended  to  the  resolves  of  Congress  concerning  them;  I  have 
given  orders  and  directions  and  caused  contracts  to  be  made  for 
completing  the  works  which  I  now  find  I  had  no  right  to  concern 
myself  about.  Governor  Clinton  does  not  choose  to  give  any  order 
about  the  matter,  lest  he  should  be  thought  to  accept  his  appoint 
ment,  and  although  I  am  conscious  no  responsibility  has  been  in 
curred  by  my  orders  but  what  was  necessary,  and  the  works  are  car 
rying  on  by  the  troops  under  my  command,  yet  as  I  now  find  I  have 
no  authority  for  the  purpose,  I  do  not  think  I  have  sufficient  power 
to  justify  me  in  giving  further  orders  whereby  tlie  public  may  incur 
an  expense  without  some  express  direction  for  it;  indeed  by  continu 
ing  to  do  it,  I  put  myself  in  the  power  of  any  man  who  may  choose 
to  sacrifice  me;  I  am  fully  of  your  Excellency's  opinion  that  the 
troops  cannot  be  so  well  employed  in  any  other  way  as  in  perfecting 
the  obstructions  in  and  defences  near  the  river,  and  shall  continue 
them  here  until  there  is  time  to  receive  your  Excellency's  further 
orders. 

By  your  Excellency's  letter  of  the  2d  of  December,  all  the  troops 
are  ordered  here;  by  the  27th,  part  only  are  to  be  employed;  by  the 
resolve  of  the  5th  of  November,  as  many  as  Gen.  Gates  shall  choose 
to  employ;  by  that  of  the  18th  Feb.,  none  but  militia.  Whether 
your  Excellency  intends  all  the  troops  to  be  employed  in  the  works 
or  part  only;  whether  the  commanding  officer  here  shall  superintend 
the  works  and  have  discretionary  powers  to  order  and  direct  what 
he  thinks  necessary  without  any  resolve  of  Congress  for  the  purpose, 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       155 

where  no  person  is  particularly  appointed  for  the  purpose,  or  when 
the  persons  appointed  refuses  to  accept,  are  questions  which  very 
much  concern  me  at  present  and  which  I  beg  your  Excellency  to 
direct  me  in.  The  weather  has  been  such  since  the  15th  of  Feb 
ruary  as  has  greatly  retarded  us  in  the  works.  About  seven  days  of 
the  time  has  been  such  that  we  could  do  nothing.  I  shall  exert 
myself  to  have  them  in  a  state  of  defense  as  early  as  possible,  so 
far  as  I  can  without  any  power  whatever,  or  by  the  due  exercise  of 
such  directions  as  your  Excellency  shall  please  to  give  me.  Col. 
Radiere  finding  it  impossible  to  complete  the  fort  and  other  defenses 
intended  at  this  Post  in  such  manner  as  to  effectually  withstand  the 
attempts  of  the  enemy  to  pass  up  the  river  early  in  the  spring,  and 
not  choosing  to  hazard  his  reputation  on  works  erected  on  a  different 
scale,  calculated  for  a  short  duration  only,  has  desired  leave  to  wait 
on  your  Excellency  and  Congress,  which  I  have  granted  him.  In 
justice  to  Col.  Radiere,  I  ought  to  say,  he  appears  to  be  a  gentleman 
of  science  and  knowledge  in  his  profession,  and  disposed  to  render 
every  service  he  is  able  to  do.  I  shall  with  the  advice  of  Governor 
Clinton  expedite  the  building  of  such  Works  as  are  most  necessary 
for  immediate  defense. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Washington.  SAM.   H.  PARSONS. 

General  Parsons  has  been  criticized  by  some  historians  for 
his  course  in  this  matter,  but  it  was  plain  to  him  as  a  lawyer, 
and  is  perfectly  apparent  from  his  presentation  of  the  case, 
that,  without  the  authorization  of  Congress,  he  was  powerless 
to  make  contracts  which  would  be  binding  on  the  Government, 
and  that  whatever  he  might  do  without  such  authority,  must  be 
upon  his  individual  responsibility,  as  was  the  expedition  he 
aided  in  setting  on  foot  to  capture  Ticonderoga.  Congress 
had  empowered  Gates  and  Clinton  to  do  whatever  might  be 
necessary,  but  had  neglected  to  confer  the  same  authority 
upon  the  Commandant  of  the  Post  for  the  time  being.  That 
Washington  agreed  with  Parsons  in  his  contention,  is  manifest 
from  his  instructions  to  General  McDougall,  when  on  March 
16  he  assigned  him  to  the  command  of  the  Highlands:—  "I 
have  written  to  Congress  to  give  you  every  power  necessary 
to  promote  the  objects  of  your  command;  and  in  the  mean 
time  you  are  to  consider  yourself  authorized,  so  far  as  can 
depend  upon  me,  to  take  every  measure  conducive  to  that  end." 


156  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

On  the  7th  of  March,  1778,  Washington  again  wrote  Par 
sons  from  his  headquarters  at  Valley  Forge,  as  follows : — 

In  a  letter  from  General  Putnam  of  the  13th  ult.,  he  informed 
me  that  there  were  two  large  scows  and  several  gun  boats  on  hand, 
and  that  the  timber  for  two  floating  batteries  was  cut,  but  the  work 
not  begun;  I  must  beg  your  attention  to  the  completing  of  these 
several  kinds  of  craft  and  to  the  repairing  of  any  others  that  may 
want  it.  We  shall  have  occasion  for  the  common  boats  to  transport 
men,  baggage  and  stores  with  expedition  when  we  are  drawing  our 
reinforcements  from  the  eastward,  and  for  the  armed  boats  and  bat 
teries  to  keep  open  the  communications  should  any  of  the  enemy's 
vessels  attempt  to  interrupt  it.  Gen.  Putnam  wrote  me  at  the  same 
time  that  some  boats  were  building  at  Albany,  but  did  not  know  in 
what  forwardness  they  were.  Be  pleased  to  inform  yourself  and 
urge  the  necessity  of  having  them  finished." 

To  this  letter  General  Parsons  replied,  reporting  consider 
able  progress  in  the  work  under  his  charge: — 

CAMP  WEST  POINT,  March  16th  1778. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — On  the  14th  inst.  I  had  the  honor  of  receiving 
your  letter  of  the  7th  of  March,  and  also  one  of  the  8th  containing 
a  copy  of  the  5th  of  March.  I  shall  pay  particular  attention  to 
forwarding  the  work  of  the  boats  designed  for  transporting  over, 
as  well  as  those  which  are  to  be  employed  for  defense  on  Hudson's 
River.  I  have  ordered  all  the  boats  and  other  crafts  on  the  River 
to  be  collected  in  different  places  and  put  to  the  best  possible  state 
immediately.  I  have  not  got  a  return;  when  that  is  made  I  shall  be 
able  to  give  your  Excellency  a  particular  account  of  them.  When  I 
was  last  at  Poughkeepsie,  the  gun  boats  were  in  such  a  state  as  to 
give  hopes  of  their  being  fit  for  use  within  a  few  weeks,  and  as  Gov. 
Clinton  has  been  kind  enough  to  take  upon  himself  the  direction  of 
them,  I  think  we  may  hope  to  see  them  completed  soon.  I  will  send 
to  Albany  and  know  the  state  of  the  boats  there,  and  as  the  River 
will  soon  be  clear  of  ice,  I  will  order  down  such  boats  and  other 
crafts  as  can  be  had  there  for  transportation  over  the  River.  If  the 
chain  is  completed  we  shall  be  ready  to  stretch  it  over  the  River 
next  week.  A  sufficient  number  of  chevaux-de-frise  to  fill  those  parts 
left  open  last  year,  are  ready  to  sink  as  soon  as  the  weather  and  the 
state  of  the  River  will  admit  it  to  be  done.  I  hope  to  have  two  sides 
and  one  bastion  of  the  fort  in  some  state  of  defense  in  about  a  fort- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      157 

night,  the  other  sides  need  very  little  to  secure  them.  There  is  a 
prospect  of  having  five  or  six  cannon  mounted  in  one  of  our  batteries 
this  week.  I  think  the  Works  are  going  on  as  fast  as  could  be 
expected  from  our  small  number  of  men,  total  want_  of  materials 
provided,  and  of  money  to  purchase  them.  We  have  borrowed  and 
begged  and  hired  money  to  this  time.  I  have  several  times  ad 
vanced  my  last  shilling  towards  purchasing  materials  &c.,  and  I 
believe  this  has  been  the  case  with  almost  every  officer  here.  As  we 
still  live,  I  hope  we  shall  accomplish  the  Works  in  the  River  in  sea 
son,  if  the  enemy  move  with  their  accustomed  caution  and  tardiness; 
when  I  hope  Congress  will  repay  what  has  been  advanced,  and  can 
not  think  us  blameable  if  we  have  been  compelled  to  subject  the 
country  to  some  extra  expense  to  save  the  public  credit  and  forward 
the  business  intrusted  to  our  care.  By  a  letter  from  General  Put 
nam,  I  shall  expect  his  return  to  this  Post  by  the  end  of  this  week. 
He  has  purchased  three  eighteen  pounders  mounted  on  travelling 
carriages,  which  are  on  the  road  from  Boston.  The  contents  of 
your  Excellency's  letter  of  the  8th  shall  be  particularly  attended 
to.  If  no  other  difficulties  appear  than  at  present  offer  themselves 
to  view,  perhaps  an  attempt  may  be  made  within  eight  days,  much 
sooner  it  cannot  be  for  reasons  I  will  hereafter  give.  The  letter 
of  the  5th  referred  to  in  that  of  the  eighth  not  having  come  to  hand, 
gives  me  some  concern,  as  that  falling  into  the  enemy's  hands  may 
wholly  defeat  us;  I  shall  be  unwilling  to  make  the  attempt  unless 
it  should  arrive  safe.  The  Horse  mentioned  by  your  Excellency 
cannot  be  had,  one  horseman  only  being  at  this  Post  at  present,  but 
some  other  mode  may  be  substituted. 

I  am  your  Excellency's  Obedt.  Servt. 

T    ^          i  TO-    I.-  SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS. 

L  o  General  Washington. 

On  the  llth  of  March  General  Parsons  wrote  to  Capt. 
Thomas  Machin  at  New  Windsor,  the  engineer  employed  there 
in  directing  the  construction  of  the  boom: — 

WEST  POINT  March  llth,  1778. 

SIR. — As.  Col.  La  Radiere  has  left  us,  I  wish  you,  if  you  can  be 
absent  from  New  Windsor  for  a  day,  to  come  to  this  Post  tomorrow 
or  the  day  after,  to  advise  about  the  proper  method  of  fortifying 
this  place. 

Again,  in  reference  to  the  movements  of  the  enemy  in  New 
York,  General  Parsons  thus  writes  to  General  Washington 
under  date: — 


158  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

FISHKILL  20th  March,  1778. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — By  a  variety  of  accounts  from  New  York,  the 
enemy  design  a  speedy  movement  from  thence;  about  thirty  trans 
ports  are  in  ballast,  cannon  taken  on  board  and  troops  marched 
from  Kingsbridge  to  the  city  last  Sunday.  Where  their  destination 
is  I  cannot  conjecture  from  the  information  I  have  received.  I  hope 
not  up  this  River  until  our  defense  is  more  perfect.  I  this  moment 
hear  the  fleet  sailed  the  day  before  yesterday,  and  are  said  to  be 
bound  eastward.  They  went  towards  the  Hook  from  New  York, 
Your  Excellency's  letter  of  the  5th  I  received  the  18th  inst.,  and 
shall  pursue  your  directions. 

I  am  your  Excellency's  obedt.  servt. 
To  General  Washington.  SAMUEL  H.   PARSONS. 

The  letters  of  March  5  and  8,  above  referred  to,  relate 
to  a  proposed  attempt  to  capture  the  British  Commander,  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  and  are  as  follows : — 

VALLEY  FORGE,  March  5th,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  learn  from  undoubted  authority  that  General  Clin 
ton  quarters  in  Captain  Kennedy's  house  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
which  you  know  is  near  Fort  George  and  by  the  late  fire  stands  in 
a  manner  alone.  What  guards  may  be  at  or  near  his  Quarters,  I  can 
not  with  precision  say ;  and,  therefore,  shall  not  say  anything  on 
this  score,  lest  it  should  prove  a  misinformation ;  but  I  think  it  one 
of  the  most  practicable  (and  it  will  be  amongst  the  most  desirable 
and  honorable)  things  imaginable  to  take  him  prisoner. 

This  house  lying  close  by  the  water,  (No.  1,  Broadway),  and  a 
retired  way  through  a  back  yard  or  garden  leading  into  it,  what,  if 
you  have  whale  boats  (8  or  10)  but  want  of  secrecy,  can  prevent 
the  execution  in  the  hands  of  an  enterprising  party.  The  embarka 
tion  might  even  be  (and  I  should  think  this  best),  at  King's  Ferry 
on  the  first  of  the  ebb,  and  early  in  the  evening.  Six  or  eight  hours 
with  change  of  hands,  would  row  the  boats  under  the  west  shore  and 
very  secretly  to  the  city,  and  the  flood  tide  will  hoist  them  back  again ; 
or  a  party  of  horse  might  be  sent  to  meet  them  at  Fort  Lee. 

I  had  like  not  to  have  mentioned  that  no  ship  of  war  is  in  the 
North  River,  (was  not  at  least  ten  days  ago),  nor  within  400  yards 
of  the  Point,  all  being  in  the  East  River.  I  shall  say  no  more. 
This  is  dropped  as  a  hint  to  be  improved  upon  or  rejected  as  cir 
cumstances  point  out  and  justify.  I  am  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  G-  WASHINGTON. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      159 

VALLEY  FORGE,  March  8,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — Below  you  will  receive  a  copy  of  my  last,  dated  the 
5th,  to  which  I  will  add  a  thought  which  has  occurred  to  me  since 
the  writing  of  it,  and  which,  if  the  scheme  is  practicable  at  all,  may 
add  not  a  little  to  the  success;  namely,  to  let  the  officers  and  soldiers 
employed  in  the  enterprise  be  dressed  in  red,  and  much  in  the  taste 
of  the  British  soldiery.  Webb's  regiment  will  afford  these  dresses; 
and  it  might  not  be  amiss  to  know  certainly  the  number  of  some  regi 
ment  that  is  quartered  in  the  city.  Under  some  circumstances  this 
knowledge  may  avail  them,  especially  if  the  number  on  their  but 
tons  should  correspond  thereto. 

P.  S. — The  official  papers  would  be  a  vast  acquisition  and  might 
without  difficulty  accompany  the  person. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  G.  WASHINGTON. 

For  some  reason  no  attempt  was  made  at  this  time  to  carry 
the  scheme  into  execution,  but  in  1780,  on  Christmas  day, 
Major  Humphreys  with  three  officers  and  twenty-seven  volun 
teers  made  the  attempt,  but  without  success,  a  strong  north 
wind  making  a  landing  impossible. 

The  following  letter  from  Parsons  to  Governor  Trumbull 
shows  his  watchfulness,  forethought,  care,  activity  and  pro 
found  interest  in  the  cause  in  which  he  was  engaged: — 

FISHKILL,  February  27,  1778. 

SIR. — The  distress  of  the  southern  army  is  doubtless  made  known 
to  your  Excellency.  No  mode  of  relief  will  be  left  untried  to  relieve 
them;  the  provisions  on  the  border  of  your  State  and  of  New  York 
cannot  be  removed  without  the  aid  of  teams,  and  the  army  must 
perish  without  them;  and  the  teams  cannot  be  furnished  in  this 
State.  'Tis  too  late  to  speculate  about  the  matter;  without  the 
immediate  coercive  force  of  your  government,  in  my  opinion,  the 
army  is  ruined.  I  must,  therefore,  earnestly  entreat  your  Excel 
lency  to  issue  orders  to  impress  necessary  teams  for  the  purpose  of 
removing  provisions  &c.  to  the  North  River,  and  that  the  order  may 
be  transmitted  to  this  Post  without  delay  that  I  may  be  enabled  to 
know  what  measures  to  take  in  pursuance  thereof. 

I  am  &c., 

SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Governor  Trumbull. 


160  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

It  was  the  terrible  winter  of  1777-8,  the  gloomiest  period  of 
the  whole  war.  Washington's  army,  half  clad  and  scantily 
fed,  was  shivering  and  starving  in  the  rude  huts  of  Valley 
Forge.  Without  speedy  relief  it  must  disband.  In  this  crisis, 
while  Gates  and  Lee  and  Conway  were  selfishly  plotting  to 
deprive  Washington  of  his  command,  Parsons,  alive  to  the 
danger,  with  patriotic  zeal  was  arousing  his  native  State  to 
renewed  exertions  and  using  all  the  means  within  his  power  to 
forward  provisions  to  the  suffering  troops.  This  letter  was 
communicated  by  the  Governor  to  the  General  Assembly,  where 
upon  it  was 

Resolved  by  the  Assembly,  it  being  represented  by  General  Par 
sons,  the  27th  of  February,  1778,  that  teams  were  needed  for  trans 
portation  of  provisions  from  this  State  to  King's  Ferry  for  use  of 
the  troops,  that  it  be  the  duty  of  any  justice  of  the  peace  in  Fair- 
field  or  Litchfield  Counties  to  impress  teams  on  application  of 
General  Parsons. 

West  Point,  February  28,  1778,  General  Parsons  having 
written  to  Henry  Laurens,  President  of  Congress,  asking 
whether,  in  view  of  the  resolution  of  Congress,  "  that  no  de 
serter  or  prisoner  of  war  can  be  recruited  in  our  services,"  such 
recruiting  can  be  punished,  on  the  8th  of  March  issued  the 
following  order  to  the  officers  in  his  Department : — 

CAMP  WEST  POINT,  March  8, 1778. 

All  the  officers  not  on  the  recruiting  service,  and  soldiers  belong 
ing  to  the  several  regiments  in  the  brigade  under  my  command,  who 
have  been  absent  on  furloughs  which  are  now  expired,  are  to  join 
their  respective  regiments  without  loss  of  time.  This  order  is  to 
be  considered  as  most  peremptory,  and  no  excuse  but  inability  will 
be  admitted  for  want  of  compliance. 

And  whereas  there  are  many  deserters  from  General  Howe's 
army  and  from  the  troops  lately  commanded  by  General  Burgoyne, 
some  prisoners  of  war  who  have  been  suffered  to  remain  at  large, 
and  divers  suspicious  or  disaffected  persons  strolling  about  the 
country,  who  are  daily  offering  themselves  for  enlistment,  the  sev 
eral  commissioned  and  non-commissioned  officers  now  on  the  recruit 
ing  service,  are  directed  and  ordered  in  the  most  positive  terms  not 
to  enlist  any  persons  of  the  above  description  or  give  certificates 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      161 

concerning  such  persons  if  hired  for  the  purpose  of  exempting  any 
inhabitants  of  these  States  from  military  duty. 

And  the  gentlemen  employed  by  the  legislatures  of  the  States  for 
promoting  the  recruiting  service,  are  desired  to  take  notice  of  the 
above  prohibition,  and  regulate  their  conduct  accordingly. 

SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS, 

Brigadier  General. 

Poughkeepsie,  March  26,  1778,  Governor  Clinton  writes 
General  Parsons  introducing  the  illustrious  Polish  patriot  and 
general,  Kosciusko,  then  a  young  officer  of  engineers : — 

DEAR  SIR. — Enclosed  you  have  a  return  of  the  artillery  at  Al 
bany  which  in  point  of  size  falls  extremely  short  of  what  I  have 
had  reason  to  expect  and  is  imagined  by  the  Board  of  War.  It  seems 
few  of  the  heavy  pieces,  which  alone  would  have  been  serviceable 
for  the  defense  of  the  River,  have  been  brought  forward.  They 
were,  it  seems,  sent  for,  but  too  late.  The  ill-contrived  intended 
northern  expedition  occasioned  the  delay. 

Colonel  Kuziazke,  who  by  a  resolve  of  Congress  is  directed  to  act 
as  engineer  at  the  Works  for  the  security  of  the  River,  will  deliver 
you  this.  I  believe  you  will  find  him  an  ingenuous  young  man  and 
disposed  to  do  everything  he  can  in  the  most  agreeable  manner. 

If  you  have  any  news,  pray  communicate  it  to  me. 

Your  most  obed't.  servt., 
To  General  Parsons.  GEO.  CLINTON. 

General  Parsons  was  stationed  at  or  near  West  Point  dur 
ing  the  greater  part  of  the  years  1778  and  1779,  but  was 
frequently  detached  upon  expeditions  to  protect  the  sea  coast 
of  his  native  State  near  Greenwich,  New  Haven  and  New  Lon 
don.  How  attractive  the  officers  of  his  brigade  found  the  West 
Point  of  that  day  may  be  inferred  from  the  following  letter 
written  by  Parsons  to  his  friend,  Colonel  Jeremiah  Wadsworth 
of  Connecticut,  soon  after  he  assumed  the  command  of  that 
Post : — 

CAMP  AT  WEST  POINT,  Feb.  22,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — Your  favor  of  the  9th  inst.  I  received  by  Col. 
Hughes,  and  thank  you  for  the  care  you  have  taken  of  me.  You 
ask  me  where  I  can  be  found?  This  is  a  puzzling  question;  the 
camp  is  at  a  place  on  Hudson's  River  called  West  Point,  opposite 
where  Fort  Constitution  once  stood.  The  situation  is  past  descrip 
tion,  surrounded  with  almost  inaccessible  mountains,  and  craggy 


162  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

rocks  which  overtop  the  highest  hills,  at  present  covered  with  piles 
of  snow;  the  river  in  our  front  affords  a  beautiful  prospect  on  our 
right  and  left  to  New  Windsor  on  one  hand  and  to  Fort  Montgomery 
on  the  other  with  some  little  islands  interspersed.  The  surrounding 
prospect  affords  as  great  variety  of  hills,  mountains,  rocks,  which 
seem  to  shut  up  every  avenue  to  us,  and  of  swamps,  meadows,  deep 
valleys  which  obstruct  the  passage  of  the  traveler  and  of  small 
beautiful  plains  in  a  good  degree  of  cultivation  intermixed,  as  almost 
any  place  I  have  seen;  to  a  contemplative  mind  which  delights  in  a 
lonely  retreat  from  the  world  to  view  and  admire  the  stupendous 
and  magnificent  works  of  nature,  'tis  as  beautiful  as  Sharon,  but 
affords  to  a  man  who  loves  the  society  of  the  world  a  prospect  nearly 
allied  to  the  shades  of  death;  here  I  am  to  be  found  at  present  in 
what  situation  of  mind  you  will  easily  imagine.  Mr.  Dwight  and 
Major  Humphreys  are  now  here,  and  a  good  companion  now  and 
then  adds  to  the  number  of  my  agreeable  family. 

News  arrives  here  by  accident  only.  The  account  of  Burgoyne's 
defeat  reached  the  ears  of  administration  via  Carleton  about  the  5th 
of  December.  (I  dare  say  'twas  sent  by  him  with  expedition  and 
good  relish.)  The  nation  was  put  into  a  great  consternation,  but 
after  three  or  four  days  recovered  their  surprise  and  voted  20,000 
additional  troops  about  the  8th  of  December. 

I  am  heartily  glad  Col.  DeLancey  has  returned,  the  more  so  as 
the  gentry  of  this  State  were  flushed  with  hopes  he  would  violate  his 
honor  and  act  the  base  part  they  wished;  though  at  present  he  can 
not  be  exchanged,  nothing  on  my  part  shall  be  omitted  to  render  the 
state  of  a  prisoner  as  easy  to  him  as  a  man  of  honor  has  reason  to 
expect;  my  compliments  await  him,  with  my  wishes  that  his  personal 
enemies  may  never  have  greater  cause  to  triumph  over  him  than  his 
present  conduct  has  afforded.  Col.  Webb,  I  hear,  will  not  be  ex 
changed  at  present;  perhaps  'tis  right.  I  earnestly  wish  to  know 
what  we  are  about  in  Connecticut,  what  prospects  of  filling  and  sup 
porting  our  army  &c. 

The  Major  Humphreys  he  mentions,  is  David  Humphreys, 
the  poet-soldier  of  the  Revolution  and  later  on  the  Aid  and  con 
fidential  friend  of  Washington.  The  previous  spring  he  had 
been  appointed  Brigade  Major  or  Assistant  Adjutant  General 
on  Parsons'  staff,  and  was  now  serving  in  that  capacity.  In 
the  following  extract  from  a  poem  written  by  him  entitled, 
"  The  Happiness  of  America,"  he  alludes  to  his  staff  service 
with  Parsons : — 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      163 

"  I  too,  perhaps,  should  Heaven  prolong  my  date, 
The  oft-repeated  tale  shall  oft  relate; 
Shall  tell  the  feelings  in  the  first  alarms, 
Of  some  bold  enterprise  th'  unequalled  charms ; 
Shall  tell  from  whom  I  learnt  the  martial  art, 
With  what  high  chiefs  I  play'd  my  early  part, 
With  Parsons  first,  whose  eye  with  piercing  ken, 
Reads  through  their  hearts  the  characters  of  men: 
Then  how  I  aided,  in  the  foll'wing  scene, 
Death-daring  Putnam — then  immortal  Greene — 
Then  how  great  Washington  my  youth  approved, 
In  rank  prefer'd,  and  as  a  parent  loved." 

The  Mr.  Dwight  referred  to  in  the  letter  is  the  Rev. 
Timothy  Dwight,  the  distinguished  theologian  and  scholar, 
afterwards  President  of  Yale  College  and  at  this  time  Chap 
lain  of  Parsons'  brigade.  In  May,  1777,  Congress  limited  the 
number  of  chaplains  to  one  to  each  brigade.  They  were  to  be 
appointed  by  Congress  on  the  recommendation  of  the  brigade 
commander,  and  to  have  a  colonel's  pay  and  rations.  On  the 
6th  of  October,  1777,  Mr.  Dwight  received  his  appointment, 
presumably  upon  Parsons'  recommendation  and  perhaps  at  the 
suggestion  of  Humphreys  who  was  Dwight's  college  friend. 
The  spiritual  wants  of  the  brigade  do  not  appear  to  have  taken 
up  all  the  chaplain's  time,  for  in  March,  1778,  he  writes  to 
Washington  for  permission  to  dedicate  to  him  a  poem,  "  The 
Conquest  of  Canaan  by  Joshua,"  published  in  1785.  The 
following  is  his  letter: — 

WEST  POINT,  March  8,  1778. 

MAY  IT  PLEASE  YOUR  EXCELLENCY. — The  application  which  is  the 
subject  of  this  letter,  is,  I  believe,  not  common  in  these  American 
regions,  yet  I  hope  it  will  not  on  that  account  be  deemed  imperti 
nence  or  presumption.  For  several  years  I  have  been  employed  in 
writing  a  poem  on  the  Conquest  of  Canaan  by  Joshua.  This  poem, 
upon  the  first  knowledge  of  your  Excellency's  character,  I  deter 
mined,  with  leave,  to  inscribe  to  you.  If  it  will  not  be  too  great  a 
favor,  it  will  certainly  be  remembered  with  gratitude. 

I  am  not  insensible  that  the  subject  of  this  request  is  delicate;  as 
consent  on  the  part  of  your  Excellency  cannot  possibly  add  to  your 
reputation,  and  may  be  followed  by  consequences  of  a  disagreeable 
nature.  Of  the  merit  or  demerit  of  the  work,  your  Excellency  can- 


1G1  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

not  form  a  guess  but  from  the  character  of  the  writer,  with  which 
you  will  be  made  acquainted  by  General  Parsons,  who  does  me  the 
honor  to  enclose  this  in  one  from  himself.  All  that  I  can  say  upon 
the  subject  (and  I  hope  I  may  assert  it  with  propriety)  is,  that  I 
am  so  independent  a  Republican,  and  so  honest  a  man,  as  to  be 
incapable  of  a  wish  to  palm  myself  upon  the  world  under  the  patron 
age  of  another,  as  to  be  remote  from  any  sinister  view  in  this  appli 
cation,  and  to  disdain  making  the  proffer,  slight  as  it  is,  to  the  most 
splendid  personage,  for  whose  character  I  have  not  a  particular 
esteem.  I  am  with  the  greatest  respect, 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

TIMOTHY  DWIGHT,  JR. 

This  letter  was  enclosed  in  one  from  General  Parsons  to 
General  Washington,  in  which  the  General  expresses  his  high 
appreciation  of  his  Chaplain : — 

He  is  [writes  Parsons]  a  person  of  extensive  literature,  an 
amiable  private  character,  and  has  happily  united  that  virtue  and 
piety  which  ought  ever  to  form  the  character  of  a  gentleman,  with 
the  liberal  and  generous  sentiments  and  agreeable  manners  of  a 
gentleman.  Of  the  merits  of  the  performance  he  mentions,  I  am 
not  a  competent  judge.  Many  gentlemen  of  learning  and  taste  for 
poetical  writings  who  have  examined  it  with  care  and  attention, 
esteem  this  work  in  the  class  of  the  best  writings  of  the  kind.  He 
will  be  particularly  obliged  to  your  Excellency  if  it  shall  make  its 
first  appearance  under  your  patronage. 

WEST  POINT,  March  7,  1778. 

Ten  days  afterwards  Washington  replied  to  Mr.  Dwight's 
application  as  follows  : — 

HEADQUARTERS,  VALLEY  FORGE,  18th  March,  1778. 
DEAR  SIR. — I  yesterday  received  your  favor  of  the  8th  inst., 
accompanied  by  so  warm  a  recommendation  from  General  Parsons, 
that  I  cannot  but  form  favorable  presages  of  the  merits  of  the  work 
you  propose  to  honor  me  with  the  dedication  of.  Nothing  can  give 
me  more  pleasure  than  to  patronize  the  essays  of  genius,  and  a 
laudable  cultivation  of  the  arts  and  sciences  which  had  begun  to 
flourish  in  so  eminent  a  degree  before  the  hand  of  oppression  was 
stretched  over  our  devoted  country.  And  I  shall  esteem  myself 
happy,  if  a  poem,  which  has  employed  the  labor  of  years,  will  derive 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      165 

any  advantage,  or  bear  more  weight  in  the  world,  by  making  its 
appearance  under  a  dedication  to  me. 

Dwight  and  Humphreys  were  at  this  time  twenty-six  years 
old;  Parsons  was  nearly  forty-one.  In  the  brigade  were 
Colonel  Wyllys,  Lieut.  Colonels  Grosvenor  and  Sherman, 
Major  Gray  and  several  junior  officers,  all,  as  well  as  Dwight 
and  Humphreys,  Yale  men.  With  such  a  surrounding  of  the 
"blue,"  it  is  perhaps  not  surprising  that  Parsons,  a  Harvard 
man,  should  have  desired  to  add  "  a  good  companion  now  and 
then  to  his  agreeable  family."  There  were  also  in  the  camp 
employed  as  engineers  on  the  fortifications,  Colonel  Rufus  Put 
nam  and  the  Polish  patriot,  Kosciusko,  who  was  retained  in 
preference  to  Colonel  La  Radiere  at  the  desire  of  General  Par 
sons  and  Governor  Clinton.  The  Fort  on  the  high  grounds  back 
of  the  Point,  is  said  to  have  been  built  by  Putnam's  regiment 
during  the  Spring  of  1778. 


CHAPTER  XV 

AT  WEST  POINT.  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  GENERALS  McDouGALL 
AND  GATES.  ARREST  OF  OLIVER  DELANCEY.  LETTER  TO  DR. 
WILLIAM  WALTER.  PARSONS  JOINS  WASHINGTON'S  ARMY  AT 
WHITE  PLAINS. 

March — August,  1788 

SINCE  the  capture  of  Forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton  and  the 
ravages  of  the  enemy  on  the  upper  Hudson,  a  strong  opposi 
tion  had  grown  up  among  the  people  of  the  State  of  New 
York  to  the  military  administration  of  General  Putnam  in  the 
Highlands.  Good-natured  and  easy-going,  without  the  energy 
and  decision  of  his  early  years,  to  his  careless  and  inefficient 
management  was  charged  the  seemingly  unnecessary  delay  in 
constructing  the  defenses  at  West  Point.  This  feeling  had 
become  so  general,  that  it  was  impossible  to  obtain  from  the 
inhabitants  the  necessary  assistance  while  he  remained  even 
the  nominal  head  of  the  Department.  Chancellor  Livingston, 
expressing  in  a  letter  to  Washington  the  general  dissatisfac 
tion,  wrote,  January  14,  1778 : — 

Unfortunately  for  him  the  current  of  popular  opinion  in  this 
and  the  neighboring  States,  and,  so  far  as  I  can  learn,  in  the  troops 
under  his  command,  runs  strongly  against  him.  For  my  own  part, 
I  respect  his  bravery  and  former  services,  and  sincerely  lament, 
that  his  patriotism  will  not  suffer  him  to  take  that  repose  to  which 
his  advanced  age  and  past  services  justly  entitle  him. 

To  this  letter  Washington  replied  on  the  12th  of  March: — 

Proper  measures  are  taking  to  carry  on  the  inquiry  into  the  loss 
of  Fort  Montgomery  agreeable  to  the  direction  of  Congress,  and  it 
is  more  than  probable,  from  what  I  have  heard,  that  the  issue  of  the 
inquiry  will  afford  just  grounds  for  the  removal  of  General  Put 
nam,  but  whether  it  does  or  not,  the  prejudices  of  all  ranks  in  that 
quarter  against  him  are  so  great,  that  he  must  at  all  events  be  pre 
vented  from  returning.  I  hope  to  introduce  a  gentleman  in  his 

166 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      167 

place,  if  the  general  course  of  the  service  will  admit  of  it,  who  will 
be  perfectly  agreeable  to  the  State  and  to  the  public.  In  the  mean 
time  I  trust  that  General  Parsons  will  do  everything  in  his  power 
to  carry  on  the  Works,  which,  from  his  last  accounts,  are  in  more 
forwardness  than  I  expected. 

Feeling  that  the  public  interests  required  that  the  general 
control  and  direction  of  all  the  Posts  in  the  Highlands  should 
be  vested  in  one  officer,  and  he  of  the  highest  rank,  Washing 
ton,  on  the  16th,  ordered  Major  General  McDougall  to  repair 
thither  and  assume  the  chief  command.  At  the  same  time  he 
asked  Congress  to  resolve  the  doubt  raised  by  General  Parsons 
as  to  the  authority  of  the  commandant  for  the  time  being  to  do 
whatever  might  be  necessary  in  the  construction  of  the  Works, 
in  view  of  the  previous  resolutions  in  favor  of  Generals  Gates 
and  Clinton. 

On  the  same  day  he  wrote  Putnam  announcing  the  appoint 
ment  of  McDougall,  and  relieving  him  from  the  command: — 

My  reason  for  making  the  change  is  owing  to  the  prejudices  of 
the  people,  which,  whether  well  or  ill  grounded,  must  be  indulged; 
and  I  should  think  myself  wanting  in  justice  to  the  public  and  candor 
towards  you,  were  I  to  continue  you  in  a  command,  after  I  have 
been  almost  in  direct  terms  informed,  that  the  people  of  the  State 
of  New  York  will  not  render  the  necessary  support  and  assistance, 
while  you  remain  at  the  head  of  that  Department.  When  the  inquiry 
is  finished,  I  desire  that  you  will  return  to  Connecticut  and  superin 
tend  the  forwarding  on  the  new  levies  with  the  greatest  expedition. 

Two  days  afterwards  Washington  wrote  to  Parsons, 
acknowledging  his  letter  of  the  7th,  enclosing  that  of  Mr. 
Dwight,  and  replying  to  his  statement  of  the  perplexities  in 
which,  by  the  several  resolutions  and  orders,  the  whole  business 
of  the  construction  of  the  Works  was  involved,  and  advised 
him  of  McDougall's  appointment,  as  follows: — 

HEADQUARTERS,  March  18,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  am  favored  with  yours  of  the  7th,  enclosing  a  letter 
from  Rev.  Mr.  Dwight,  to  whom  I  have  written  on  the  matter  pro 
posed  by  him. 

I  am  sorry  to  hear  that  any  seeming  inconsistency  in  my  letters 
should,  among  other  things,  have  retarded  the  execution  of  the 
Works,  but  if  you  will  revert  to  my  letters  of  the  2d  and  27th  of 


168  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

December,  you  will  find  that  my  orders  were  express  to  keep  the 
troops,  meaning  the  main  body  of  them,  steadily  to  work.  I  men 
tioned  a  liberty  of  sending  out  light  parties  towards  the  Plains, 
because  they  were  necessary,  not  only  to  curb  small  foraging  parties 
of  the  enemy,  but  for  the  security  of  the  Camp. 

To  reconcile  all  matters  and  to  obviate  the  jealousies  that,  whether 
well  or  ill  founded,  had  taken  place,  I  have  ordered  General 
McDougall  to  take  the  command  at  the  Highlands,  and  vested  him 
with  full  powers  to  superintend  the  whole,  at  least  until  Congress 
have  determined  whether  the  command  of  the  Forts  and  the  superin- 
tendency  of  the  Works  shall  be  distinct  and  independent  of  that 
Department.  I  am  &c., 

G.  WASHINGTON. 
To  General  Parsons. 

On  the  28th  of  March,  Major  General  McDougall  assumed 
command  of  the  Northern  Department,  including  the  High 
lands,  but  General  Parsons  appears  to  have  remained  in  com 
mand  at  West  Point.  On  the  31st,  Washington  wrote  General 
McDougall  as  follows: — 

VALLEY  FORGE,  March  81,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — That  part  of  the  troops  at  New  York  have  left  that 
place,  admits  of  no  doubt.  The  accounts  of  the  number  vary  from 
2300  to  2500,  all  of  whom,  there  is  reason  to  believe,  have  arrived 
at  Philadelphia.  .  .  .  By  report,  Rhode  Island  was  to  be  evacu 
ated  and  the  garrison  brought  to  Philadelphia.  This,  if  true,  evi 
dently  proves  that  General  Howe  intends  an  early  campaign  to 
take  advantage  of  our  weak  state.  What  is  to  be  done?  We  must 
either  oppose  our  whole  force  to  his  in  this  quarter,  or  take  advan 
tage  of  him  in  some  other,  which  leads  me  to  ask  your  opinion  of 
the  practicability  of  an  attempt  on  New  York  with  Parsons'  brigade, 
Nixon's  and  the  regiments  of  Van  Schaick,  Hazen  and  James  Liv 
ingston,  aided  by  the  militia  from  the  States  of  New  York  and  Con 
necticut,  such  I  mean  as  can  speedily  be  drawn  together.  On  this 
subject  and  the  advisableness  of  such  an  enterprise,  I  would  have 
you  consult  Governor  Clinton  and  General  Parsons,  and  them  only. 
It  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  add  that  the  most  profound  secrecy 
should  attend  your  operations  if  the  scheme  is  adopted. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  McDougall.  G.  WASHINGTON. 

April  13,  General  McDougall  replied  to  General  Washing- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      169 

ton,  discouraging  the  enterprise,  and  for  his  reasons  referred 
to  the  accompanying  report  of  General  Parsons  and  Governor 
Clinton : — 

FISHKILL,  April  IS,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  am  honored  with  the  receipt  of  your  favors  of  the 
31st  ult.  and  6th  inst.  The  inclosures  in  the  last  have  been  for 
warded  agreeable  to  your  orders. 

No  service  would  be  more  agreeable  to  me  than  an  attack  upon 
New  York,  could  I  recommend  it  consistent  with  any  probable 
prospect  of  success.  But  the  condition  and  strength  of  these  Posts 
utterly  forbid  it;  especially  when  the  consequence  of  a  misfortune 
in  the  attempt  is  duly  considered,  as  it  may  effect  the  supplies  to 
your  army  and  the  general  influence  of  the  campaign. 

When  I  have  more  leisure  I  shall  enumerate  the  reasons  on  which 
I  give  this  opinion.  For  the  present  I  beg  leave  to  refer  your  Excel 
lency  to  that  of  Governor  Clinton  and  General  Parsons.  Mr. 
Kosciusko  is  esteemed  by  those  who  have  attended  the  Works  at 
West  Point,  to  have  more  practice  than  Col.  De  la  Radiere,  and  his 
manner  of  treating  the  people  more  acceptable  than  that  of  the 
latter;  which  induced  General  Parsons  and  Governor  Clinton  to 
desire  the  former  may  be  continued  at  \Vest  Point.  The  first  has  a 
commission  as  Engineer  with  the  rank  of  Colonel  in  October  1776; 
Col  De  la  Radiere's  commission  I  think  is  dated  in  November  last. 

The  following  is  the  report: — 

That  the  regiment  proposed  be  sent  forward;  that  preparations 
be  immediately  made,  with  as  much  dispatch  as  possible  to  execute 
the  whole  or  such  part  of  the  proposed  plan  as  circumstances  will 
admit  of;  that  application  be  made  to  Governor  Trumbull  to  know 
what  number  of  the  new  made  regiments  can  be  had  and  at  what 
time ;  that  the  Commissary-General  be  also  applied  to  for  an  account 
of  provisions  &c.  That  the  enterprise  does  not  promise  success  by 
Coup  de  Main  under  present  circumstances ;  but  there  may  be  great 
probability  of  its  succeeding  in  the  whole  or  in  part  within  a  month 
or  five  weeks  if  men  and  provisions  can  be  had.  The  present  state 
of  the  Posts  for  the  defense  of  the  North  River  does  not  admit 
withdrawing  the  troops  for  the  proposed  expedition  immediately, 
but  in  a  few  weeks  the  Works  may  be  in  some  state  of  defense,  so 
as  to  be  tenable  with  fewer  men  than  at  present  and  the  consequences 
less  fatal  to  the  country  in  case  of  the  expedition  failing  in  the 
execution.  SAM'L  H.  PARSONS 

GEO.  CLINTON 


170  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

To  this  letter  Washington  replied  from  Valley  Forge, 
April  22  :— 

I  am  perfectly  satisfied  with  your  delay  of  the  enterprise  pro 
posed  by  you,  as  I  am  certain  it  has  been  founded  on  substantial 
reasons.  Congress,  by  their  resolve  of  the  15th  inst.,  directed  Gen 
eral  Gates  to  resume  command  of  the  Northern  Department,  and  to 
repair  forthwith  to  Fishkill  for  that  purpose.  I  imagine  he  will 
proceed  immediately  thither.  Upon  his  arrival  there,  I  must  desire 
you  to  return  to  the  army  and  take  command  of  your  division.  As 
Colonel  Radiere  and  Colonel  Kosciusko  will  never  agree,  I  think  it 
will  be  best  to  order  Radiere  to  return,  especially  as  you  say 
Kosciusko  is  better  adapted  to  the  genius  and  temper  of  the  people. 

Governor  Trumbull  was  very  desirous  that  an  attack  should 
be  made  upon  New  York,  and,  on  the  10th  inst.,  had  written 
Governor  Clinton  respecting  the  matter.  Clinton  replied,  stat 
ing  that  such  an  expedition  had  been  under  consideration  and 
gave  the  reasons  which  had  induced  its  postponement: — 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  May  1,  1778. 

SIR. — I  am  favored  with  your  letter  of  the  10th  ultimo. 

An  expedition  against  New  York  for  the  same  reasons  mentioned 
in  your  Excellency's  letter,  was  suggested  by  his  Excellency,  Gen 
eral  Washington  and  the  practicability  of  it  submitted  to  Generals 
McDougall,  Parsons  and  myself.  General  Parsons,  who  soon  after 
our  consultation  on  the  subject  went  into  Connecticut,  will  have 
acquainted  your  Excellency  with  the  result  and  the  obstacles  which 
prevented  the  carrying  such  expedition  into  immediate  execution. 
These  will  soon  be  removed.  The  fortresses  in  the  Highlands  may 
soon  be  completed,  or  at  least  rendered  defensible  against  a  sudden 
assault.  Grass  will  supply  the  want  of  forage  and  a  sufficient  maga 
zine  of  provisions  I  am  persuaded  can  be  collected  and  the  militia 
wish  to  engage  in  the  service.  This  being  the  case,  I  conceive  that 
at  the  end  of  a  few  weeks,  there  will  not  be  any  objections  against 
a  measure  which,  if  successful,  will  be  attended  with  the  most 
salutary  consequences,  and  if  not  fully  executed,  may  be  so  con 
ducted  as  at  least  to  serve  as  a  diversion  favorable  to  General 
Washington. 

I  am  &c., 

GEO.  CLINTON. 
To  Governor  Trumbull. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      171 

General  Parsons  replies  to  a  note  from  General  McDougall 
as  follows: — 

WEST  POINT,  April  2,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  received  your  favor  of  this  date  and  shall  attend 
to  the  business  recommended  therein;  the  boat  shall  be  sent  up 
agreeable  to  your  directions.  If  the  accounts  given  by  the  spy 
are  true,  the  five  deserters  sent  you  to  day  ought  doubtless  to  be 
confined,  as  in  that  case  there  can  be  no  question  but  they  are  on  the 
same  errand  to  spy  out  our  situation. 

Yr.   obet.   servt., 
To  General  McDougall.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

General  Parsons  having  advised  General  McDougall  that 
several  vessels  had  been  seen  coming  up  the  river  with  the 
apparent  intention  of  attacking,  or  at  least  reconnoitering  the 
Works  at  West  Point,  McDougall  directed  him  to  defend  the 
position  to  the  last,  and  said  that  he  had  sent  Nixon's  regiment 
to  his  aid: — 

HEADQUARTERS,  FISHKILL,  Jfth  April,  1778. 

SIR. — I  received  yours  of  25  minutes  past  8  o'clock  of  this  morn 
ing.  Those  vessels  are  probably  coming  up  to  reconnoiter  the 
state  of  your  Works,  whatever  may  be  their  object.  The  completing 
the  Works  and  Obstructions  are  of  so  much  importance,  that  you 
must  defend  the  Ground  to  the  utmost  of  your  power,  for  should 
the  enemy  destroy  those  Works  and  Barracks,  the  completing  the 
Works  and  Obstructions  cannot  be  accomplished  this  campaign.  If 
the  enemy  should  appear  in  tolerable  force,  your  strength  should 
be  disposed  in  the  best  position  to  defend  West  Point.  I  shall  be 
obliged  to  risk  the  Post  here  to  the  defence  of  the  militia  till  the 
Continental  troops  arrive  from  below  and  Albany;  you  did  right 
to  order  the  stores  from  King's  Ferry.  Mr.  Mudock  has  sent  off 
a  number  of  stores  to  you  this  morning;  if  the  18  pound  cartridges 
are  not  sent,  I  have  ordered  my  Aid  to  him  to  despatch  them  with 
the  whale  boat  and  24  rounds  of  musket  cartridges  for  700  men.  A 
mortar  will  be  of  little  use  to  you  against  a  ship,  as  her  movement, 
even  when  she  is  at  anchor,  is  so  various  with  wind  and  tide. 
The  howitzer  which  you  have  will  be  of  more  use  to  you.  A  good 
lookout  as  far  down  the  River  as  your  boats  can  go  with  safety,  and 
the  inclosing  the  Work  should  be  steadily  pursued.  If  their  three 
vessels  should  come  near,  your  scouts  should  be  sent  out  on  both 
sides  of  the  River  where  it  is  probable  they  may  land  a  small  party 
to  reconnoiter  the  state  of  your  Works.  These  are  the  general 


172  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

objects  I  wish  you  to  attend  to.  I  have  this  morning  wrote  for  Col. 
Nixon's  regiment  and  suggested  to  Governor  Clinton  the  necessity 
of  having  the  militia  in  a  state  of  readiness.  If  the  enemy  visit  you 
soon,  I  shall  do  everything  in  my  power  for  your  relief;  you  have 
now  all  the  force  I  can  give  you  unless  I  call  the  militia  out.  And  if 
this  is  done  upon  the  appearance  of  three  vessels,  they  will  not  turn 
out  so  readily  when  they  may  be  wanted  for  serious  service.  Cap 
tain  Sloo  with  his  men  and  boats  are  so  exposed  to  be  cut  off  by  a 
small  party  from  those  vessels,  or  any  other,  that  I  wish  you  to 
order  him  to  send  up  all  the  boats  and  scows  except  two,  and  their 
crews  to  Fishkill  Landing,  and  in  case  he  finds  himself  in  danger 
to  remove  there  to  the  Fly,  as  I  have  no  guard  to  give  him.  The 
return  of  the  Corps  at  West  Point,  will  be  made  every  Friday,  and 
the  Command  particularly  designated  at  the  return.  If  you  can 
send  to  him  by  water,  cause  the  enclosed  to  be  delivered  to  Major 
Thearse. 

I   am  in   haste,  Your   Humble   Servant, 

ALEX.  McDouoALL. 
To  General  Parsons. 

In  the  latter  part  of  April,  General  Parsons  went  to  Lyme  in 
Connecticut,  his  native  town,  whence,  on  the  27th,  he  wrote  to 
General  McDougall  respecting  the  condition  of  the  Commis 
sary  Department  in  that  State  and  the  proposed  attack  upon 
New  York,  as  follows : — 

LYME,  27th  April,  1778. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  have  carefully  examined  the  state  of  provis 
ions  in  the  Commissary  Department,  and  believe  the  meat  in  this 
State  already  purchased  will  supply  the  army  to  about  the  10th  of 
June,  from  which  there  will  be  some  distress  in  the  army  for  that 
article  for  some  short  time,  perhaps  to  the  middle  of  July,  unless 
supplied  from  other  States,  southward  and  westward  of  this.  Gov 
ernor  Trumbull  is  very  desirous  to  pursue  the  proposed  attack  on 
New  York,  and  will  do  what  any  man  can  do  to  forward  the  design. 
He  desires  the  troops  may  not  be  called  for  until  our  preparations 
are  made,  that  they  may  be  detained  as  little  time  as  possible;  but 
in  the  interim  he  would  wish  to  be  informed  early  whether  the 
design  is  pursued  or  laid  aside.  The  important  advice  from  France 
and  the  evident  distress  of  Britain,  in  my  opinion,  affords  us  the 
best  opportunity  of  attacking  the  enemy  with  the  fairest  prospects 
of  success;  long  delays  I  fear  will  be  detrimental,  especially  when 
the  insidious  arts  of  the  British  Court  have  begun  to  be  practiced, 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      173 

and  may  have  too  baneful  an  influence  if  they  are  suffered  to  con 
tinue  long  in  their  present  state.  I  wish  to  hear  from  your  Honor 
by  return  of  post,  that  if  my  continuance  in  this  State  any  longer 
can  be  of  any  public  utility,  I  may  receive  your  orders;  otherwise, 
I  believe  I  shall  be  able  to  return  in  about  a  fortnight.  If  we  make 
the  proposed  attack,  I  am  of  opinion  I  shall  be  of  more  service  by 
staying  here  till  the  order  is  made  and  the  levies  nearly  completed 
which  are  expected  from  this  State,  than  I  can  be  at  your  Post." 

I  am  &c., 

SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  General  McDougall. 

On  the  22d  of  May,  General  Parsons,  having  returned  from 
Connecticut  to  West  Point,  wrote  General  Washington  regard 
ing  one,  Hammell,  and  the  enemy's  force  in  New  York,  as 
learned  from  deserters,  refugees,  spies  and  the  inhabitants ; 
also  as  to  the  condition  of  the  defenses  at  West  Point. 

About  the  middle  of  May,  General  Gates  assumed  command 
of  the  Northern  Department.  By  the  resolution  of  Congress 
appointing  him  to  this  command,  he  had  been  invested  with 
extensive  powers  for  completing  the  Works  on  the  North 
River,  and  had,  also,  been  "  authorized  to  carry  on  opera 
tions  against  the  enemy  if  any  favorable  opportunity  should 
occur  " ;  but  to  guard  against  the  insubordination  displayed 
by  him  after  the  Burgoyne  campaign,  he  was  at  the  same  time 
enjoined  "not  to  undertake  any  expedition  against  New  York 
without  previously  consulting  the  Commander-in-Chief." 

The  four  following  letters  relate  to  the  capture  of  young 
Oliver  DeLancey,  the  successor  of  Major  Andre  as  Sir  Henry 
Clinton's  Adjutant  General,  of  whom  we  shall  hear  more  later 
on. 

HARRISON'S  PRECINCTS,  May  22,  1778. 

MAY  IT  PLEASE  YOUR  HONOUR,  SIR.— That  on  the  20th  inst.  a 
detachment  under  my  command  proceeded  to  West  Chester  at  Wil- 
lets'  Point  at  a  house  now  occupied  by  one,  Oliver  DeLancey,  a 
person  whom  Col.  Miggs  had  orders  from  his  Honour,  General 
Parsons,  to  make  a  prisoner  (as  I  was  informed)  which  Col.  Miggs 
sent  off  a  detachment  in  order  to  take  said  DeLancey,  but  was  dis 
appointed  by  reason  that  Mr.  DeLancey  was  absent  from  his  native 
place  of  abode.  Therefore,  on  the  20th  of  this  instant,  he  happily 
fell  into  my  hands,  which  I  have  the  pleasure  to  convey  by  Lieut. 


174  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Wattles  to  your  Honour,  but  as  for  the  character  of  said  Mr.  DeLan 
cey,  undoubtedly  General  Parsons  will  acquaint  your  Honour  with. 
Therefore,  I  have  the  pleasure  to  subscribe  myself, 

Your  Honour's  most  obdt.  servt. 
To  Governor  Clinton.  THOMAS  BARNES    Capt. 

WHITE  PLAINS,  May  23,  1778. 

Col.  Morris  Graham,  stationed  there,  writes  to  General  Gates 
regarding  Oliver  DeLancey,  "  that  all  reports  from  our  friends  in 
the  enemy's  power  agree  that  he  has  always  acted  friendly.  Since 
I  have  commanded  at  this  Post,  Mr.  DeLancey  has  never  kept  out 
of  the  way;  so  far  from  it,  he  sent  me  word  when  I  first  came  here, 
that  if  he  was  in  any  way  suspected  and  I  would  acquaint  him  with 
it,  he  would  appear." 

HEADQUARTERS,  FISHKILL,  May  24,  1778. 

SIR. — Mr.  Frederick  Jay  brings  to  your  Excellency,  Mr.  Oliver 
DeLancey,  whom  the  General  considers  as  a  prisoner  of  this  State; 
and  I  am  commanded  to  request  your  Excellency  will  give  such 
orders  respecting  him  as  your  Excellency  may  think  proper.  I  have 
the  honor  to  be  with  the  greatest  respect,  Sir, 

Your  Excellency's  most  humble  obet.  servt., 

ROBERT  TROUP    A.  D.  C.  to  Gen.  Gates. 
To  Governor  Clinton. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  May  25,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  received  your  letter  by  Mr.  Jay,  who  called  upon 
me  this  morning  with  Oliver  DeLancey,  Jr.  Though  I  have  heard 
many  circumstances  in  favor  of  Mr.  DeLancey,  yet,  at  this  critical 
juncture,  I  have  thought  it  most  advisable  to  consider  him  a  prisoner 
and  have  accordingly  put  him  upon  his  parole  at  a  place  called 
"  the  city  "  in  this  County,  about  twenty  miles  east  of  this — a  very 
safe  place  inhabited  by  good  subjects.  I  have  promised  him  that 
orders  should  be  given  to  preserve  his  stock  and  effects  from  being 
taken  by  our  people  in  his  absence,  and  that  his  horse,  now  in  Capt. 
Barnes  possession,  should  be  delivered  up  to  Mr.  Stevens  or  Col. 
Thomas  of  Westchester  County  for  his  use,  which  you  will  oblige 
me  by  so  doing. 

DeLancey  is  a  very  bad  name. 

I  am  with  greatest  respect, 

GEO.  CLINTON. 
To  Major  General  Gates. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      175 

The  following  is  from  Parsons  to  his  friend  Colonel  Wads- 
worth  in  Hartford: — 

WEST  POINT,  May  25,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — The  designs  of  the  enemy  are  yet  a  secret.  It  is  the 
opinion  that  they  intend  leaving  Philadelphia.  Three  ships,  a  gal 
ley  and  cutter  are  at  King's  Ferry.  This  seems  inexplicable,  as  one 
ship  will  effectually  stop  that  passage  as  well  as  a  greater  number. 
I  have  sent  a  boat  to  Fort  Lee  to  see  what  they  are  about  at  Fort 
Washington.  When  I  make  any  discoveries  of  importance  I  will 
let  you  know.  I  know  you  are  wondering  how  we  like  General 
Gates.  I  can  only  answer,  he  appears  to  be  satisfactory,  but  a 
Washington  is  still  our  preference.  We  had  the  alliance  with 
France  celebrated  at  the  Point.  The  Duke  was  uncommonly  gay 
and  Dr.  Cooper  in  the  meridian  of  his  glory  never  poured  forth  so 
great  a  shower  of  puns  as  came  from  our  friend  in  his  nocturnal 
cogitations.  Yours  &c., 

SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Col.  Jeremiah  Wadsrcorth,  Hartford. 

On  the  31st,  General  Parsons  advises  General  Gates,  the 
Commander  of  the  Department,  of  the  report  brought  by  his 
Adjutant,  Major  Humphreys,  as  to  the  number  and  disposition 
of  the  troops  in  New  York,  as  follows : — 

WEST  POINT,  31  May,  1778. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — Major  Humphreys  has  just  returned  and  re 
ports  that  the  52d  regiment  commanded  by  Col.  French,  marched 
from  New  York  the  23d  inst.  and  encamped  near  Kingsbridge  in  a 
line  with  the  45th.  The  71st  regiment  has  arrived  at  the  Bridge 
from  Long  Island;  the  regiments  of  the  Hereditary  Prince,  Prince 
Charles  of  Trumback  of  Stein,  are  all  the  foreign  troops  he  could 
learn  remained  on  York  Island ;  two  of  which  are  in  the  Bowery  near 
the  city,  and  two  near  Kingsbridge;  the  38th  British  regiment  is  in 
the  city ;  most,  if  not  all,  the  new  levies  are  marched  from  the  Bridge 
to  the  city  about  eight  days  since;  part  of  them  embarked  on  board 
ships  at  Horn's  Hook;  the  public  report  is  they  are  going  to  Long 
Island  to  replace  the  troops  which  have  been  called  from  thence  to 
the  Bridge.  'Tis  publicly  reported  that  a  French  war  actually 
exists  at  this  time ;  the  press  was  very  hot  in  New  York ;  the  accounts 
of  the  numbers  obtained  in  this  way  are  various  from  250  to  1000, 
however,  they  all  agree  they  are  for  the  sea  service  and  are  put  on 
ship  board.  A  considerable  number  of  shipping  were  in  the  East 


176  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

River  a  few  days  since,  and  the  evening  of  the  2Qth  a  fleet  from 
New  York  came  to  anchor  in  the  Sound  near  Hart  Island  opposite 
East  Chester  and  New  Rochelle,  supposed  to  be  about  20  or  30 
ships;  a  press  is  expected  every  day  upon  Long  Island;  the  Refugees 
are  concealing  themselves  to  avoid  it. 

All  communication  with  the  city  has  been  prohibited  for  some 
time,  evidently  to  cover  their  movements;  this  being  effected,  the 
inhabitants  are  again  permitted  to  pass  over  the  Bridge  with  pro 
visions  &c.  On  the  whole,  'tis  pretty  evident,  instead  of  collecting 
a  force  at  the  Bridge,  their  strength  is  lessened,  and  the  new  levies 
have  doubtless  business  in  some  other  quarter;  a  paper  of  the  25th 
of  May  from  New  York  I  have  sent  you.  When  I  have  the  honor 
to  wait  on  you  I  shall  be  able  to  give  some  more  particular  accounts. 

I  understand  you  design  to  visit  the  troops  at  Peekskill  to-day, 
and  I  shall  therefore  call  upon  you  in  the  morning." 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Gates.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

June  4th,  Parsons  writes  to  Gates  respecting  the  artillery : — 

WEST  POINT,  4th  of  June,  1778. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — The  artillerists  at  the  Point  are  by  no  means 
sufficient  in  number  to  manage  the  artillery  here.  Col.  Stevens' 
three  companies  may  be  very  usefully  employed  at  this  Post.  Their 
numbers  will  enable  us  to  put  the  artillery  in  a  proper  state.  If  no 
special  purpose  is  to  be  answered  by  removing  them  to  the  Village, 
I  shall  be  much  obliged  by  Col.  Stevens  and  his  men  remaining  at 
this  Post  for  the  present.  If  any  companies  of  the  train  are  wanted 
at  the  Village  more  than  are  now  there,  a  company  of  Col.  Lamb's 
regiment  perhaps,  on  many  accounts,  had  better  be  sent.  That 
regiment  has  been  in  contention  from  their  raising,  and  I  am  certain 
Captain  Moody  and  Colonel  Stevens  will  never  agree  in  the  same 
camp.  As  soon  as  the  weather  will  permit,  'twill  be  necessary  for 
them  to  encamp ;  if  your  Honor  shall  be  of  opinion  the  service  will 
be  as  well  advanced  by  their  continuing  here  as  removing,  I  should 
be  happy  in  his  receiving  your  order  to  take  his  post  at  this  place. 

Will  it  be  necessary  to  publish  in  General  Orders  that  Colonel 
Stevens  commands  the  Artillery?  Many  unhappy  disputes  may  be 
prevented  by  it."  I  am  &c., 

SAM.   H.   PARSONS. 
To  General  Gates. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      177 

On  the  8th  of  June  General  Parsons  writes  to  General  Gates 
respecting  affairs  in  New  York : — 

WEST  POINT,  June  8,  1778. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — By  the  information  of  deserters  and  the  con 
curring  accounts  of  inhabitants  near  the  Bridge,  there  are  three 
Hessian  and  two  British  regiments  in  the  city;  one  battalion  of 
Highlanders  at  Bloomingdale ;  at  Fort  Washington  and  the  Bridge, 
two  British  regiments,  viz:  the  45th  and  52d,  two  Hessian  regi 
ments.  Bruverton's  and  Bayard's  regiments  and  Emerick's  Chas 
seurs;  one  12  and  6  pounders  in  Fort  Independence;  two  of  18, 
two  of  1 2  and  five  of  6  and  under,  in  Fort  Washington.  The  cannon 
removed  from  the  embrasures  in  Fort  Washington  on  the  side  next 
the  Xorth  River.  Fort  Independence  not  picketed  but  an  abatis 
around  it;  a  captain's  guard  kept  in  the  fort  relieved  every  three 
days ;  in  the  redoubts  are  guards  from  twenty-five  to  thirty-six  men. 
By  the  information  of  returning  refugees,  it  appears  the  enemy  are 
establishing  a  camp  at  the  head  of  the  Fly  on  Long  Island.  Cruger's, 
Ludlow's,  Fanning's  and  a  regiment  of  Brown's  brigade  are  to 
encamp  there,  perhaps  one  thousand  men.  A  regiment  of  regular 
Tories  at  Brookline,  I  suppose  the  35th;  this  regiment  received 
orders  last  Tuesday  to  march  eastward  on  the  Island,  and  their  heavy 
baggage  to  be  put  on  ship  board;  by  the  information  of  Jos.  Law 
rence  and  Samuel  Riker,  from  New  York,  two  British  regiments 
received  orders  to  embark  the  6th  inst.,  but  where  destined  is  un 
certain.  No  particular  information  of  Robinson's  regiment.  I 
think  it  probable  they  still  remain  at  Harlem.  The  ships  are  thinly 
manned  and  cannot  remove  without  increasing  the  number  of  hands. 
Those  at  Huntington  are  ordered  ready  to  sail  some  time  next  week. 
The  enemy  are  strengthening  their  Works  on  Bayard's  Hill,  but 
in  what  manner  I  am  unable  to  learn.  On  the  whole  matter  it  ap 
pears  evident  to  me  the  enemy  are  not  preparing  to  make  any 
capital  attack  on  the  country,  but  are  securing  themselves  from  any 
attempt  we  may  make  in  the  city. 

The  camp  at  the  Fly  on  Long  Island  I  think  well  chosen  to 
defend  the  city  on  that  part.  'Tis  about  eight  or  nine  miles  from 
the  Ferry,  and  from  the  creek  near  the  camp  to  Jamaica  Bay  on 
the  south  side  of  the  Island,  about  five  miles;  and  the  passes  through 
the  mountains  are  effectually  secured  by  this  Post  which  leaves  it 
exceeding  difficult  to  move  forward  to  Brooklyn  with  any  artillery; 
and  will  enable  the  enemy  to  send  occasional  parties  down  the 


178  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Island  and  compel  what  supplies  and  provisions  and  forage  from 
Suffolk  County  can  be  spared.  I  believe  that  County  can  feed  three 
thousand  men  six  months. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Gates.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

About  the  middle  of  April  there  arrived  in  New  York  a  draft 
of  Lord  North's  "  Conciliatory  Bill,"  so  called,  containing  a 
new  project  submitted  by  him  to  Parliament  for  settling  the 
differences  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States. 
Having  been  received  by  Congress,  it  was  unanimously 
resolved,  "  that  the  terms  offered  are  totally  inadequate,  and 
that  no  advances  on  the  part  of  the  British  Government  for  a 
peace  would  be  met,  unless,  as  a  preliminary  step,  they  either 
withdrew  their  armies  and  fleets,  or  acknowledged  unequivo 
cally  the  independence  of  the  United  States."  May  10,  1778, 
General  Parsons  wrote  to  Colonel  Webb,  who  was  still  a 
prisoner  in  the  hands  of  the  British,  informing  him  of  the 
action  of  the  Ministry,  as  having  a  possible  bearing  on  the 
question  of  his  speedy  release: — 

DEAR  SIR. — I  have  enclosed  you  the  Crisis  No.  5;  the  draft  of 
a  bill  once  read  in  one  House  of  the  British  Parliament,,  which  is 
called  the  Conciliatory  Plan  of  the  British  Ministry;  the  answer 
of  Congress  refusing  to  treat  on  any  other  condition  than  an  un 
conditional  acknowledgement  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  of  the 
independence  of  the  United  States,  and  also,  the  terms  of  the 
treaty  with  France,  I  should  have  sent  you,  but  have  mislaid  them. 
The  substance  you  may  find  in  the  enclosed  hand-bill. 

Be  patient.  I  hope  you  will  soon  find  that  peace  restored  to  these 
States  which  every  good  man  wishes,  both  lasting  and  honorable. 
Your  friends  are  well.  My  compliments  to  your  fellow  prisoners. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Colonel  Samuel  E.  Webb.  S.  H.  PARSONS. 

In  June,  while  on  the  seacoast,  he  again  writes  Webb,  as 
follows : — 

HORSENECK,  June  7,  1778. 

DEAR  COLONEL. — I  am  occasionally  at  this  place.  I  find  Mr. 
Drummond  going  to  New  York,  who  is  kind  enough  to  engage  to 
deliver  to  you  this  letter.  As  I  shall  return  in  the  morning  to  West 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      179 

Point,  I  have  not  time  to  give  you  much  information,  nor  would  it 
be  proper,  as  this  will  probably  pass  into  such  hands  as  are  not 
entitled  to  information  from  me.  Your  friends  are  anxious  for  your 
return.  Conciliatory  Acts  of  Parliament  come  too  late  after  so  much 
bloodshed  and  waste  of  treasure.  Perhaps  there  might  be  recon 
ciliation  if  Commissioners  were  empowered  to  recognize  our  national 
independence.  Our  friend,  Mr.  Hosmer,  and  family  are  well  and 
express  concern  often  for  you  and  other  prisoners. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Colonel  S.  B.  Webb.  S.  H.  PARSONS. 


The  following  communication  was  written  in  reply  to  two 
letters  from  Rev.  Dr.  William  Walter,  an  old  and  intimate 
friend  of  Parsons,  a  classmate  at  Harvard  and  formerly 
Rector  of  Trinity  Church  in  Boston;  who,  not  finding  the 
atmosphere  of  his  old  home  congenial  after  the  departure  of 
the  British,  had  removed  with  his  familly  to  New  York. 
Walter's  letters  have  not  been  preserved,  but  they  seem  to  have 
dealt  largely  upon  the  advantages  to  be  secured  by  a  reconcilia 
tion,  and  expressed  great  regret  that  the  offer  of  Lord  North's 
Commissioners  had  not  been  accepted  and  an  end  put  to  this 
unhappy  war.  Had  Parsons  been  endowed  with  prophetic 
vision,  he  could  not  have  discerned  the  future  more  certainly, 
or  perceived  the  true  interests  of  Britain  more  clearly,  than 
he  did  when  penning  his  reply : — "  I  fully  believe,"  he  says, 
"  we  shall  establish  that  independency  we  have  been  compelled 
to  declare;  and  this  event,  in  my  opinion,  does  not  rest  on  the 
consent  of  Britain  or  the  assistance  of  France.  Our  internal 
resources  are  sufficient  to  continue  this  war  as  long  as  can  be 
necessary  to  attain  this  end,  and  we  are  better  able  to  pay  our 
national  debt  than  Britain  can  ever  be  to  discharge  her  own. 
We  have  boundless  tracts  of  uncultivated  land,  a  great  source 
of  wealth  to  our  nation.  You  are  confined  to  an  island  already 
in  an  high  state  of  cultivation,  and  have  little  more  to  expect. 
We  shall  increase  in  numbers,  wealth  and  vigor,  when  you  have 
already  reached  the  zenith  of  your  power.  ...  I  own 
freely,  I  do  not  wish  to  see  Great  Britain  reduced  so  low  as  to 
become  a  small  weight  in  the  political  scale  of  Europe.  When 
she  sees  her  true  interest,  this  war  will  cease,  and  that  mutual 


180  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

intercourse  again  take  place  which  was  and  will  be  the  only 
source  of  wealth  she  ought  to  derive  from  us." 

December  12th,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  thank  you  for  your  kind  letter  of  the  27th  Novem 
ber,  and  copy  of  that  of  the  14th  September. 

Your  opinions  are  always  heard  by  me  with  the  candor  of  a 
friend,  and  have  the  advantage  of  being  addressed  to  one  who  has 
a  most  cordial  affection  for  the  writer  and  can  make  every  reason 
able  allowance  for  the  motives  operating  on  the  passions  of  my 
friend  whose  character  from  early  life  I  have  fully  known  and  to 
whose  honest  intentions  I  give  full  credit.  I  have  read  with  atten 
tion  your  sentiments  of  the  contest  at  this  time — they  can  be  of  no 
public  advantage  nor  can  they  affect  my  own  conduct.  The  Com 
missioners  having  executed  their  trust  and  gone  back  to  report  the 
inefficacy  of  their  overtures  and  reasoning,  can  now  have  no 
influence  on  public  measures.  The  appeal  to  arms  has  long  since 
been  made  and  argument  gives  way  to  the  fate  of  war.  However, 
for  our  private  amusement,  I  will  spend  a  leisure  hour  at  any  time 
in  fully  exchanging  our  sentiments  on  the  public  measures  of  the 
contending  powers  and  the  true  interests  of  the  two  countries,  so  far 
as  may  be  safe  for  us  in  our  several  situations  in  life.  In  a  per 
sonal  interview,  I  should  be  much  more  happy,  for  then  I  could 
freely  unbosom  myself  in  the  confidence  of  friendship.  I  freely 
own  the  offers  of  Great  Britain  are  such  as  once  would  have  satis 
fied  the  claims  of  every  Colony  now  in  the  Confederacy,  but  your 
conclusion  can  in  no  measure  be  just  that  they  now  ought  to  be 
accepted,  were  it  not  for  the  French  alliance.  The  supremacy  of 
Parliament  was  what  we  originally  denied,  and  that  claim  caused 
the  present  war.  The  injuries  we  received  by  extending  that  claim 
were  all  we  asked  to  be  redressed  in,  but  can  you  convince  yourself 
that  after  three  years  of  war,  in  which  we  have  lost  thousands  of 
our  youth  and  expended  two  millions  of  our  treasure,  in  which  time 
our  towns  have  been  laid  in  ashes,  in  some  instances,  wantonly,  and 
attended  with  such  circumstances  as  would  provoke  the  resentments 
of  the  most  unfeeling  mind;  after  our  wives  and  infant  children 
have  been  sacrificed  to  the  brutal  rage  of  the  savages,  stimulated  to 
those  acts  of  barbarity  by  the  unrelenting  cruelty  of  a  British 
Ministry,  can  you,  I  say,  convince  yourself  the  controversy  is  now  in 
the  same  state  it  was  in  1775.  At  that,  what  was  the  extent  of  our 
just  claims  at  that  time,  is  the  measure  of  our  rights  at  this  day.  I 
freely  tell  you  I  am  of  a  very  different  opinion,  and  were  France 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       181 

sunk  into  everlasting  oblivion,  the  conduct  of  the  British  Court 
since  the  nineteenth  of  April,  1775,  will  be  a  just  bar  to  a  reunion 
with  Great  Britain  in  any  degree  of  subordination.  You  say  every 
office  of  honor  and  profit  are  accessible  to  men  of  abilities,  as  well 
Americans  as  Britons ;  that  we  shall  derive  greater  benefits  from 
our  reunion  than  from  a  state  of  independency;  our  expenses  of 
Ambassadors,  Envoys,  Consuls,  &c.,  will  be  saved  us ;  our  trade 
protected,  &c.  These  are  reasons  which  ought  to  have  their  weight, 
and  doubtless  have  been  duly  considered  in  estimating  the  profit 
and  loss  of  a  separation  or  union  with  Great  Britain  again.  How 
far  the  expenses  of  government  will  be  balanced  by  our  enlarged 
commerce,  is  a  subject  I  am  not  so  competent  a  judge  in,  as  of  some 
other  parts  of  the  contest,  and,  therefore,  shall  leave  that  to  others 
whose  knowledge  is  greater  in  those  matters  than  my  own.  You 
add,  "our  honor  is  pledged  (to  France);  we  cannot  return;"  and 
ar'nt  you  of  the  same  opinion,  my  friend?  I  confess  myself  one 
of  those  deluded  mortals  who  believe  public  faith  as  sacred  as 
private  agreements,  and  that  'tis  as  inconsistent  with  the  honor  of 
a  nation  to  recede  from  the  one,  as  it  is  to  the  moral  or  civil  char 
acter  of  a  private  gentleman  to  violate  the  other. 

But,  Sir,  you  are  mistaken  when  you  assert  this  alliance  was 
formed  after  the  Court  of  Great  Britain  had  fully  conceded  all  our 
original  claims.  'Tis  a  fact  France  had  agreed  to  the  Articles  of 
our  Alliance  in  December;  that  the  treaty  was  signed  the  7th  of 
February,  and  the  concessions  not  made  by  Britain  till  the  17th  of 
the  same  month;  but  'tis  equally  true,  we  did  in  the  most  solemn 
manner  declare  we  had  not  the  most  distant  intention  of  separating 
from  Great  Britain;  for  the  sincerity  of  this  declaration  at  the 
time  when  t'was  made,  I  appeal  to  your  own  knowledge  of  the 
country.  I  am  certain  it  was  not  at  that  time  the  most  distant 
wish  of  the  country  to  be  separated  from  Great  Britain,  nor  would 
anything  but  force  on  their  part  and  necessity  on  ours,  have  com 
pelled  us  to  this  measure.  There  truly  is  a  delicacy  due  to  our 
words  and  actions,  but,  Sir,  is  it  not  bad  reasoning  to  infer  from 
an  unwillingness  on  our  part  to  become  a  distinct  people,  an  eternal 
obligation  to  remain  connected  under  all  circumstances  and  in  all 
possible  events,  and  to  submit  our  estates,  our  liberties  and  lives 
to  the  will  of  Britain?  When  she  governed  us  with  justice,  we 
wished  to  remain  part  of  the  empire ;  when  she  altered  her  measures, 
we  were  no  longer  bound.  I  agree  with  you  that  reasons  of  state 
govern  the  nations  of  the  earth,  but  I  feel  a  delicacy  which  forbids 
my  full  assent  to  the  sentiments  you  seem  to  convey,  and  have  some 
doubt  whether  'tis  strictly  righteous  and  honorable  to  violate  the 


182  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

most  solemn  public  engagements  for  reasons  of  state,  and  feel  a 
delicacy  which  forbids  my  full  assent  to  this  sentiment  which  seems 
to  meet  the  approbation  of  so  worthy  a  character.  But  if  this 
principle  be  admitted,  there  is  an  end  of  the  first  part  of  the  ques 
tion.  The  right  of  Britain  on  one  side  and  the  duty  of  the  Colo 
nists  on  the  other,  have  nothing  to  do  in  the  controversy  nor  in  any 
engagements  either  of  them  have  entered  into  of  any  consideration. 
But  reasons  of  state,  or,  in  other  words,  the  interest  of  this 
Country,  is  only  to  be  considered  by  us,  and  when  we  find  it  our 
interest,  undoubtedly  we  shall  accept  the  terms  held  out  by  the 
Commissioners.  Whether  Great  Britain  will  live  without  us  de 
pends  on  events  not  yet  known;  that  she  will  not  at  present  choose 
to  live  without  us,  I  fully  believe,  and  I  own  freely,  I  do  not  wish 
to  see  Great  Britain  reduced  so  low  as  to  become  of  small  weight 
in  the  political  scale  of  Europe.  When  she  sees  her  true  interest, 
this  war  will  cease  and  that  mutual  intercourse  again  take  place 
which  was  and  will  be  the  only  source  of  wealth  she  ought  to 
derive  from  us. 

I  have  no  talent  at  prophecy,  nor  do  I  concern  myself  with  future 
events  further  than  doing  my  duty  is  connected  with  them.  I 
know  an  almost  unbounded  field  is  open  to  conjecture,  when  we 
look  forward  and  compare  the  probable  events  on  each  side  which 
may  take  place  before  the  conclusion  of  the  war.  On  our  part, 
the  amount  of  the  personal  estate  of  Britain  can  have  little  con 
sideration,  when  the  whole  amount  little  more  than  pays  the  annual 
interest  of  the  national  debt;  when  more  than  the  whole  personal 
estate  of  the  kingdom  must  be  annually  called  for  in  taxes  to  pay 
the  interest  of  the  debt  and  defray  the  charges  of  government  at 
this  time.  This  cannot  be  effected  very  many  years  without  the  aid 
of  Foreign  Powers.  We  have  alone  withstood  the  power  of  Britain ; 
you  have  employed  almost  the  whole  force  of  the  nation  against  us 
without  a  check  from  any  European  nation,  and  have  not  succeeded. 
A  greater  force  was  never  employed  out  of  the  Kingdom  by  Great 
Britain  since  the  Revolution  than  that  which  you  have  employed  to 
subdue  us,  without  effect,  and  that,  when  we,  in  point  of  numbers, 
military  preparation  and  discipline,  were  far  inferior  to  our  present 
state.  However  the  French  nation  may  be  considered  by  you,  this 
is  certain,  our  alliance  with  that  nation  and  a  consequent  war  in 
creases  your  expenses  and  the  necessity  of  a  greater  force  in  Europe 
than  the  Kingdom  wanted  when  at  peace.  The  subjects  lost  in 
this  war,  you  say  are  not  so  great  as  the  immigration  would  have 
been  in  a  time  of  peace,  and  from  thence  you  will  infer  a  proper 
reason  for  continuing  it.  I  believe  the  immigration  would  have 


been  very  numerous,  and  perhaps  greater  than  your  actual  loss,  but 
this  is  a  total  loss  to  yourselves  and  the  world,  the  other  only  em 
ploying  that  number  of  men  in  cultivating  that  country  which  was 
and  will  be  the  source  of  your  wealth  and  the  fountain  of  happiness 
to  her  inhabitants ;  and  when  you  see  it  your  interest  to  share  the 
profits  of  our  commerce  without  the  charges  of  sovereignty,  to  reap 
the  fruits  of  our  labor  without  the  expense  of  protection,  then,  and 
not  till  then,  will  this  war,  which  has  so  unhappily  divided  us,  be 
ended. 

"  What,"  you  ask,  "  has  the  mighty  fleet  of  France  done  to  save 
us?  Have  they  not  fled  before  that  fleet  they  boasted  to  annihilate?" 
They  have  engaged  your  fleet  to  watch  their  motions  and,  from  an 
offensive  war,  have  confined  you  to  your  garrisoned  places,  and 
have  not  fled  before  that  fleet  they  boasted  to  annihilate.  'Tis  true 
the  skill  of  our  able  sea  officers,  whose  bravery  and  humanity  are 
equally  acknowledged  and  esteemed  by  us,  has  saved  Rhode  Island, 
but  the  misfortune  of  the  French  fleet  arose,  not  from  the  courage 
of  Britons  or  from  Gallic  cowardice,  but  the  winds  and  the  seas 
occasioned  disasters  in  which  both  fleets  were  large  sharers.  In 
short,  my  friend,  I  fully  believe  we  shall  establish  that  inde 
pendency  we  have  been  compelled  to  declare.  I  believe  it  the  true 
interest  of  Britain  to  acknowledge  it  and  stop  the  further  effusion 
of  blood.  Neither  does  this  event,  in  my  opinion,  rest  on  the  consent 
of  Britain  or  the  assistance  of  France.  Our  internal  resources  are 
sufficient  to  continue  this  war  as  long  as  can  be  necessary  to  attain 
the  end,  and  we  are  better  able  to  pay  our  national  debt  than 
Britain  can  ever  be  to  discharge  her  own.  We  owe  little  but  to  our 
selves,  and  can  never  be  the  poorer  in  paying  it.  A  large  share  of 
your  debt  is  due  out  of  the  nation  and  must  impoverish  you  in  the 
discharge  of  it.  We  have  boundless  tracts  of  uncultivated  lands, 
a  great  source  of  wealth  to  our  Nation.  You  are  confined  to  an 
island  already  in  a  high  state  of  cultivation  and  have  little  more 
to  expect.  \Ve  shall  increase  in  number,  wealth  and  vigor  when 
you  have  already  reached  your  zenith  of  power,  and  every  man  of 
candor  acknowledges  with  concern  that  your  sun  is  fast  setting 
into  comparative  obscurity ;  and  though  you  should  continue  in 
your  full  strength,  you  must  still  pass  the  Atlantic  and  wait  your 
supplies  from  that  distant  country  on  every  failure  or  misfortune 
here;  and,  although  you  have  yet  met  no  considerable  disaster  in 
the  attempt,  you  cannot  have  reasonable  assurances  that  your  sup 
plies  of  men,  provisions,  arms,  money,  &c.,  will  always  continue  free 
from  the  accidents  so  often  experienced  on  that  uncertain  element. 
You  have  the  evidence  of  yourselves  to  convince  you  that  a  defeat 


184  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

to  us  proves  but  a  stimulus  to  an  immediate  reinforcement,  and,  on 
every  misfortune,  we  have  doubled  our  numbers  before  you  could 
avail  yourselves  of  any  important  advantage;  and  I  assure  you  on 
my  honor,  I  believe  the  Country  is,  at  this  hour,  as  firmly  deter 
mined  at  all  hazards  to  maintain  the  war,  as  they  were  in  1775. 

I  wish  myself  to  pursue  another  course  of  life.  I  entered  the 
Army  from  principle  and  have  continued  to  this  hour  from  the  same 
motive,  but  considerations  foreign  to  the  dispute  induce  me  to  wish 
to  retire  to  private  life.  I  am  but  an  individual;  the  little  share 
of  influence  I  can  claim,  I  hope  to  use  in  support  of  the  rights  of 
humanity  and  for  the  benefit  of  society.  I  am  not  an  advocate  of 
sanguinary  measures,  nor  a  supporter  of  sanguinary  men.  The 
period  has  not  yet  arrived  in  which  the  separating  line  ought  to  be 
made.  Whatever  my  political  opinions  may  be,  I  hope  they  will 
never  erase  the  sentiments  of  personal  friendship  mutually  imbibed 
in  early  life. 

A  personal  interview,  if  you  choose,  we  can  have  at  or  near  our 
lines  on  your  obtaining  a  flag,  in  which  I  shall  be  very  happy.  In 
the  meantime,  accept  the  tender  of  every  service  I  am  capable  of 
rendering  you,  and  believe  me, 

Your  friend  and  obed't.  servt., 
To  Rev.  William  Walter.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

June  3,  1778,  General  Parsons  wrote,  as  follows,  from  Fort 
Arnold,  one  of  the  Posts  in  the  Highlands,  to  his  friend, 
Thomas  Mumford,  then  at  Hartford,  in  attendance  on  the 
legislature  of  which  he  was  a  member : — 

FORT  ARNOLD,  June  3,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — Your  favor  by  your  nephew,  I  duly  received.  Am 
happy  at  all  times  to  have  it  in  my  power  to  render  you  or  your 
family  any  services  as  a  just  acknowledgement  of  the  private  bene 
fits  you  have  afforded  me,  as  well  as  advantages  my  soldiers  have 
derived  from  your  benevolence.  I  am  fully  of  opinion  Major  Bige- 
low  should  purchase  the  linen  mentioned  in  your  letter  and  have 
wrote  him  on  the  subject.  I  am  unfortunate  in  not  being  able  to 
procure  moneys  for  him  at  present;  but  have  sent  him  twenty 
thousand  dollars  in  loan  office  tickets  which  I  hope  will  answer  as 
a  substitute  for  money  at  present.  Any  sum  he  wants  will  be  sup 
plied  in  this  way.  I  need  not  require  your  assistance  to  help  him 
procure  moneys  if  he  wants  on  those  certificates,  as  I  know  you 
are  disposed  to  forward  the  service  in  every  possible  method.  News 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      185 

we  have  so  much  and  so  uncertain,  I  shall  not  at  present  report  any 
again.  The  internal  political  concerns  of  Government,  though  I 
am  at  present  in  another  line,  I  feel  myself  a  little  interested  in. 
What  little  news  of  this  or  any  other  kind  you  can  afford  me,  will 
be  agreeable. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Thomas  Mumford.  SAM.   H.   PARSONS. 

Fort  Arnold,  June  22,  General  Parsons  wrote  to  Governor 
Clinton : — 

SIR. — John  Teller,  Master  of  a  Flag  of  Truce  to  New  York,  has 
returned  to  this  Post,  and  contrary  to  his  duty  has  brought  a  num 
ber  of  prisoners  from  the  city.  I  know  nothing  of  the  men  or  those 
who  have  come  out,  and  cannot  suffer  them  to  remain  here.  I  have 
ordered  a  guard  on  board  the  sloop  with  orders  to  deliver  the  men 
and  passengers  to  your  Excellency  by  whose  permission  the  flag 
went  down. 

July  24,  Parsons  reports  to  Washington  as  to  the  stock 
captured  along  the  Hudson  and  near  Kingsbridge. 

August  3,  Parsons  received  from  Colonel  Malcom,  whom  he 
had  left  at  West  Point  with  his  regiment  to  continue  the  work 
upon  the  defenses,  a  letter  as  full  of  enthusiasm  for  the  place 
as  was  Parsons  own  letter  of  February,  22d,  to  Colonel 
Wadsworth : — 

WEST   POINT,  August   8,  1778. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — Here  I  am  holding  committee  among  spades 
and  shovels.  Why  was  I  banished?  However,  I  begin  to  be  recon 
ciled.  I  must  be  so,  especially  as  you  are  not  moving  towards  York ; 
if  you  do,  don't  be  surprised  to  see  me  parade  among  you.  We  are 
driving  on  downwards;  the  more  we  do,  the  more  we  find  we  have 
to  do.  Why  did  you  not  begin  to  move  the  mountain,  rather  than 
add  to  its  magnitude.  Send  me  news  and  newspapers,  anything  to 
keep  us  alive ;  this  is  actually  t'other  end  of  the  world.  My  com 
pliments  to  his  Grace  and  my  other  good  friends  and  acquaintances 
in  your  family.  I  often  think  with  pleasure  on  the  happiness  of 
the  past  weeks  we  were  together,  but  it  adds  to  my  vexation  too. 

To  General  Parsons. 

Aaron  Burr  was  the  Lieut.   Colonel  of  Malcom's  regiment 


186  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

and  should  have  been  able  to  enliven  the  tedium  of  the  camp  had 
he  then  possessed  the  qualities  he  developed  in  after  years. 

In  the  latter  part  of  July,  Parsons  was  ordered  with  his 
brigade  to  join  Washington's  army  at  White  Plains,  and  it 
was  not  until  June,  1779,  that  he  resumed  the  command  at 
West  Point.  After  the  camp  at  White  Plains  broke  up,  he 
went  into  winter  quarters  with  his  brigade  at  Redding  in  Con 
necticut,  and  in  February,  1779,  was  ordered  to  take  com 
mand  of  the  District  of  New  London  and  construct  fortifica 
tions  for  the  defense  of  that  place. 


CHAPTER    XVI 

TREATY  WITH  FRANCE.  EVACUATION  OF  PHILADELPHIA.  ARMY  AT 
WHITE  PLAINS.  ARRIVAL  OF  D'£STAING.  CAMP  AT  FREDERICKS- 
BURGH.  PARSONS'  MILITARY  OPINIONS.  CAMP  AT  REDDING. 

June,  1778— March,  1779 

ON  the  6th  of  February,  1778,  the  Independence  of  the  United 
States  was  recognized  by  the  King  of  France  in  a  formal  treaty 
which,  among  other  things,  provided  that  neither  party  should 
lay  down  arms  until  the  Independence  of  the  United  States 
should  be  assured  by  Great  Britain  by  its  acknowledgment  in 
a  treaty  at  the  termination  of  the  war.  The  Congress  of  the 
United  States  ratified  the  French  treaty  on  the  4th  of  May, 
and  the  Army  at  Valley  Forge  and  the  garrisons  in  the  High 
lands  celebrated  the  event  with  the  firing  of  cannon  and  shouts 
of  "  Long  Live  the  King  of  France."  On  the  llth  of  May,  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  took  command  of  the  British  forces  in  Phila 
delphia  in  place  of  Sir  William  Howe,  who  shortly  afterwards 
returned  to  England.  The  English  Army  at  this  time  con 
sisted  of  about  thirty-three  thousand  men,  of  which  number, 
nineteen  thousand  five  hundred  were  in  Philadelphia,  ten 
thousand  four  hundred  in  New  York  and  the  remainder  in 
Rhode  Island.  The  American  Army  did  not  exceed  fifteen 
thousand  men,  of  whom  eleven  thousand  eight  hundred  were  at 
Valley  Forge.  The  British  Ministry,  hopeless  of  conquering 
America  by  civilized  warfare,  had  given  secret  instructions  to 
Clinton  "  to  lay  waste  Virginia,  to  attack  Providence,  Boston 
and  all  accessible  ports  between  New  York  and  Nova-Scotia, 
destroying  vessels,  wharfs,  stores  and  materials  for  ship-build 
ing.  At  the  same  time,  the  Indians,  from  Detroit  all  along  the 
frontiers  of  the  West  and  South  to  Florida,  were  to  be  hounded 
on  to  spread  dismay  and  murder.  No  active  operations  at  the 
North  were  expected  except  the  devastation  of  towns  on  the 

187 


188  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

sea  and  raids  of  allied  savages  on  the  border."  Clinton  was 
also  ordered  to  detach  five  thousand  men  for  the  conquest  of 
the  French  island,  St.  Lucia,  and  to  send  three  thousand  more 
to  Florida;  to  evacuate  Philadelphia  and  concentrate  the 
remainder  of  his  army  in  New  York,  this  last  because  of  the 
French  treaty  and  the  knowledge  that  a  squadron  was  fitting 
out  to  blockade  the  British  fleet  in  the  Delaware  River;  but  it 
was  not  until  the  18th  of  June  that  the  evacuation  actually 
took  place.  Learning  of  this  movement,  Washington  imme 
diately  crossed  the  Delaware  with  his  whole  army,  and  threw 
forward  detachments  to  harass  and  delay  the  enemy  on  their 
march.  A  general  engagement  ensued  near  Monmouth  on  the 
28th — one  of  the  hottest  days  in  the  year — which  resulted  in  a 
drawn  battle ;  but  the  Americans  remained  on  the  field  with  the 
intention  of  renewing  the  attack  the  next  day,  while  Clinton 
withdrew  during  the  night,  having  "gained  no  advantage 
except  to  reach  New  York  with  the  wreck  of  his  army." 
Washington  did  not  follow,  but,  marching  to  New  Brunswick, 
moved  thence  very  leisurely  to  the  North  River,  sparing  the 
troops  as  much  as  possible,  and  crossed  at  King's  Ferry. 

On  the  24th,  Parsons  writes  to  his  old  friend  Thomas  Mum- 
ford  at  Groton,  Connecticut,  announcing  the  evacuation  of 
Philadelphia  and  summing  up  in  an  ironical  way  the  meager 
achievements  of  Great  Britain: — 

WEST  POINT,  June  %4,  1778. 

SIR. — By  the  time  this  reaches  you,  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia 
will  be  announced  in  the  Gazette.  The  enemy  took  their  departure 
the  18th  at  sunrising.  We  took  possession  the  same  day,  and  our 
army  is  now  in  Jersey,  where  'tis  probable  they  will  by  to-day  be 
in  close  contact  with  Sir  Harry's  army.  To  the  immortal  honor  of 
Great  Britain,  she  has  expended  nearly  thirty  millions  sterling, 
wasted  her  best  blood,  transported  a  greater  army  than  ever  before 
passed  the  Atlantic;  in  three  campaigns  conquered  the  capitals  of 
five  States;  fought  ten  battles,  lost  one  army  prisoners,  another  by 
death,  and  at  the  opening  of  the  fourth  campaign  may  perhaps 
secure  one  city  strongly  fortified  sufficient  to  cover  an  army  of  twenty 
thousand  men  from  immediate  destruction ;  a  glory  this,  in  which 
she  will  stand  unrivalled  in  fame  by  any  other  nation  in  the  annals 
of  future  ages.  Important  events  will  daily  unfold  which  I  will 
give  you  an  account  of  as  I  shall  have  opportunity.  General  Gates 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      189 

assures  me  he  will  exchange  your  son  as  soon  as  a  flag  goes  in.  The 
money  due  you  for  the  use  of  your  vessel  I  have  paid  to  your  son. 
I  shall  be  happy  to  hear  from  you  when  'tis  convenient. 

I  am  Sac., 
To  Thomas  Mumford.  SAM    H    PARSONS. 

The  entire  force  of  the  enemy,  except  a  few  troops  at  New 
port,  being  encamped  on  "  Long,  Staten  and  York  islands," 
and  likely  to  move,  if  at  all,  either  against  the  Posts  in  the 
Highlands  or  the  Eastern  States,  Washington  selected  White 
Plains  as  the  most  eligible  position  at  which  to  concentrate 
his  army,  whether  for  the  purpose  of  attack  or  defense. 
Arriving  there  about  the  20th  of  July  with  the  main  body  of 
his  army,  he  went  into  camp  near  Chatterton  Hill  and  the  old 
battle  ground  of  1776,  where  he  was  joined  by  all  the  Con 
tinental  regiments  stationed  at  West  Point  and  along  the 
Hudson  under  Gates  and  Putnam.  This  was  the  largest  force 
of  regular  troops  brought  together  in  a  single  encampment 
during  the  war,  "  a  veritable  Continental  Line  composed  of  all 
the  Lines  from  New  Hampshire  to  North  Carolina,  except 
that  of  New  Jersey,  which  was  then  stationed  in  its  own  State." 
In  all,  there  were  sixty  regular  regiments  of  infantry ;  four 
battalions  of  artillery ;  four  regiments  of  cavalry  and  several 
corps  of  State  troops. 

The  following  letter  from  General  Parsons  to  his  friend, 
Thomas  Mumford,  is  interesting  for  its  description  of  the 
camp : — 

WHITE  PLAINS,  27th  July,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — The  army  is  now  united  under  the  command  of  our 
General.  I  assure  you  t'would  afford  you  great  satisfaction  to  see 
them  and  compare  their  situation  with  that  two  years  ago  in  this 
place;  then  an  abject  poor  set  of  mortals  flying  before  a  victorious 
insolent  enemy,  now  in  turn  driving  to  the  Islands  for  shelter  the 
armies  of  that  haughty  Prince  who  in  the  hour  of  victory  breathed 
fire  and  smoke  and  would  be  satisfied  with  nothing  short  of  uncon 
ditional  submission;  prostrate  at  the  feet  of  the  tyrant  and  his 
minister  we  were  to  wait  for  forgiveness  and  mercy;  for  what? 
Not  for  our  crimes,  but  our  virtues.  This  power  has  now  bended 
the  knee  to  the  injured  States  and  in  terms  of  abject  submission 
supplicate  that  subjection  their  arms  cannot  procure  them;  vain 
hopes.  Bribery  and  every  insidious  art  is  now  tried  to  effect  what 


190  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

their  boasted  strength  has  failed  to  procure;  their  measures  are  as 
weak  as  wicked;  the  power  which  rules  by  these  insidious  arts 
cannot  enslave  the  brave  and  free.  We  daily  insult  the  enemy  in 
their  lines.  They  are  strengthening  their  works  and  now  use  the 
same  precautions  we  were  two  years  ago  driven  to;  they  have  beat 
their  spears  into  spades  and  pick-axes  and  their  swords  into  bill 
hooks.  This  is  truly  a  marvellous  change,  and  is  to  be  ascribed  to 
that  just  Being  who  directs  all  events  to  the  best  good  of  mankind. 
Shut  up  on  a  few  Islands,  dispirited  and  sickly,  in  danger  of  famine 
and  unable  to  meet  us  in  the  field,  we  have  nothing  to  do  but  wait 
in  safety  and  with  patience  for  their  destruction  which  is  hastening 
fast  to  overtake  them. 

You  will  hear  of  the  fleet  of  our  allies  before  I  shall,  &  will  be 
able  to  give  me  the  intelligence  I  am  at  present  unable  to  furnish 
you.  I  can  only  say  in  general  our  affairs  appear  in  a  most  pros 
perous  train.  Amidst  all  our  prosperity  I  feel  the  unhappiness 
resulting  from  parting  with  my  most  intimate  friends  &  nearest 
connections;  unexpectedly  to  me,  I  believe  undesired  and  unthought 
of  by  all,  I  have  lost  two  regiments  with  whom  I  was  exceedingly 
happy,  Webb's  and  Sherburne's,  connected  with  the  brigade  by  ten 
months  happy  union,  at  least  on  my  part.  I  feel  as  much  distressed 
as  for  the  safety  of  a  favorite  child.  I  wish  them  honor  and  suc 
cess.  I  am  sure  they  will  not  disgrace  any  officer  who  leads  them 
into  action.  My  compliments  to  Mrs.  Mumford  and  family,  par 
ticularly  to  my  young  friend,  your  son,  and  accept  my  best  wishes 
for  your  welfare.  Yr.  friend  and  obedt.  servt., 

SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 
lo  1  nomas  Mumford. 

On  the  22d  of  July,  Lafayette  was  ordered  to  march  to 
Providence,  Rhode  Island,  with  Glover's  and  Varnum's 
brigades  and  Samuel  B.  Webb's  and  Sherburne's  "  additional 
regiments,"  which  for  the  last  ten  months  had  been  attached 
to  Parsons'  brigade,  and  report  to  Major  General  Sullivan, 
who  was  to  command  the  expedition  against  the  British  in 
Newport.  It  is  the  loss  of  these  two  regiments  from  his 
brigade  for  which  Parsons  expresses  so  much  regret  in  his 
letter  to  Mumford. 

Washington,  writing  from  Camp  White  Plains,  August  21, 
1778,  to  his  friend,  Brigadier  General  Nelson  in  Virginia, 
describes  the  situation  in  almost  the  same  language  as  does 
General  Parsons : — 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       191 

It  is  not  a  little  pleasing,  nor  less  wonderful  to  contemplate, 
that  after  two  years  maneuvering,  and  undergoing  the  strangest 
vicissitudes  that  perhaps  ever  attended  any  one  contest  since  the 
creation,  both  armies  are  brought  back  to  the  very  point  they  set  out 
from,  and  that  the  offending  party,  at  the  beginning,  is  now  reduced 
to  the  use  of  the  spade  and  pickaxe  for  defense.  The  hand  of  Provi 
dence  has  been  so  conspicuous  in  all  this,  that  he  must  be  worse 
than  an  infidel  who  lacks  faith,  and  more  than  wicked  that  has 
not  gratitude  enough  to  acknowledge  his  obligations.  But  it  will 
be  time  enough  for  me  to  turn  preacher  when  my  present  appoint 
ment  ceases ;  and  therefore  I  shall  add  no  more  on  the  doctrine  of 
Providence. 

While  at  this  camp  the  two  Connecticut  brigades  were 
organized  as  they  subsequently  stood  until  January  1,  1781. 
The  First,  commanded  by  Brigadier  General  Parsons,  was  com- 
^posed  of  the  Third,  Fourth,  Sixth  and  Eighth  regiments, 
under  Colonels,  Wyllys,  Durkee,  Meigs  and  Russell.  The 
Second,  commanded  by  Brigadier  General  Huntington,  was 
composed  of  the  First,  Second,  Fifth  and  Seventh  regiments 
under  Colonels  Starr,  Butler,  Bradley  and  Swift. 

On  the  13th  of  July,  1778,  Count  D'Estaing  arrived  off 
Sandy  Hook  with  twelve  ships  of  the  line  and  four  frigates. 
This  fleet  was  designed  to  co-operate  with  the  Americans  in 
any  enterprise  against  the  common  enemy.  No  plan  had,  as 
yet,  been  adopted,  but  only  two  enterprises  seemed  to  present 
themselves,  an  attack  on  New  York  or  Rhode  Island.  The 
Count's  first  wish  was  to  enter  New  York  Bay  and  destroy  all 
the  British  vessels  lying  in  the  harbor,  but  he  was  soon  con 
vinced  by  the  unanimous  testimony  of  experienced  pilots  and 
by  actual  soundings  made  under  his  personal  supervision,  that 
the  channel  was  too  shallow  to  admit  his  largest  ships,  at  least 
without  great  difficulty  and  risk.  Disappointed  in  his  wish, 
on  the  21st,  he  sailed  for  Newport,  arriving  off  Point  Judith 
on  the  29th.  The  reinforcements  under  Lafayette  not  having 
arrived,  the  attack  was  necessarily  delayed  until  the  tenth  of 
August,  but  unfortunately  on  the  9th,  Lord  Howe's  fleet  was 
seen  off  Point  Judith  standing  towards  the  harbor.  The  next 
morning  D'Estaing  went  out  to  meet  him.  A  storm  of  extra 
ordinary  violence  arose  the  following  night  scattering  and 


192  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

seriously  damaging  both  fleets.  The  French  did  not  appear 
again  until  the  20th,  when  Greene  and  Lafayette  went  on  board 
the  flag  ship  and  endeavored  to  persuade  D'Estaing  to  again 
unite  in  an  attack  on  the  enemy,  but  without  effect.  The 
whole  fleet  sailed  from  Rhode  Island  to  Boston  harbor  to 
refit.  Sullivan,  in  consequence,  on  the  28th,  withdrew  to  the 
north  part  of  the  Island.  Pursued  by  the  enemy,  a  severe 
engagement  took  place  the  next  day  at  Quaker  Hill,  in  which 
the  Americans  held  their  ground  until  night,  when  they  crossed 
to  the  main  land.  Webb's  regiment,  then  in  Lafayette's  com 
mand,  was  engaged  in  this  battle,  and  by  its  steadiness  and 
good  conduct  reflected  great  credit  upon  Parsons'  brigade 
from  which  it  had  been  detached.  The  failure  of  this  enter 
prise  was  most  unfortunate,  for,  as  Washington  wrote  his 
brother,  John  Augustine,  on  the  23d  of  September,  "  if  the 
garrison  at  that  place,  consisting  of  nearly  six  thousand  men, 
had  been  captured,  as  there  was,  in  appearance  at  least,  a 
hundred  to  one  in  favor  of  it,  it  would  have  given  the  finish 
ing  blow  to  British  pretensions  of  sovereignty  over  this  country, 
and  would,  I  am  persuaded,  have  hastened  the  departure  of 
the  troops  in  New  York,  as  fast  as  their  canvas  wings  could 
carry  them  away." 

August  llth,  at  a  meeting  of  the  Governor  and  Council  of 
Connecticut,  a  letter  from  General  Parsons,  dated  New  Haven 
August  8th,  stating  that  Washington  was  desirous  to  collect 
whale  boats  to  transport  one  thousand  men,  &c.,  was  considered, 
and  the  request  contained  in  the  letter,  granted. 

On  the  28th,  Washington  wrote  Sullivan : — "  I  yesterday 
received  information  from  Long  Island  that  looks  like  a  great 
and  general  move  among  the  British  army.  The  real  intent  I 
have  not  been  able  to  learn." 

Camp  White- Plains,  August  24,  Parsons  writes  to  his  wife 
news  just  received  from  his  son,  William  Walter: — "Billy 
is  at  Norwalk.  He  has  been  over  on  Long  Island  and  behaved 
as  a  good  soldier."  While  there,  the  boy,  then  only  sixteen, 
had  interviewed  Colonel  Webb  and  other  prisoners,  and 
brought  home  to  his  father  valuable  information  in  regard  to 
the  movements  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  his  troops  and  his  vessels, 
which  the  General,  on  the  29th,  reported  to  Washington. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      193 

Writing  September  23,  to  his  brother,  Washington  con 
fides  to  him  his  perplexity  as  to  the  intentions  of  the  enemy: — 

What  their  present  designs  are,  I  know  not.  They  are  busily 
preparing,  however,  for  something.  Whether  to  operate  against 
our  Posts  in  the  Highlands  and  this  Army,,  whether  for  a  remove 
eastwardly,  and  by  a  junction  of  their  land  and  naval  forces,  to 
attempt  the  destruction  of  the  French  fleet  at  Boston  and  the  re 
possession  of  that  town,  or  whether  to  leave  us  altogether  for  the 
purpose  of  reinforcing  Canada,  are  matters  yet  to  be  determined. 
There  are  but  two  capital  objects  which  the  enemy  can 
have  in  view,  except  the  defeat  and  dispersion  of  this  Army,  and 
those  are,  the  possession  of  the  fortifications  in  the  Highlands,  by 
which  means  the  communication  between  the  eastern  and  southern 
States  would  be  cut  off,  and  the  destruction  of  the  French  fleet  at 
Boston. 

Unaware  of  the  secret  instructions  to  Clinton  to  send  five 
thousand  men  to  St.  Lucia  and  three  thousand  to  Florida,  the 
knowledge  of  which  would  have  explained  the  mystery  of  the 
unusual  activity  in  New  York,  Washington,  in  September  pro 
ceeded  to  break  up  his  camp  at  White  Plains  and  dispose  his 
troops  so  as  to  counteract  most  effectually  what  appeared  to 
be  the  designs  of  the  enemy.  On  the  llth,  General  Gates,  who 
was  to  command  at  the  eastward,  marched  with  one  division  of 
the  left  Wing  towards  Danbury.  On  the  16th,  the  remainder 
of  the  army  left  White  Plains  pursuant  to  the  following  order 
from  the  Commander-in-Chief : — 

HEADQUARTERS,  WHITE  PLAINS,  Tuesday,  September  15th,  1778. 
Parole:  Dunkirk.     Countersign:  Dresden-Danbury. 
After  Orders,  September  15th,  1778. 

1st.  The  whole  Army  will  march  to-morrow  morning  at  seven 
o'clock.  The  generate  will  beat  at  five;  the  troop  at  six  and  the 
march  at  seven  precisely. 

2d.  The  baggage  will  precede  the  troops  the  first  day.  Pro 
vision  and  forage  wagons  going  in  the  front. 

3d.  The  Park  of  Artillery  will  march  with  the  Second  Line  be 
tween  Parsons'  and  Clinton's  brigades. 

4th.  The  Commander-in-Chief 's  baggage  with  the  baggage  of  all 
the  General  Staff  and  Flying  Hospital,  are  also  to  march  with  the 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Second  Line  in  the  order  which  will  be  particularly  pointed  out  by 
the  Quartermaster-General. 

5th.  The  Quartermaster  and  Commissary-General  will  divide  the 
stores  in  their  respective  departments  to  the  several  columns,  which 
will  lead  the  columns  of  baggage. 

6th.  Col.  Sheldon  with  all  the  cavalry  on  the  east  side  of  the 
North  River  will  join  General  Scott. 

7th.  The  Quartermaster-General  will  give  the  particular  order 
of  march  to  be  observed  by  each  division. 

8th.      The  troops  are  to  be  furnished  with  three  days   bread. 

As  appears  by  Washington's  letter  to  the  President  of  Con 
gress,  written  from  Fredericksburgh  September  23,  stating 
the  position  of  the  Army  at  that  time,  the  right  wing  took 
position  in  the  Highlands,  the  part  under  Putnam,  composed 
of  three  Virginia  brigades,  encamping  at  Robinson's,  opposite 
West  Point,  and  the  part  under  DeKalb,  composed  of  the  two 
Maryland  brigades,  at  Fishkill  Plains,  about  ten  miles  east 
of  the  village  on  the  Sharon  Road.  This  reinforcement,  which 
made  the  force  on  the  Hudson  about  equal  to  that  of  Clinton 
in  New  York,  was  thought  to  be  sufficient  to  secure  the  com 
munication  across  the  river,  the  safety  of  which  was  partic 
ularly  important  at  this  time,  almost  all  our  supplies  of  flour 
and  a  great  part  of  our  meat  being  drawn  from  the  west  side. 
The  Second  Line  of  the  Army,  composed  of  the  two  Con 
necticut,  one  New  York  and  two  Pennsylvania  brigades,  under 
the  command  of  General  Lord  Stirling,  encamped  in  the 
Fredericksburgh  Precinct  (now  included  in  the  present  towns 
of  Patterson,  Carmel  and  Kent  in  Putnam  County),  not  far 
from  the  borders  of  Connecticut.  In  this  Precinct  Washing 
ton  established  his  Headquarters.  The  remaining  division  of 
the  left  wing  joined  Gates  at  Danbury,  where  now  was 
encamped  under  his  command  the  entire  left  wing  of  the 
Army,  composed  of  one  New  Hampshire,  one  North  Carolina 
and  three  Massachusetts  brigades. 

October  16,  upon  his  arrival  at  Fredericksburgh,  Wash 
ington  held  a  Council,  at  which  he  submitted  to  the  generals 
present,  among  them  Parsons  and  Steuben,  a  series  of  ques 
tions  on  which  he  desired  their  opinions.  The  following  are 
the  minutes  of  the  Council: — 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      195 

At  a  Council  of  War  held  at  Fredericksburgh,  Oct.  16,  1778. 

The  Commander-in-Chief  informs  the  Council  that  the  enemy's 
whole  force  in  these  States  continues  in  two  principal  divisions,  one 
at  New  York  and  dependencies,  consisting  of  about  1 3,000 ;  the  other 
at  Rhode  Island,  consisting  of  3000;  that  a  considerable  detach 
ment  from  the  former,  sent  three  or  four  weeks  since  into  Bergen 
County  in  the  Jerseys,  has  hitherto  been  employed  in  a  forage; 
part  are  said  to  have  lately  returned  and  the  remainder,  it  is  given 
out,  intend  to  cut  a  quantity  of  wood  before  they  leave  the  Jerseys ; 
that  their  fleet  was  still  in  the  harbor  of  New  York  the  Qth  instant, 
and  rumored  to  intend  sailing  shortly  for  Boston;  that  the  general 
current  intelligence  from  New  York  indicates  preparations  to  be  in 
readiness  to  leave  that  Port,  and  more  particularly  a  design  of 
making  a  considerable  detachment  generally  supposed  for  the  West 
Indies,  the  number  mentioned  from  ten  to  fifteen  regiments,  which 
are  reported  to  have  been  filled  up  by  the  reduction  of  some  other 
regiments;  that  an  officer  of  ours,  a  prisoner  with  the  enemy  just 
exchanged,  brings  an  account  of  the  actual  debarkation  of  a  large 
body  of  troops  on  Saturday  night  and  Sunday  last,  said  to  be  des 
tined  southward,  of  which,  however,  no  confirmation  has  been  re 
ceived  from  any  quarter. 

That  our  whole  force  in  this  quarter  is  about  -  —  rank  and 
file  fit  for  duty,  including  two  brigades  in  the  Jerseys  and  the  gar 
rison  at  West  Point,  a  considerable  part  of  which  has  completed 
and  will  soon  complete  the  term  of  service  for  which  they  are 
engaged;  that  General  Sullivan  has  under  his  command  at  Provi 
dence  about Continental  and  State. 

From  this  state  of  facts  and  under  these  circumstances,  the  Com 
mander-in-Chief  requests  the  opinion  of  the  Council,  whether  it  will 
be  prudent  and  advisable  to  make  a  detachment  of  the  main  army 
towards  Boston  and  of  what  force. 

He  further  informs  the  Council  he  has  been  impatiently  waiting 
for  the  movements  of  the  enemy  to  ascertain  their  intentions  for  the 
winter,  in  order  to  enable  him  to  better  judge  of  a  proper  disposi 
tion  of  the  Army  in  winter  quarters,  but  the  uncertainty  in  which 
their  designs  still  continue  involved,  and  the  advanced  season  of  the 
year,  will  no  longer  admit  of  delay  in  fixing  upon  a  plan  for  this 
important  purpose.  He,  therefore,  requests  the  advice  of  the  Council 
on  the  following  points ;  whether  the  army  shall  be  held  in  a  collected 
state  during  the  winter  and  where;  whether  it  shall  be  distributed 
into  cantonments  and  in  what  particular  manner;  what  precautions 
shall  be  adopted  in  either  case  to  shelter  the  troops  and  procure  sub 
sistence  and  forage. 


196  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

He  observes,  that  in  determining  these  questions,  the  considera 
tions  principally  to  be  attended  to  are — the  actual  strength  and 
situation  and  the  probable  designs  of  the  enemy,  the  security,  good 
government  and  discipline  of  the  Army,  the  difficulties  of  subsistence 
and  accommodation,  the  protection  of  the  country,  the  support  of 
our  important  Posts,  the  relations  proper  to  be  preserved  with  the 
French  fleet,  considering  the  degree  of  probability  of  its  remaining 
where  it  now  is,  and  of  a  winter  operation  against  it,  and  the  occa 
sional  succor  it  may  desire  from  the  troops  under  General  Sullivan 
and  from  the  militia  of  the  country. 

The  following  is  Parsons'  opinion  in  full,  in  answer  to  the 
queries  submitted  to  the  Council,  and  also  to  other  questions 
contained  in  letters  to  him  from  Washington,  of  October  14th 
and  15th.  It  was  evidently  well  considered,  not  only  from  a 
military  but  from  a  political  standpoint,  and  gives  a  favorable 
impression  of  the  abilities  of  General  Parsons,  both  as  soldier 
and  statesman:- — 

CAMP,  October  17th,  1778. 

SIR. — The  march  of  part  of  the  troops  towards  Boston  being 
determined,  it  only  remains  for  me  to  give  my  opinion  in  what 
manner  the  Army  shall  be  disposed  during  the  winter,  and  how  they 
are  to  be  provided  with  forage  and  provisions. 

The  security,  good  government  and  discipline  of  the  troops  will 
be  best  attained  and  promoted  in  a  compact  body,  and  bread  will  be 
easier  supplied  in  a  station  near  the  North  River  than  in  any  other 
position,  and  no  other  position  will  so  effectually  secure  our  impor 
tant  Posts  near  that  River.  Forage  will  be  provided  with  greater 
ease  and  at  less  expense  in  a  dispersed  than  a  compact  situation.  I 
imagine  the  greater  part  of  the  meat  consumed  in  the  winter  will  be 
salted,  the  grass  fed  beef  will  soon  be  expended,  and  the  stall  fed 
beef  will  not  be  furnished  in  great  quantities  until  near  the  close  of 
the  winter;  if  this  should  be  the  case,  the  expense  of  carriage  will  be 
less  in  a  dispersed  than  a  united  situation. 

On  the  whole  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  about  six  or  seven  thousand 
men  should  be  kept  in  a  collected  body  at  or  near  Fishkill,  which, 
with  the  assistance  of  the  militia,  will  be  able  to  defend  these  passes 
against  any  force  the  enemy  can  bring  against  them  before  the  whole 
army  might  again  be  united ;  that  about  one  thousand  be  posted  in  the 
garrison  at  West  Point,  about  three  thousand  at  or  near  the  Clove  on 
the  west  side  Hudson's  River,  and  the  remainder,  about  two  thou 
sand,  not  far  from  Danbury  or  Ridgefield,  or  in  that  proportion 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      197 

should  the  army  be  more  or  less  numerous  after  the  first  of  January, 
by  which  time  the  term  of  service  of  many  in  the  army  expires. 
These  Posts  will  be  so  far  removed  from  the  enemy  as  to  be  secure 
against  any  sudden  attack  of  the  enemy,  and  will  enable  them  with 
safety  to  send  off  most  of  their  horses  and  cattle.  The  guards  for 
preserving  the  passage  by  King's  Ferry  to  the  Southern  from  the 
Eastern  States  may  be  furnished  from  Fishkill;  and  the  intermediate 
guards  necessary,  from  Danbury  and  the  Clove. 

The  Post  at  Danbury  may  furnish  guards  on  the  sea  coast  to  pre 
vent  incursions  of  small  parties  of  the  enemy  to  desolate  their  towns 
or  pillage  their  property,  and  although  no  protection  can  be  afforded 
the  towns  on  the  sea  coast  sufficient  to  prevent  their  destruction  by  a 
large  detachment  of  the  enemy,  yet  a  protection  from  the  incursions 
of  small  parties  will  be  a  great  relief  to  the  inhabitants ;  and  a  body 
of  troops  stationed  near  the  coasts  may  probably  prevent  the  enemy 
from  making  those  attempts  which  otherwise  would  be  made. 

But  a  reason  which  has  great  weight  in  my  mind,  is  the  great  dis 
satisfaction  which  will  be  given  the  Country  if  this  measure  is  not 
pursued.  I  cannot  omit  again  expressing  to  your  Excellency  my 
fears  that  the  present  temper  of  the  Country,  the  discontent  and 
increasing  uneasiness  of  the  army,  the  depreciated  state  of  our  cur 
rency  and  other  causes  not  necessary  to  enumerate,  afford  the  enemy 
a  fair  opportunity  to  plunge  us  into  inextricable  ruin  and  destruction. 
If  these  fears  are  justly  grounded,  great  attention  ought  to  be  paid 
to  the  inclinations  and  wishes  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  States,  as 
one  mode  of  preventing  those  consequences  which  may  follow  from 
the  present  state  of  the  Country. 

This  disposition  of  the  Army  is  sufficiently  numerous  in  every 
part  to  keep  up  regular  discipline,  and  in  case  of  an  attack  may  soon 
be  supported;  and  will  serve  as  a  nucleus  to  which  the  militia  will 
gather,  and  with  whom  they  will  be  able  to  make  an  effectual  opposi 
tion  to  any  detachment  the  enemy  can  send. 

I  am  &c., 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS, 
To  General  Washington.  Brigadier  General. 

On  the  16th,  the  following  order  was  issued  from  Head 
quarters  at  Fredericksburgh : — 

To-morrow  being  the  anniversary  of  the  surrender  of  General 
Burgoyne  and  his  troops  to  the  American  Army  under  the  command 
of  General  Gates,  it  will  be  commemorated  by  the  firing  of  thirteen 
cannon  from  the  Park  of  Artillery,  at  12  o'clock. 


198  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

The  firing  of  the  salute  was  followed  by  a  grand  parade  and 
festival. 

Having  received  advices  that  the  British  fleet  left  Sandy 
Hook  on  the  19th  and  20th  of  October,  and  apprehensive  that 
its  destination  was  Boston  Harbor  and  D'Estaing's  fleet, 
Washington  directed  General  Gates,  then  at  Danbury,  to  pro 
ceed  to  Hartford  and  take  command  of  three  brigades  which 
would  be  immediately  sent  to  him  at  that  place,  and  to  go  to 
Boston  in  case  it  should  prove  that  the  enemy's  fleet  had  sailed 
in  that  direction.  Fatigue  parties  were  sent  forward  to 
repair  the  roads  through  Connecticut,  that  there  might  be  no 
delay  in  the  passage  of  the  troops.  On  the  22d,  General 
McDougall  was  ordered  to  march  to  Hartford  with  the  three 
brigades  composing  his  Division,  and  join  General  Gates.  The 
following  is  the  marching  order  issued  to  the  Division,  which, 
on  the  19th,  had  been  directed  "  to  hold  itself  in  readiness  to 
march  at  a  moments  warning : " 

HEADQUARTERS,  FREDERICKSBURGH,  Thursday,  October  22,  1778. 

Parole,  Rhode  Island.     Countersigns,  Rupert;  Rehobeth. 

Nixon's,  Huntington's  and  Parsons'  brigade  are  to  march  at  seven 
o'clock  to-morrow  morning  from  the  left,  under  the  command  of 
Major  General  McDougall.  The  Quartermaster  General  will  give 
the  route. 

On  the  25th,  the  Division  reached  New  Milford  in  Litch- 
field  County,  Connecticut,  where  it  was  overtaken  by  directions 
to  halt  there  until  further  orders,  news  having  been  received 
that  the  fleet  which  sailed  from  the  Hook  contained  only  the 
invalids  of  the  Army  and  a  few  passengers  and  supernumerary 
officers,  and  that  the  main  fleet  and  the  transports,  on  board 
which  were  the  troops,  were  still  in  the  Harbor;  upon  which, 
General  McDougall  issued  the  following  division  order: — 

CAMP,  NEW  MILFORD,  October  26,  1778. 

"  His  Excellency,  the  Commander-in-Chief,  has  directed  the 
troops  to  remain  here  until  further  orders,  and  be  in  readiness  to 
march  at  the  shortest  notice  as  circumstances  shall  require.  While 
the  Division  is  reposed,  two  days  bread  will  be  on  store  continually- 
baked." 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      199 

In  the  meantime  General  Gates  was  sent  to  Boston  to  take 
command  of  the  Eastern  Department.  Thus  for  four  months 
was  Washington  kept  guessing  the  intentions  of  Clinton,  when, 
as  it  turned  out,  he  had  never  entertained  designs  against 
either  the  French  fleet  or  the  Highlands,  and  that  his  force  was 
so  weakened  by  the  detachment  of  nine  thousand  troops  for 
foreign  service,  as  to  be  incapable  of  any  important  operation. 
His  only  hostile  movements  during  all  this  time,  aside  from  for 
aging  expeditions  into  New  Jersey,  were  General  Grey's  raid 
on  the  towns  around  Buzzard's  Bay,  when  a  large  amount  of 
property  was  destroyed  in  New  Bedford,  and  Colonel  Camp 
bell's  expedition  into  Georgia,  resulting  in  the  capture  of 
Savannah. 

While  McDougall's  division  was  held  in  camp  at  "  Second 
Hills,  three  miles  from  New  Milford,"  being  "  in  a  disagreeable 
state  of  suspense,  out  of  the  route  of  the  Post  and  every  intel 
ligence  which  can  be  relied  on,  and  with  no  great  society, 
Generals  Parsons  and  Huntington  not  being  with  their  brig 
ades,"  General  McDougall  writes,  November  5th,  to  Governor 
Clinton,  expressing  pretty  freely  his  opinion  of  General 
Gates : 

General  Gates  I  understand  has  gone  to  command  at  Boston.  I 
know  he  was  exceedingly  impatient  under  command,  and,  from  his 
known  temper,  I  suspect  he  prefers  being  the  first  man  of  a  village 
to  the  second  in  Rome.  He  has  but  little  to  do  there;  but  the 
service  will  not  suffer  by  his  being  at  a  Post  of  ease  and  security.  I 
could  hardly  believe  he  was  so  extremely  credulous  as  I  found  him 
to  be.  He  is  the  most  so  in  his  profession  of  any  man  I  ever  knew 
who  had  seen  so  much  service.  He  has  the  weakest  mind  to  combine 
circumstances  to  form  a  judgement,  of  any  man  I  ever  knew  of  his 
plausible  and  specious  appearance.  In  short,  Sir,  he  is  as  weak  as 
water.  His  whole  fort  lies  in  a  little  routine  of  detail  of  duty,  and  a 
perfect  knowledge  of  the  English  corrupt  Nobility.  The  Lord  of 
Hosts  have  mercy  on  that  army  whose  movements  must  depend  on 
his  combination  of  military  demonstrations  of  an  enemy.  God  avert 
so  great  a  Judgement  to  America  as  his  having  the  chief  command 
of  her  armies.  It's  fortunate  for  America  Gen.  Burgoyne  was  so 
rash  as  to  put  himself  in  the  position  he  did,  and  that  there  was  no 
other  route  for  him  to  Albany  but  the  one  he  took,  or  he  would  not 
have  been  an  American  prisoner. 


200  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

This  being  McDougall's  first  experience  with  a  Yankee  Divi 
sion  on  the  march,  he  thinks  the  Governor  would  have  been  as 
much  entertained,  as  he  was,  by  the  sudden  and  surprising  im 
provement  in  their  conduct,  shown  by  the  Connecticut  troops 
upon  reaching  the  Connecticut  border.  "  They  had  been  so 
wantonly  destructive  of  fences  and  other  property  on  the 
march,"  he  writes,  "  that  I  determined  to  end  it  and  issued  very 
explicit  and  stringent  orders  for  the  purpose — orders  which 
the  officers  in  Huntington's  brigade  in  conversation  with  me, 
with  very  grave  faces  observed,  were  exceedingly  proper  and 
necessary  and  must  be  obeyed;  for  they  were  now  going  among 
their  own  people  who  would  think  the  Devil  had  got  into  the 
army  if  these  prudent  orders  were  violated.  You  may  be  sure 
I  concurred  with  them  and  added,  that  I  would  personally  have 
no  trouble  with  the  transgressors,  but  should  turn  them  over  to 
the  civil  authorities  to  be  dealt  with.  The  consequence  has 
been  that  not  a  single  panel  of  fence  has  been  burned  on  the 
march  or  since  we  encamped.  The  truth  is,  they  are  much  in 
awe  of  the  civil  authorities  and  fear  for  their  reputation  at 
home.  Their  countrymen  would  indeed  conclude  the  Devil  was 
in  them  if  they  had  conducted  as  they  have  done  in  the  army 
and  in  other  places." 

While  in  Middletown,  Connecticut,  on  leave  for  the  purpose 
of  attending  to  his  private  business,  General  Parsons  writes  to 
General  Washington,  as  follows : 

MIDDLETOWN,  October  29th,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. —  ...  I  find  my  affairs  will  require  my  continu 
ing  in  this  State  most  of  the  ensuing  winter.  Since  I  hear  nothing 
from  Congress,  I  imagine  my  resignation  is  laid  by  with  other  papers. 
If  any  troops  are  quartered  within  this  State,  I  shall  be  much  obliged 
by  your  Excellency  ordering  my  brigade  for  this  purpose.  I  wish 
to  be  with  the  troops  under  my  command,  and,  should  they  be  quar 
tered  in  this  State,  I  could  attend  to  the  settlement  of  my  own  affairs 
without  neglecting  the  duties  of  my  office.  I  propose  to  be  at  Camp 
next  week  if  the  troops  do  not  sooner  move  this  way. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Washington.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

While    on    duty   at    Horseneck   near   the    Sound   during   the 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      201 

month  of  November,  Parsons  writes  to  General  Washington 
the  16th,  19th  and  23d.  On  the  16th  he  says:—"  I  am  obliged 
to  continue  a  few  days  longer  on  the  sea  coast  before  returning 
to  camp.  Small  parties  of  the  enemy  exceedingly  distress  the 
inhabitants  in  this  vicinity.  If  a  brigade  could  be  posted  near 
the  coast,  it  would  be  of  great  service.  Fifteen  hundred  to  two 
thousand  men  would  be  sufficient."  He  hopes  to  be  in  camp  by 
the  end  of  the  week  and  asks  to  have  his  brigade  quartered  in 
or  near  this  State.  On  the  19th  he  reports  information  brought 
by  Captains  Lockwood  and  Leavenworth  from  Long  Island,  and 
states  that  he  expects  information  from  spies  in  New  York, 
which  he  reports  in  his  letter  of  the  23d. 

In  a  letter  to  Congress,  dated  November  27,  1778,  Washing 
ton  writes : — "  I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  Congress  that  the 
whole  Army,  one  brigade  and  the  light  corps  excepted,  is  now 
in  motion  to  the  places  of  the  respective  cantonments  for  winter 
quarters."  Its  disposition  in  the  several  quarters,  he  states  in 
the  same  letter  will  be  as  follows: — 

Nine  brigades  will  be  stationed  on  the  west  side  of  Hudson's 
River,  exclusive  of  the  garrison  at  West  Point;  one  of  which,  the 
North  Carolina  brigade,  will  be  near  Smith's  Clove  for  the  security 
of  that  pass  and  as  a  reinforcement  to  West  Point  in  case  of  neces 
sity;  another,  the  Jersey  brigade,  will  be  at  Elizabethtown  to  cover 
the  lower  part  of  New  Jersey;  and  the  other  seven,  consisting  of  the 
Virginia,  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  troops,  will  be  at  Middle- 
brook.  Six  brigades  will  be  left  on  the  east  side  of  the  River  and  at 
West  Point;  three  of  which  (of  the  Massachusetts  troops)  will  be 
stationed  for  the  immediate  defense  of  the  Highlands;  one  at  West 
Point  in  addition  to  the  garrison  already  there;  and  the  other  two 
at  Fishkill  and  the  Continental  Village.  The  three  remaining  bri 
gades,  composed  of  the  New  Hampshire  and  Connecticut  troops  and 
Hazen's  regiment,  will  be  posted  in  the  vicinity  of  Danbury  for  the 
protection  of  the  country  lying  along  the  Sound,  to  cover  our  maga 
zines  on  the  Connecticut  River,  and  to  aid  the  Highlands  in  case  of 
any  serious  movement  of  the  enemy  that  way.  General  Putnam  will 
command  at  Danbury,  General  McDougall  in  the  Highlands  and  my 
own  quarters  will  be  in  the  Jerseys  in  the  neighborhood  of  Middle- 
brook. 

The  close  of  the  fourth  year  of  the  war  found  the  British 


202  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

practically  prisoners  on  Rhode  and  New  York  Islands,  their 
fleet  furnishing  them  the  only  means  of  escape.  The  Ameri 
cans,  on  the  other  hand,  not  only  held  what  they  had  recovered 
from  the  enemy,  but  they  had  gained  in  military  knowedge 
and  experience  and  had  more  than  doubled  their  strength  and 
prestige  by  their  alliance  with  France. 

November  13,  General  McDougall  having  obtained  leave 
of  absence  for  a  few  days,  the  command  of  the  Division  devolved 
temporarily  on  General  Huntington,  General  Parsons  not  hav 
ing  yet  returned  to  camp.  On  the  19th,  pursuant  to  the  fol 
lowing  order,  the  Division  broke  camp  and  marched  under  the 
command  of  General  McDougall,  to  Danbury: — 

CAMP  SECOND  HILL,  November  18,  1778. 

The  division  marches  to  morrow  (Thursday)  for  Danbury.  The 
generate  beats  at  four  o'clock  and  the  troop  at  five,  when  the  inarch 
will  begin.  General  Nixon's  brigade  goes  by  the  new  bridge  through 
Newtown.  Invalids  are  to  be  sent  forward  this  day  under  careful 
officers.  Parsons'  brigade  leads,  marching  by  the  right  and  advances 
a  sufficient  van-guard.  Huntington's  brigade  furnishes  a  rear-guard 
under  the  command  of  a  vigilant  officer  to  pick  up  all  stragglers.  The 
wagons  follow  the  brigade  to  which  they  belong.  Each  brigade  will 
have  a  field  officer  or  captain  to  superintend  the  order  of  march  and 
correct  all  abuses  on  the  spot.  The  Forage  Masters,  as  soon  as  they 
have  completed  their  duty  on  the  old  ground,  will  go  forward  and 
make  provision.  Provisions  for  the  troops  are  to  be  drawn  imme 
diately  and  dressed  for  Thursday  and  Friday  at  least.  All  the 
guards  are  to  carry  their  own  packs.  One  sentinel  to  each  baggage 
wagon  is  sufficient. 

The  Division  remained  at  Danbury  until  Sunday,  the  22d, 
when,  in  obedience  to  the  following  order,  Parsons'  brigade, 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Samuel  Wyllys,  marched  back 
to  Fredericksburgh : — 

CAMP  NEAR  DANBURY,  November  21st,  1778. 

In  consequence  of  orders  received  from  Headquarters,  General 
Parsons'  brigade  will  march  to-morrow  morning  at  seven  o'clock.  No 
baggage  will  be  carried  except  tents  and  cooking  utensils ;  the  chests 
and  other  heavy  baggage  will  be  left  under  a  proper  guard  at  Mr. 
Starrs,  as  the  brigade  is  likely  to  return  in  a  few  days.  No  straw 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      203 

will  be  burned  on  any  account.  The  generale  will  beat  at  six  o'clock, 
the  troop  at  seven,  when  the  march  will  begin.  The  commanding 
officers  of  regiments  will  see  that  no  more  tents  are  carried  than  suffi 
cient  to  cover  the  men  they  march.  Those  men  that  are  least  able  to 
march  will  be  left  behind  as  a  baggage  guard. 

The  brigade  camped  for  the  night  at  Southeast  Precinct 
in  Putnam  County,  and  on  the  23d,  reached  Fredericksburgh, 
when  the  following  brigade  order  was  issued : — 

The  commanding  officer  of  the  brigade  directs  the  commanding 
officers  of  the  regiments  and  companies,  respectively  to  pay  atten 
tion  to  the  men  that  they  are  comfortable  in  their  tents ;  that  the  rolls 
are  called  punctually  and  all  the  men  accounted  for.  That  no  inj  ury 
is  done  to  the  inhabitants  by  burning  fences  and  carrying  off  hay 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  Quartermaster. 

The  apparent  reason  for  this  unexpected  recall  of  Parsons' 
brigade,  was  the  departure  of  the  two  Pennsylvania  brigades 
for  Middlebrook,  pursuant  to  the  following  order,  leaving  only 
General  James  Clinton's  brigade  of  New  York  troops  in 
camp : — 

HEADQUARTERS,  November  2Jf.th,  1778. 

Parole,  Nassau.     Countersign,  Natick,  Needham. 

The  Pennsylvania  Line  and  Park  of  artillery  will  march  to  mor 
row  morning  at  nine  o'clock,  the  stores  and  baggage  of  the  Flying 
Hospital  and  General  Staff  to  move  with  them. 

Washington  must  have  left  Fredericksburgh  with  these  troops 
or  very  soon  after,  as  the  last  order  from  Headquarters  was 
dated  November  27  and  he  arrived  at  Elizabethtown  in  New 
Jersey,  December  3. 

The  brigade  seems  to  have  had  very  little  to  occupy  it  during 
its  stay  at  Fredericksburgh  aside  from  a  court-martial  held 
the  28th  for  the  trial  of  minor  offenses.  December  1,  pur 
suant  to  the  brigade  orders  of  the  previous  day,  the  brigade 
commenced  its  return  march,  "  leaving  the  old  General's  and 
Commissary's  Guard  unrelieved,  the  new  guard  to  remain  on 
the  ground  until  the  troops  and  baggage  have  moved  off,  and 
then  to  follow  in  the  rear  to  pick  up  the  stragglers."  Its 
camp  the  first  night  was  at  Southeast  Precinct  and  the  second 


204  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

at  Danbury.  On  the  third  it  reached  its  destination,  the  little 
town  of  Redding  which  had  been  selected  for  the  winter  quar 
ters  of  the  Division.  About  December  1,  General  Putnam 
relieved  General  McDougall,  who  thereupon  went  to  Peekskill 
to  take  command  in  the  Highlands. 

Early  in  November,  General  Putnam  had  fixed  upon  three 
sites  for  the  proposed  camps,  one  for  each  of  the  two  Con 
necticut  brigades  and  one  for  Hazen's  regiment  and  Poor's 
New  Hampshire  brigade.  The  site  for  Parsons'  camp  was 
well  located  on  what  was  known  as  Redding  Ridge  and  conven 
ient  both  to  wood  and  running  water.  The  brigade  orders  of 
December  4,  gave  minute  directions  for  laying  out  the  camp : — 

The  huts  are  to  be  built  14  by  16  between  joints  with  logs 
'  duftailed  '  together ;  the  door  towards  the  brook  at  one  end  and  the 
chimney  at  the  other ;  the  square  of  the  hut  must  be  six  feet  high  at 
least  before  the  roof  comes  on;  the  gable  ends  must  be  contracted 
until  they  come  to  a  proper  point;  the  ribs  of  the  roof  serving  to 
form  the  roof  proper  for  shingling.  The  huts  to  be  built  in  two  rows 
with  eight  feet  distance  between  them,  agreeable  to  our  present  mode 
of  encamping.  Col.  Wyllys'  regiment  to  occupy  28  rods  in  front; 
Col.  Meigs'  regiment  30 ;  the  other  two  regiments  1 5  rods  each ;  the 
Quartermaster  of  each  regiment  must  be  particularly  careful  to  see 
the  ground  properly  staked  out  for  each  hut  to  be  built  on.  The 
officer's  huts  of  each  regiment  must  be  built  in  a  regular  line  at  about 
16  feet  distance  from  the  rear  line  of  the  soldiers.  The  Quarter 
masters  of  the  several  regiments  of  the  brigade  will  run  lines  and 
mark  trees  between  the  grounds  both  in  front  and  rear  of  their 
respective  regiments,  so  as  to  secure  the  wood  and  timber  properly 
belonging  to  each.  An  officer  of  each  regiment  must  be  appointed 
to  superintend  the  hutting  of  the  regiment  to  which  he  belongs.  The 
brigade  Quartermaster  will  make  an  equal  distribution  of  tools  and 
utensils  necessary  for  hutting.  Major  Smith  will  superintend  the 
hutting  of  the  whole  brigade  and  see  that  the  foregoing  order  is  par 
ticularly  attended  to. 

General  Parsons  established  his  headquarters  on  Redding 
Ridge  and,  about  the  middle  of  the  month,  moved  his  family 
there  to  a  house  on  the  main  road  not  far  from  the  Episcopal 
Church.  The  location  proved  so  satisfactory  that  he  continued 
to  reside  there  until  December,  1781,  when  he  removed  to  Mid- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      205 

dletovvn.      December    17,   by    an    order    from    Division    Head 
quarters,  the  following  changes  were  made  in  Parsons'  staff: — 

Quartermaster  Belding  of  the  First  Connecticut  Brigade,  is 
appointed  Quartermaster  of  Division  and  is  to  do  that  duty  till 
further  orders. 

David  Humphreys  Esq.,  late  Brigade  Major  to  General  Parsons 
is  appointed  Aid-de-Camp  to  Major  General  Putnam  till  further 
orders  and  is  to  be  regarded  and  obeyed  as  such. 

Captain  Champion  is  to  do  the  duty  of  Brigade  Major  to  Briga 
dier  General  Parsons  till  further  orders  and  is  to  be  obeyed  accord 
ingly. 

Lieut.  Judson  of  the  Eighth  Connecticut  Regiment,  is  appointed 
Quartermaster  to  General  Parsons'  brigade  till  further  orders. 

Humphreys  remained  with  General  Putnam  until  the  spring 
of  1780,  when  he  served  for  a  few  weeks  on  General  Greene's 
staff,  and  on  the  23d  of  June  was  appointed  Aid-de-Camp  to 
General  Washington. 

Redding,  December  27,  1778,  Parsons  issued  the  following 
order  to  his  brigade: — 

The  General  of  the  brigade  informs  the  officers  and  soldiers  that 
he  has  used  every  possible  method  to  supply  flour  or  bread  to  the 
brigade.  Although  a  sufficiency  of  every  article  necessary  is  at  Dan- 
bury,  the  weather  has  been  so  extreme  that  it  is  impossible  for  teams 
to  pass  to  that  place.  Every  measure  is  taken  to  supply  flour,  rum, 
salt  and  every  necessary  to  morrow,  at  which  time,  if  a  quantity 
sufficient  comes  in,  all  past  allowances  shall  be  made  up.  The  Gen 
eral,  therefore,  desires  for  the  honor  of  this  corps  and  their  own 
personal  reputation,  the  soldiery,  under  the  special  circumstances 
caused  by  the  severity  of  the  season,  will  make  themselves  contented 
to  that  time. 

The  brigade  orders  of  the  29th,  were: — 

The  General  desirous  of  contributing  so  far  as  in  his  power 
towards  the  happiness  of  his  brigade,  orders  that  half  a  pint  of  rum 
or  brandy  be  delivered  to  each  officer  and  soldier  to  morrow. 

On  the  27th,  Parsons  wrote  to  General  McDougall  from 
Camp  Redding  as  follows : — 


206  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

In  my  last  I  had  time  to  say  little  more  than  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  yours  of  the  21st  inst.  The  flour  for  supplying  the  troops 
here  is  expected  from  North  River,  and  no  liberty  has  been 
granted  for  removing  forage  from  the  westward  to  this  Post,  but  we 
procure  our  supplies  eastward  and  southward.  I  suppose  the  forage 
in  the  country  between  us  and  Peekskill,  especially  near  the  roads, 
should  not  be  removed,  but  remain  to  supply  the  travel.  I  hope  I 
was  not  understood  to  fault  the  vigilance  of  your  guards.  I  have 
never  had  any  reason  to  call  that  in  question.  I  have  heard  since 
mine  of  the  9th,  that  the  militia  of  New  York  are  at  North  Castle; 
if  their  numbers  are  sufficient  with  a  small  guard  at  Bedford  to 
guard  the  stores  and  those  establishing  at  Round  Hill  and  Horse- 
neck,  they  will  be  pretty  good  security  for  that  part  of  the  country. 
I  have  lately  been  to  Sawpits  and  the  vicinity.  I  believe  our  guard 
may  be  posted  securely  where  they  may  send  parties  of  observation 
to  White  Plains  and  on  the  East  River  road. 

I  am  concerned  how  we  shall  maintain  our  guards.  Unless  some 
new  measures  are  adopted,  the  whole  of  the  flour  must  be  furnished 
from  York  State,  and  although  Mr.  Leak  lives  in  the  midst  of  a  flour 
country  at  Bedford,  by  some  unaccountable  neglect  he  does  not  sup 
ply  flour  even  for  the  guard  at  Bedford,  but  he  and  others  have,  in 
a  number  of  instances,  seized  the  flour  going  to  Horseneck,  for  the 
guards  there.  This  must  be  prevented  or  our  guards  cannot  be 
subsisted. 

Parsons  further  says  that  he  believes  he  has  trustworthy 
information  that  the  enemy's  intentions  next  campaign  depend 
on  the  result  of  a  sea  engagement  between  the  English  and 
French  fleets ;  that,  if  successful,  "  they  expect  large  reinforce 
ments,  and,  unless  we  rescind  our  Independence,  (which  they 
expect,)  will  vigorously  pursue  their  operations  again."  He 
also  mentions  that  by  a  letter  from  New  York,  "  he  has  the 
cantonments  of  the  troops  on  that  station,"  which  arc  given 
here  to  show  the  minuteness  and  precision  of  the  information 
obtained  from  spies  in  his  employ: — 

Emmerick's  corps  on  this  side  the  Bridge;  three  regiments 
between  that  and  Harlem;  one  at  Harlem;  three  regiments  in 
and  near  the  city;  one  on  Staten  Island;  a  guard  at  Powle's 
Hook;  one  regiment  at  Brookland;  one  at  Bedford;  one  at  New- 
town  ;  Col.  Wurmb's  Jagers  at  Flushing ;  grenadiers  and  light  in 
fantry,  about  twelve  hundred,  at  Jamaica;  Cathcart's  Legion  at 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      207 

Jericho;  l6th  Dragoons  at  Hempstead;  Queens  Rangers  at  Oyster 
Bay;  a  guard  of  about  two  hundred  men  at  Lloyd's  Neck,  making 
in  the  whole  about  eight  thousand  men. 

At  this  time  owing  to  the  scarcity  of  flour  in  New  England, 
it  became  necessary  to  draw  largely  from  New  York  to  feed 
the  troops.  To  this  the  inhabitants  of  that  State  objected 
and  constantly  interposed  obstacles  to  prevent  its  removal, 
which  resulted  in  great  distress  to  the  men.  In  the  following 
letter  to  Governor  Clinton,  General  Parsons  protests  against 
this  unpatriotic  and  unfriendly  conduct  of  the  people  of  his 


GREENWICH,  January  2,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR.  —  I  have  this  moment  arrived  here  to  give  some  orders 
respecting  the  guards  in  this  quarter,  and  to  my  surprise,  I  find 
the  Bedford  Junto  still  refuses  to  suffer  flour  to  come  on  to  this 
Post.  Are  we  to  be  sacrificed,  or  is  there  a  fixed  design  to  sacrifice 
the  officers  commanding  in  this  division?  The  troops  must  be  with 
drawn  unless  some  measures  can  be  taken  to  furnish  flour  here  with 
out  such  constant  interruptions  as  we  have  experienced  in  this 
quarter.  I  know  your  Excellency  is  incapable  of  being  accessory 
to  these  purposes,  but  I  believe  there  were  never  so  many  artifices 
made  use  of  to  render  it  impossible  to  keep  our  guards  and  do  our 
duty.  I  beg  your  Excellency's  interposition,  and  that  such  orders 
may  be  given  as  will  prevent  this  evil.  I  received  your  Excellency's 
answer  respecting  Scudder.  I  believe  him  brave  and  thought  him 
honest,  but  must  beg  your  particular  direction  in  this  matter. 

To  his  Excellency,  Yr'  obedt>  hum'le  servt 

Governor  Clinton,  Poughkeepsie.  SAML>  H"  PARSONS- 

The  following  is  from  General  Parsons  to  General  Mc- 
Dougall  :  — 

HORSENECK,  January  5,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR.  —  I  have  ordered  my  guards  to  guard  the  road  leading 
from  King  Street  to  White  Plains  and  all  avenues  to  the  Sound. 
Some  are  advanced  so  far  as  Purchase  Street  and  Rye.  The  patrol 
is  ordered  to  Mamaroneck  to  morrow.  I  think  we  shall  be  obliged 
to  withdraw  our  guards  from  there,  however,  for  want  of  provis 
ions.  Many  objections  to  the  passing  Continental  flour  through 
Bedford  are  made  by  the  authorities.  I  am  &c., 

„     „  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

Lo  General  McDougall. 


208  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

When  the  troops  went  into  winter  quarters,  they  were  in  no 
very  happy  frame  of  mind.  Badly  fed,  badly  clothed,  and, 
worse  than  all,  unable  to  assist  their  impoverished  families  with 
the  nearly  worthless  currency  in  which  they  were  paid,  they  soon, 
with  leisure  to  meditate  on  their  wrongs,  began  to  exhibit  a 
mutinous  spirit.  Parsons  was  able  to  keep  his  own  brigade 
quiet,  but  the  Second,  commanded  by  General  Huntington, 
resolved  to  march  to  Hartford  and  in  person  demand  a  redress 
of  grievances  of  the  Legislature  then  in  session.  The  brigade 
was  already  under  arms  and  ready  to  march  (Dec.  30,  1778) 
when  Putnam  rode  down  to  their  quarters,  and,  addressing  them 
kindly  but  firmly,  persuaded  them  to  return  to  their  duty. 

A  week  before  this,  General  Parsons,  ever  solicitous  for  the 
health  and  comfort  of  his  men  and  jealous  for  their  rights,  had 
written  the  following  letter  to  General  Washington  respecting 
their  sore  need  of  proper  clothing: — 

CAMP  REDDING,  December  23d,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR. — When  I  last  conversed  with  your  Excellency  on  the 
subject  of  clothing  for  my  brigade,  I  received  your  assurances  I 
should  have  my  rateable  proportion  of  the  blankets,  shirts,  and 
other  small  clothing  for  my  brigade  according  to  a  return  then 
given  in,  since  which  time  I  have  received  no  article  of  any  kind. 
I  am  sure  the  great  multiplicity  of  business  in  which  your  Excel 
lency  is  engaged  must  have  occasioned  our  misfortune  in  this  matter, 
for  I  cannot  persuade  myself  'tis  your  Excellency's  intention  to 
deny  us  those  supplies  which  we  have  the  faith  of  the  Continent 
pledged  to  deliver,  and  nothing,  I  believe,  could  have  induced  your 
Excellency  to  have  given  the  order  for  the  whole  remaining  quan 
tity  of  blankets  &c.,  without  permitting  my  brigade  to  be  served 
with  any  part,  but  your  not  recollecting  the  state  of  those  troops. 
We  did  receive  your  Excellency's  order  to  Major  Bigelow  to  furnish 
coats,  wescoats  and  breeches  for  the  soldiers,  and  esteemed  it  a 
favor,  but  in  this  also  we  have  been  unfortunate,  for  so  many  other 
orders  had  been  given  as  to  take  away  so  great  a  part  of  the  cloth 
that  the  remainder  proved  very  insufficient  for  the  purpose.  I  have 
inclosed  a  return  of  the  clothing  received  and  wanting.  I  believe  I 
have  eight  hundred  men  who  are  totally  destitute,  and  many  of 
them  never  had  a  blanket  since  their  enlistment.  The  clothing  has 
not  yet  arrived  at  Danbury  and  cannot  proceed  till  the  carting  is 
better  than  at  present,  which  leaves  time  to  acquaint  your  Excel- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       209 

lency  with  the  effect  of  this  order  and  to  request  directions  that  the 
five  hundred  remaining  blankets  may  be  detained  for  the  use  of  my 
troops,  and  so  many  shirts  and  stockings  as  your  Excellency  shall 
find  to  be  our  part  of  the  whole  which  has  been  furnished  this  year 
for  the  troops.  I  have  not  the  least  doubt  of  your  Excellency's 
intentions  to  do  equal  j  ustice  among  the  troops ;  this  j  ustice  we  have 
not  yet  had.  When  other  troops  have  received  blankets  nearly  suffi 
cient  for  them,  we  have  not  yet  had  one  third  part.  If  the  blankets 
now  ordered  forward  cannot  be  delivered  to  my  troops,  I  beg  your 
Excellency's  directions  to  Major  Bigelow  to  purchase  a  further 
quantity  for  that  particular  purpose,  that  we  may  at  least  have 
some  distant  prospect  of  receiving  some  benefit  from  the  public 
promises  so  often  made  us. 

In  the  same  letter  he  stated  that  cattle  and  forage  in  large 
quantities  are  taken  to  the  enemy,  and  asked  for  explicit  direc 
tions  as  to  seizing  and  destroying  the  same ;  and  further  says, 
"  I  have  herewith  transmitted  to  your  Excellency  such  intel 
ligence  as  I  have  been  able  to  procure  from  the  gentleman 
I  mentioned  when  last  with  you,  and  such  accounts  as  I  have 
received  from  other  persons."  It  is  evident  from  this  that 
Washington  knew  the  names  of  the  persons  from  whom  Par 
sons  at  this  time  was  obtaining  information. 

In  a  letter  dated  January  8,  1779,  Washington  had  com 
plained  to  Putnam  that  General  Parsons,  in  the  foregoing 
letter  of  December  23,  and  charged  injustice  and  partiality 
in  his  manner  of  supplying  the  troops.  This  letter  Putnam 
showed  to  Parsons,  who,  thereupon,  wrote  as  follows  to  General 
Washington : — 

CAMP  REDDING,  February  3,  1779. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  am  this  day  favored  by  General  Putnam 
with  a  sight  of  your  Excellency's  letter  to  him  of  the  8th  of  Jan 
uary.  I  am  sorry  to  find  my  intentions  have  been  so  much  mistaken 
as  to  impress  your  Excellency  with  an  opinion  so  very  distant  from 
my  thoughts.  I  have  reviewed  my  letter  of  the  23d  of  December, 
and  cannot  satisfy  myself  that  anything  like  injustice  or  partiality 
in  your  Excellency's  attention  to  the  troops  of  the  different  States 
is  in  the  most  distant  manner  suggested.  I  am  certain  I  never 
entertained  a  sentiment  of  the  kind,  and  am  fully  persuaded  that, 
however  unfortunate  the  troops  of  my  brigade  have  been  in  the  arti 
cle  of  clothing,  they  never  had  an  idea  their  misfortune  arose  from 


210  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

any  undue  preference  given  to  the  troops  of  other  States.  I  had 
your  Excellency's  order  for  400  blankets  for  my  brigade,  which 
we  received;  another  order  for  the  same  number  was  given,  one 
hundred  of  which  were  for  my  brigade  and  300  for  General  Hunt- 
ington's.  These  are  all  we  have  received  from  the  Public  and  I 
believe  were  the  full  share  we  ought  to  have  received  at  that  time, 
very  few  having  then  arrived;  and  if  500  is  the  proportion  my  bri 
gade  ought  to  receive  the  whole,  I  am  still  contented.  That  they 
have  not  received  the  quantity  of  any  one  article  of  clothing 
promised  by  Congress  is  a  fact,  but  I  believe  they  are  no  more  dis 
contented  than  any  other  troops  under  their  circumstances  would 
have  been.  Their  discontent  has  never  shown  itself  in  riots  or 
mutinies ;  they  have  complained  and  were  almost  naked,  but  have 
never  shown  an  inclination  to  leave  the  service  or  commit  any  dis 
orders  in  consequence.  This  has  not  been  the  case  with  other  bri 
gades.  When  they  have  complained,  mine  were  quiet;  when  they 
were  guilty  of  riots  and  disorders,  mine  were  silent  and  orderly  in 
Camp.  Under  the  circumstances  I  feel  myself  particularly  unfor 
tunate  in  being  thought  the  author  of  disorders  and  tumults  which 
have  arisen  in  brigades  with  which  I  had  no  connection,  and  of 
promoting  uneasiness  in  my  own.  I  am  conscious  I  do  not  justly 
deserve  the  imputation;  and  no  officer  who  has  the  honor  to  serve 
under  your  Excellency's  command,  has  more  exerted  himself  on 
every  occasion  to  prevent  disturbances  of  every  kind  in  Camp;  but 
it  has  often  been  my  misfortune  to  have  been  suspected  of  trans 
actions  I  never  thought  of.  I  hope  I  may  without  offense  assure 
your  Excellency  we  have  not  had  the  necessary  clothing  the  Conti 
nent  promised  us.  We  do  not — we  never  did — impute  this  to  any 
partiality  in  your  Excellency,  but  the  order  given  on  Major  Bige- 
low  for  coats,  wescoats  and  breeches  for  my  brigade  and  for  Gen 
eral  Huntington's,  was  at  a  time  when  the  cloths  had  been  taken 
from  that  store  by  the  troops  under  General  Gates'  command,  though 
then  unknown  to  your  Excellency  and  to  me,  and  a  sufficiency  did 
not  remain  to  complete  their  outside  clothing.  I  know  I  then  thought 
it  a  favor  to  receive  the  order,  and  it  would  have  been  so  if  the 
cloths  had  remained  there,  but  no  order  was  ever  given  upon  Major 
Bigelow  for  anything  but  coats,  wescoats  and  breeches. 

The  First  Regiment  from  Connecticut  has  been  completed  with 
outside  clothing;  the  Fifth  and  Seventh  have  had  cloth  nearly 
sufficient  for  the  purpose.  This  is  not  the  case  with  my  brigade, 
though  I  believe  they  now  have  cloth  nearly  sufficient  for  coats  and 
a  great  proportion  of  their  wescoats;  of  this  they  do  not  complain; 
of  breeches  or  overalls  they  are  very  deficient;  in  shirts  and  stock- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      211 

ings  they  have  very  few.  .  .  .  Whatever  opinions  may  be  enter 
tained  of  my  conduct  or  intentions,  I  hope  never  justly  to  deserve 
your  Excellency's  displeasure. 

I  am  &c.j 
To  General  Washington.  SAML    R    pAMON8> 

The  gross  inequality  in  the  distribution  of  clothing  which 
Parsons  so  justly  complains  of,  and  of  which  Washington 
quite  as  bitterly  complains  in  his  own  letters,  was  due,  as  Wash 
ington  states,  to  the  lack  of  an  efficient  head  in  the  clothier's 
department,  every  deputy  of  which  was  apparently  a  law  unto 
himself.  But  the  cause  back  of  all,  and  the  cause  of  most  of 
the  difficulties  under  which  the  country  and  the  Army  labored, 
was  the  incompetency  of  Congress  whose  business  it  was  to  prop 
erly  organize  the  several  departments.  At  first,  Congress  was 
filled  with  the  ablest  men  the  country  afforded,  but  of  late  this 
class  had  seemed  to  prefer  employment  in  their  own  States, 
and  had  left  the  management  of  Continental  affairs  to  inferior 
men.  The  letters  of  the  public  men  of  the  period  express  great 
alarm  at  the  situation.  Washington,  in  a  letter  to  his  friend, 
Benjamin  Harrison  of  Virginia,  exclaims:  "Where  is  Mason, 
Wythe,  Jefferson,  Nicholas,  Pendleton,  Nelson,  and  why  do  not 
you,  as  New  York  has  done  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Jay,  send  an 
extra  member  or  two  for  at  least  a  certain  limited  time  till 
the  great  business  of  the  Nation  is  put  on  a  respectable  and 
stable  establishment."  Gouverneur  Morris,  denouncing  Con 
gress  for  its  incompetency,  declared  that  it  had  depreciated 
more  rapidly  than  the  currency.  Alexander  Hamilton,  in  a 
letter  to  Governor  Clinton,  says : — "  There  is  a  matter  which 
often  obtrudes  itself  on  my  mind  and  which  requires  the  atten 
tion  of  every  person  of  sense  and  influence  among  us ;  I  mean 
the  degeneracy  of  representation  in  the  great  Council  of 
America.  Many  members  of  it  are  no  doubt  men  in  every 
respect  fit  for  the  trust,  but  this  cannot  be  said  of  it  as  a 
body.  Folly,  caprice,  a  want  of  foresight,  comprehension, 
and  dignity  characterize  the  general  tenor  of  their  actions. 
Their  conduct  with  respect  to  the  Army,  especially,  is  feeble, 
indecisive,  improvident,  insomuch  that  we  are  reduced  to  a 
more  terrible  situation  than  you  can  conceive.  They  have  not 
made  that  provision  for  officers  which  was  requisite  to  interest 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

them  in  the  service  They  have  disgusted  the  Army  by  whim 
sical  favoritism  in  their  promotions  and  by  an  absurd  prodigal 
ity  of  rank  to  foreigners.  America  once  had  a  representation 
that  would  do  honor  to  any  age  or  nation.  The  present  falling 
off  is  very  alarming  and  dangerous.  What  is  the  cause  and 
how  is  it  to  be  remedied  ?  " 

The  following  general  orders  were  issued  by  General  Putnam 
from  his  Headquarters  at  Redding: — 

January  12,  1779.  Complaints  have  been  made  that  the  inhabi 
tants  have  suffered  great  injury  by  the  loss  of  sheep,  poultry  and 
many  other  articles  since  the  troops  have  been  stationed  at  this 
place.  The  General  cannot  suppress  his  indignation  that  any  of 
the  soldiers  under  his  command  should  be  guilty  of  such  wanton, 
scandalous  conduct.  Every  precaution,  he  flatters  himself,  will  be 
taken  by  the  officers  to  put  a  stop  to  such  licentious  practices  and  to 
punish  severely  the  authors  of  them. 

January  26,  1779.  The  General  has  received  such  information 
as  induces  him  to  believe  it  highly  probable  the  enemy  will  soon  make 
an  excursion  into  the  country  after  cattle  and  other  provisions ;  he 
desires,  therefore,  that  everything  should  be  in  readiness  to  make  a 
sudden  exertion  to  check  their  progress  and  frustrate  their  designs. 

January,  27,  1779.  Should  the  enemy  advance  into  the  country, 
the  signal  for  an  alarm  will  be  the  discharging  three  pieces  of  artil 
lery  at  a  minutes  distance,  from  the  Second  Connecticut  Brigade, 
which  will  be  answered  in  the  same  manner  from  General  Poor's 
brigade  &c.  The  Commissary  will  follow  the  brigade  with  the  pro 
visions  and  a  sufficient  quantity  of  spirits,  that  there  may  not  be  a 
moments  delay,  as  everything  will  probably  depend  on  the  rapidity 
of  the  movement. 

The  British  having  counterfeited  certain  issues  of  the  Conti 
nental  currency,  Congress  was  compelled  to  withdraw  them  from 
circulation.  The  following  resolution  of  Congress  in  respect 
thereto  was  promulgated  from  Headquarters  at  Redding,  Jan 
uary  31,  1779:— 

Whereas  it  may  happen  that  part  of  the  moneys  paid  for  the 
months  of  September,  October  &  November  to  the  officers  and  sol 
diers  of  the  United  States  for  their  pay  and  subsistence,  may  be  of 
emission  of  the  20th  of  May,  1777  and  llth  of  April,  1778, 

Resolved,  That  in  such  case,  the  Paymaster  General  and   Pay- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS 

masters  at  respective  departments,  be  directed  to  exchange  moneys 
to  the  end  that  said  officers  and  soldiers  be  not  deprived  of  the  same. 
The  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  army  who  are  possessed  of  any  bill 
of  credit  of  Continental  money  of  the  emission  above  mentioned, 
are  desired  to  carry  them  to  the  Paymaster  General's  office  in  order 
to  have  them  exchanged  for  bills  of  other  emissions  which  have  not 
yet  been  counterfeited. 

HEADQUARTERS,  February  S,  1779. 

Major  General  Putnam  has  received  information  from  his 
Excellency,  Governor  Trumbull,  that  an  attack  is  soon  expected 
from  the  enemy  on  the  town  of  New  London  and  the  shipping  in 
the  harbor,  and  at  his  earnest  request,  orders  a  detachment  to  gar 
rison  that  place  till  the  militia  can  be  ordered  in,  and  as  the  ships 
are  not  fully  manned,  it  is  necessary  that  part  of  the  detachment 
should  be  seamen  to  act  on  board  in  case  the  attempt  should  be  made. 
The  detachment  to  parade  to  morrow  morning  at  10  o'clock,  near 
the  orderly  office  with  four  days  provisions  (hard  bread  and  pork) 
and  thirty  rounds  per  man.  The  Quartermaster  will  provide  four 
days  rum,  which  will  be  carried  forward  with  the  detachment.  The 
Division  Quartermaster  will  order  two  teams  to  attend  the  detach 
ment  to  transport  the  camp  kettles  and  officers  light  baggage. 

Courts-Martial  were  held  at  Headquarters  by  order  of  Gen 
eral  Putnam  on  the  4th  and  6th  of  February,  the  minutes  of 
which  may  be  of  interest  as  showing  the  manner  of  conducting 
these  courts  and  executing  their  sentences  during  the  Revo 
lution  : — 

HEADQUARTERS,  February  Jfth,  1779. — At  a  General  Court  Mar 
tial  of  which  Lt.  Col.  Reed  is  President,  were  tried  the  following 
persons : 

Edward  Jones  for  going  to  and  serving  the  enemy  as  a  guide  and 
coming  out  as  a  spy.  Found  guilty  of  each  and  every  charge 
exhibited  against  him  and  sentenced  by  the  Court  to  suffer  death 
according  to  the  laws  and  usage  of  nations. 

Benjamin  Nobles  of  Capt.  Lacey's  Company,  5th  Battalion,  for 
deserting  and  persuading  other  soldiers  to  desert  to  the  enemy; 
found  guilty  of  deserting  to  the  enemy  and  sentenced  to  receive  one 
hundred  lashes  on  his  bare  back. 

Asa  Thayer,  a  soldier  in  the  8th  Connecticut  Battalion,  for  break 
ing  open  the  Quartermaster's  stores  in  Danbury  and  feloniously 
taking  from  them  a  number  of  shoes ;  found  guilty  of  theft  and  sen- 


214  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

tenced    to    receive    one    hundred    lashes    on    his    bare    back    well 
laid  on. 

The  General  approves  of  the  sentences  of  the  Court  against  Ben 
jamin  Nobles  and  Asa  Thayer  and  orders  them  to  be  put  in  execu 
tion  at  the  head  of  their  respective  Battalions  to-morrow  morning 
at  troop  beating.  The  sentence  of  the  General  Court  Martial  upon 
Edward  Jones  is  ordered  to  be  put  in  execution  on  Friday,  the  12th 
inst.,  between  the  hours  of  ten  and  twelve  o'clock,  by  hanging  him 
by  the  neck  till  he  is  dead,  dead,  dead. 

HEADQUARTERS,  February  6th,  1779. — At  a  General  Court  Mar 
tial  of  which  Lt.  Col.  Reed  is  President,  were  tried  the  following 
persons,  viz: 

John  Smith,  soldier  in  the  First  Connecticut  Battalion,  for  de 
serting  and  attempting  to  go  to  the  enemy;  found  guilty,  and  fur 
ther  persisting  in  saying  he  will  go  to  the  enemy  if  ever  he  has 
opportunity,  sentenced  to  be  shot  to  death. 

Sergeant  Ebenezer  Boyington  of  the  Sixth  Connecticut  Bat 
talion,  for  deserting;  found  guilty  and  sentenced  to  receive  one 
hundred  lashes  on  his  bare  back  and  to  be  reduced  to  the  ranks  and 
to  pay  to  the  sergeant  that  was  sent  after  him  the  expense  incurred 
by  the  same. 

Simon  Mallery  of  the  Sixth  Connecticut,  for  stealing  a  horse  and 
selling  the  same;  found  guilty  and  sentenced  to  receive  sixty  lashes 
on  his  naked  back. 

Isaac  More,  soldier  in  Capt.  Walker's  company  of  artillery,  for 
stealing  $300 ;  found  guilty  and  sentenced  to  receive  one  hundred 
lashes  on  his  naked  back  and  to  refund  the  $300. 

The  General  approves  the  above  sentences  and  orders  that  upon 
John  Smith  to  be  put  into  execution  on  Tuesday,  the  16th.  inst. 
between  the  hours  of  ten  and  eleven  o'clock  in  the  forenoon;  and 
the  sentences  of  the  Court  against  Boyington,  Mallery  and  More  to 
be  put  into  execution  this  evening  in  presence  of  the  respective  corps 
to  which  they  belong. 

On  the  llth,  the  execution  of  Jones  was  postponed  to  the 
16th,  the  day  fixed  for  the  execution  of  Smith.  On  Sunday, 
the  14th,  a  guard  was  ordered  "  to  parade  to  conduct  the  two 
criminals  to  Redding  Meeting  House,  where  there  will  be  a  ser 
mon  preached.  The  General  desires  that  the  troops  may 
appear  clean  and  neat  at  the  execution  on  Tuesday."  On  the 
15th,  it  was  ordered  that  "  the  brigade  parade  to-morrow  at 
nine  o'clock,  well  dressed  and  equipped,  to  attend  the  execu- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      215 

tion  of  the  prisoners  under  sentence  of  death."  The  execution 
took  place  on  Gallows  Hill,  and  the  circumstances  attending  it, 
according  to  the  account  in  the  Connecticut  Historical  Collec 
tions,  were  revolting  in  the  extreme. 

The  following  brigade  order,  relating  to  the  payment  of  the 
troops,  was  issued  by  General  Parsons,  February  9: — 

The  Honorable,  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State,  has,  on  the 
application  of  the  officers  of  the  Connecticut  Line,  in  behalf  of 
themselves  and  the  soldiers  under  their  command,  been  pleased  to 
grant  the  sum  of  forty-five  thousand  pounds  lawful  money,  to  be 
paid  out  of  the  Treasury  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  serving  in  the 
infantry  and  artillery  raised  in  Connecticut,  by  the  first  of  April 
next,  and  have  ordered  a  Committee  to  make  an  equal  distribution 
of  the  same,  that  those  who  have  not  been  entitled  to  supplies  at 
former  prices  may  have  a  proper  consideration. 

This  generous  grant  of  the  Assembly,  made  at  a  time  when  our 
fellow  citizens  are  so  greatly  embarrassed,  and  when  they  are 
obliged  to  raise  such  heavy  taxes  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  to  reduce 
the  quantity  of  circulating  money  ought  to  give  us  the  fullest  con 
fidence  in  the  rectitude  and  justice  of  their  intentions  toward  us. 
A  greater  sum  is  not  in  their  power  to  pay  at  this  time  consistent 
with  their  engagements. 

The  General  further  informs  the  brigade  that  he  has  received 
the  fullest  assurances  from  his  Excellency,  the  Governor  and  the 
Council  and  the  House  of  Representatives,  that  full  and  complete 
justice  shall  be  done  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  this  State,  and 
that  measures  for  raising  a  sufficient  sum  for  that  purpose  shall  be 
taken  as  soon  as  circumstances  of  Government  will  possibly  admit, 
to  discharge  this  debt,  which  they  consider  as  a  debt  of  honor  and 
in  strict  justice  due  to  the  Army. 

The  General  flatters  himself  that  the  Army  will,  by  their  faith 
ful  services,  show  themselves  worthy  of  the  attention  of  their  coun 
trymen,  and  convince  the  world  that  this  instance  of  the  care  of  the 
Assembly,  produces  in  them  the  most  grateful  resentments  and  cor 
dial  reliance  on  their  future  justice  towards  them. 

Early  in  February,  General  Parsons  was  at  Horseneck  look 
ing  after  the  Coast  Guard  at  that  Post,  the  duties  of  which, 
on  account  of  the  proximity  of  the  enemy,  were  more  difficult 
and  exacting  than  perhaps  at  any  other  Post  on  the  Sound. 
On  the  10th,  a  reinforcement  of  one  hundred  men  was  sent  down 


216  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

from  camp,  and  on  the  17th,  the  whole  guard  was  relieved  by 
a  fresh  detachment  two  hundred  strong.  From  this  time  on, 
the  routine  of  the  camp  remained  undisturbed,  except  that  on 
the  26th,  upon  an  alarm,  which  proved  false,  the  two  Con 
necticut  Brigades  were  ordered  to  march  towards  Wilton,  and 
the  next  month,  on  a  report  that  numbers  of  the  enemy's  ships 
were  going  up  the  Hudson,  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to 
march  on  the  shortest  notice. 

The  following  is  the  last  brigade  order  issued  by  General 
Parsons  before  he  was  ordered  to  New  London: — 

BRIGADE  ORDERS,  February  21,  1779. — Complaints  having  been 
made  by  some  of  the  inhabitants  that  their  fences  have  been  thrown 
down  by  soldiers  passing  through  their  fields  during  the  winter,  and 
as  the  season  is  so  far  advanced  as  renders  it  necessary  for  the 
fields  to  be  inclosed,  especially  those  sowed  with  grain,  it  is  ear 
nestly  recommended  to  all  officers  and  soldiers  who  have  occasion  to 
cross  any  of  the  inhabitants  enclosures,  to  be  particularly  careful 
not  to  injure  the  fences,  but,  on  the  contrary,  if  they  should  see  any 
fence  out  of  order  by  which  means  the  grain  might  be  endangered, 
they  will  be  so  neighborly  as  to  rectify  it,  it  being  of  the  last  im 
portance  that  the  fruits  of  the  earth  be  preserved,  both  for  the  sub 
sisting  of  the  Army  and  the  inhabitants. 


CHAPTER    XVII 

PARSONS  IN  COMMAND  AT  NEW  LONDON.  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH 
WASHINGTON  AND  GREENE.  THE  RIGHT  OF  PRIVATE  WARFARE. 
RETURNS  TO  REDDING.  COMMANDS  THE  DIVISION.  THE  MARCH 
TO  THE  HIGHLANDS. 

February — June,  1779 

THE  movements  of  the  enemy  on  Long  Island  indicating  an 
intention  to  attack  New  London  and  destroy  the  shipping  in  the 
harbor,  a  detachment  of  Continental  troops  had  been  sent  there 
early  in  February  to  garrison  the  town  until  the  militia  could 
be  called  in.  Appearances  becoming  more  threatening,  Gen 
eral  Parsons  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  New  London,  where  he 
arrived  about  the  22d,  and  take  command  of  the  troops  there 
and  organize  the  defense  of  the  place.  The  only  Works  guard 
ing  the  approach  from  the  sea,  were  Fort  Griswold  on  the  high 
ground  at  Groton  opposite  New  London,  and  Fort  Trumbull  on 
the  west  side  of  the  harbor,  close  to  the  water  and  below  the 
town.  These  Forts  and  their  surroundings,  General  Parsons 
made  a  careful  examination  of,  and  in  the  following  letter  to 
Governor  Trumbull,  submitted  his  observations  as  to  their  con 
dition  and  tenableness  in  case  of  attack  and  as  to  the  additional 
defensive  Works  necessary  for  the  proper  protection  of  the 
Post  :— 

NEW  LONDON,  February  27,  1779. 

SIR. — My  command  here  having  led  me  to  a  consideration  of  the 
measures  necessary  for  the  defense  of  this  Post,  I  hope  it  will  not 
be  esteemed  arrogant  in  me  or  a  departure  from  the  line  of  my  duty 
to  submit  the  following  facts  and  observations  to  the  consideration 
of  your  Excellency  and  Council  by  whom  only  measures  can  be 
ordered  which  are  finally  adjudged  necessary  for  the  security  of 
this  Town  and  Post.  Fort  Griswold,  at  Groton,  is  situated  upon 
the  height  of  the  hill  and  is  commanded  by  no  ground  within  cannon 
shot,  and,  in  conjunction  with  the  battery  near  the  water  and  one 
about  southeast  from  the  Fort  (which  are  commanded  by  the  Fort), 

217 


218  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

clears  all  the  hollow  grounds  by  which  the  enemy  can  approach 
near  that  Fort ;  and,  with  the  addition  of  a  demi-bastion  at  the  north 
east  corner,  will  be  able  to  make  a  good  resistance  against  any 
attempt  to  storm  this  Work,  if  a  proper  supply  of  ammunition  and 
provisions  are  lodged  in  the  Fort  to  furnish  the  garrison.  Little 
more  I  think  is  necessary  to  complete  the  Works  on  that  side  and  I 
do  not  at  present  see  a  necessity  of  any  new  ones. 

Fort  Trumbull  is  commanded  by  a  range  of  hills  in  the  rear  and 
on  the  right,  which  so  overlook  the  Fort  and  within  so  small  a  dis 
tance  as  to  render  it  impossible  to  be  held  in  its  present  state  for 
one  hour  after  the  enemy  have  possessed  the  heights  in  the  rear 
with  artillery,  besides  which  difficulty  the  ledges  and  detached  high 
lands  behind  this  Fort  afford  a  safe  approach  within  almost  pis 
tol  shot  of  the  Fort,  where  large  bodies  of  men  may  be  safely 
lodged  from  any  fire  which  can  be  made  from  the  Fort;  nor  do  I 
find  it  possible  to  secure  this  Work  from  attempts  which  may  be 
made  in  either  way  without  a  cost  which  can  scarcely  be  estimated. 
The  walls  of  this  Fort  must  be  raised  at  least  sixteen  feet  higher 
than  at  present  to  secure  the  men  on  the  platforms  from  the  ene 
my's  fire  from  the  heights  in  the  rear,  and  were  the  Fort  of  a  pro 
per  construction,  it  must  be  raised  much  higher.  Two  or  three 
sides  of  this  Fort  are  enfiladed  by  no  other  part  of  the  Work,  and 
the  enemy  might  rest  perfectly  secure  under  the  very  walls  of  the 
Fort.  One  or  two  bastions  or  demi-bastions  must  be  made  to  remove 
this  difficulty,  and  I  think  the  work  must  now  be  laid  in  lime  or  it 
will  not  be  secure  from  a  fire  from  the  hill,  should  it  be  raised.  The 
walls  at  present  afford  no  security  whatever  to  any  men  posted 
there,  and  it  can  now  serve  no  other  purpose  than  a  water-battery 
against  the  ships. 

Upon  examination,  there  does  not  appear  any  ground  so  advan 
tageous  as  to  give  so  manifest  an  advantage  as  to  warrant  a  small 
body  of  men  to  attack  a  very  superior  force  in  their  advance  from 
the  light  house  to  town.  On  these  considerations,  Sir,  I  am  con 
vinced  of  the  necessity  of  an  inclosed  Work  on  the  hill  near  the 
house  now  occupied  by  J.  Miller,  Esq.  This  place  so  commands 
Fort  Trumbull  that  no  enemy  can  possibly  hold  that  Fort  whilst 
we  are  in  possession  of  the  hill.  This  principal  Work  with  two 
small  circular  batteries  under  the  command  of  the  Work,  will,  I 
think,  effectually  prevent  the  advance  of  the  enemy  through  any 
route  they  might  otherwise  take  to  possess  this  commanding  height; 
and  these  Works  can  be  completed  with  much  less  expense  than 
Fort  Trumbull  can  be  made  defensible,  and  answer  better  purposes 
than  that  can  ever  be  made  to  answer.  This  Fort  is  well  calculated 


for  a  water  battery  and  may  be  well  maintained  as  such,  if  the 
other  Works  are  made. 

The  objection  generally  made,  and  with  great  propriety,  against 
multiplying  Works  and  dividing  our  force,  does  not  lie  with  con 
siderable  weight  in  this  case,  because  the  batteries  will  in  that  case 
require  no  more  men  than  will  work  the  guns,  and  they  are  effec 
tually  covered  by  the  Fort  which  overlooks  them  all  within  point 
blank  shot.  I  have  inclosed  a  very  imperfect  draft  which,  how 
ever,  may  in  some  measure  assist  your  Excellency  in  considering 
the  matter. 

I  find  fifty-eight  pieces  of  cannon  in  the  several  Forts  and  bat 
teries,  including  those  on  travelling  carriages,  from  three  to  eight 
een  pounders ;  these  upon  a  medium,  will  require  four  pounds  of 
powder  at  least  for  charging  them.  The  number  of  rounds,  Sir, 
which  you  will  expect  to  be  used,  must  be  at  the  place  where  'tis 
wanted  or  it  can  be  of  no  service.  This,  at  fifty  rounds  for  each 
cannon,  will  be  near  six  tons  of  powder;  and  I  presume  you  will 
not  be  willing  to  yield  the  Forts  without  discharging  nearly  as 
many  shots  as  this  computation.  Musket  cartridges  for  one  thou 
sand  men  in  both  Forts  (when  the  Work  is  built  at  New  London), 
for  five  or  six  days  ought  to  be  lodged  in  the  Forts  and  also  pro 
visions,  because  of  the  impossibility  of  supplying  them  when  the 
Forts  are  invested.  I  suppose,  on  an  average,  one  pound  of  powder 
will  make  about  eighteen  or  twenty  cartridges.  Allow  only  sixty 
rounds  for  one  thousand  men,  (and  this,  I  think,  must  be  considered 
a  moderate  computation  for  men  in  an  invested  Fort),  this  con 
sumes  one  and  a  half  tons  more;  that,  besides  a  reserve  to  supply 
the  deficiencies  of  a  militia  who  come  in  with  little  or  no  ammuni 
tion,  is  necessary  for  the  artillery  and  musketry  within  the  Forts. 
If  these  ideas  should  in  any  measure  be  adopted,  will  it  not  be 
necessary  at  this  time  when  the  season  will  admit  beginning  the  Fort, 
to  order  in  five  or  six  hundred  militia,  and  begin  the  work  without 
delay. 

I  have  often  found  on  alarms,  the  militia  come  in  small  parties 
and  under  no  officers  present  and  on  that  account  are  not  able  to 
form  in  any  regular  battalion,  as  they  conceive  an  opinion  that 
they  are  to  serve  with  their  own  officers  only.  Cannot  this  be  reme 
died  in  part  by  assigning  particular  places  of  rendezvous  on  alarms 
for  the  regiments  or  parts  of  regiments,  and  they  be  immediately 
formed  under  such  officers  as  happen  to  be  present,  whether  of  their 
own  companies  or  others.  The  arranging  and  forming  these  troops 
after  their  arrival,  in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  consumes  much  time 
and  is  attended  with  great  danger.  Proper  beacons  erected  and 


220  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

signals   agreed   on   to   alarm   the   country   on   the   approach   of   the 
enemy,  will  greatly  expedite  the  march  of  the  militia. 

I  am  &cv 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

Groton,  March  1,  1779,  General  Parsons  again  writes  to 
Governor  Trumbull: — 

SIR. — By  a  letter  received  this  afternoon,  I  find  Sir  William 
Erskine  is  again  reinforced  and  that  his  present  strength  is  twenty- 
five  hundred  men;  that  a  company  of  carpenters  is  sent  from  New 
York  to  Southampton  and  by  every  intelligence  I  am  able  to  pro 
cure,  there  remains  very  little  doubt  of  the  enemy's  intention  to 
visit  the  main;  and  by  several  accounts  I  imagine  it  probable  they 
intend  destroying  this  Post.  As  our  continuance  here  is  very  uncer 
tain,  I  cannot  but  think  it  necessary  to  furnish  a  number  of  the  mili 
tia  as  soon  as  possible  that  the  necessary  Works  may  be  completed 
and  some  defense  prepared.  I  could  wish  some  gentlemen  of  the 
Council  may  be  sent  to  determine  on  the  necessary  Works  to  be 
erected,  that  no  time  be  lost  in  this  matter. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

While  at  New  London,  General  Parsons  planned  an  expedi 
tion  to  destroy  the  enemy's  shipping  up  the  Sound,  in  which  he 
is  aided  by  his  old  friend,  Thomas  Mumford  of  Groton,  who, 
four  years  before,  assisted  him  in  raising  men  and  money  for 
the  capture  of  Ticonderoga.  Mr.  Mumford  was  an  agent  of 
the  Secret  Committee  of  Congress  and  rendered  valuable  serv 
ice  to  the  Country  thoughout  the  war.  On  the  28th,  Parsons 
replies  to  a  letter  from  Major  Huntington,  complaining  of  the 
delay  in  fitting  out  the  privateer,  "  Confederacy,"  which  he  is 
anxious  should  be  ready  immediately.  He  states  that  he  "  has 
desired  Mr.  Mumford  to  supply  the  necessaries  to  fit  the  ship 
immediately.  He  is  kind  enough  to  give  an  order  for  rum, 
coffee,  cordage,  &c.,  and  if  cash  is  wanting,  it  will  be  supplied 
immediately  upon  application ;  if  wine  is  wanting,  call  on 
Colonel  Rogers  or  Captain  Mumford,  with  Mr.  Mumford's 
desire  for  what  you  want." 

New  London,  March  12,  1779,  General  Parsons  again  writes 
Governor  Trumbull: — 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS 

SIR. — The  misfortune  which  has  happened  in  the  loss  of  the 
"  Defense,"  seems  again  to  throw  embarrassments  upon  the  pro 
posed  expedition.  The  "  Confederacy  "  will  be  fitted  by  about  Mon 
day.  That  ship  and  the  "  Oliver  Cromwell "  are  now  our  only 
dependence.  To  add  to  our  disappointments,  part  of  the  detach 
ment  is  ordered  to  march  immediately,  and  one  from  General  Poor's 
brigade  to  be  ready  to  march,  which  probably  will  take  place  in  a 
few  days.  The  letter  from  General  Putnam  will  inform  your  Ex 
cellency  of  the  cause  of  this  movement.  Under  the  circumstances, 
I  am  much  at  a  loss  whether  to  pursue  the  intended  expedition  and, 
if  the  "  Confederacy  "  should  be  ready,  go  up  the  Sound  and  attempt 
the  ships,  if  found  practicable,  or  entirely  give  over  the  enterprise. 
If  your  Excellency  will  decide  the  matter,  perhaps  it  may  be  of 
some  benefit  to  the  trade  of  the  Sound  for  the  ships  to  go  up  as  far 
as  Fairfield  or  Norwalk  and  attempt  or  not  the  ships  at  Huntington 
as  they  find  their  force  to  be  greater  of  less. 

The  recall  of  the  troops  from  this  place  makes  it  necessary  for 
me  again  to  propose  to  your  Excellency's  consideration  the  imme 
diate  draft  of  militia  for  the  defense  of  this  Post.  I  am  satisfied 
by  a  variety  of  intelligence  from  Long  Island,  that  there  is  at  least 
a  probability  of  an  attack  here  at  a  period  not  far  distant,  and 
should  the  militia  not  come  in  before  my  troops  march,  'tis  not 
unlikely  the  enemy's  visit  may  be  hastened.  Your  answer  by  the 
bearer  will  direct  my  conduct. 

I  am  &cv 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

New  London,  March  13,  1779,  General  Parsons  writes  advis 
ing  General  Putnam  of  the  failure  of  the  proposed  expedition 
up  the  Sound : — 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  received  yours  of  yesterday.  A  fatality 
which  is  scarcely  to  be  paralleled  attends  all  our  projects  and  blasts 
the  fairest  prospects.  After  forming  measures  to  be  executed  with 
a  force  in  the  Sound  which  would  have  rendered  our  success  almost 
certain,  the  Navy  Board  has  countermanded  one  half  the  naval 
force,  and,  as  though  Heaven  and  Earth  conspired  to  render  our 
measures  abortive,  the  "  Defence  "  was  lost  on  Goshen  Reef  two 
days  ago  and  Mr.  Shaw  refuses  to  let  his  ships  on  the  proposed 
expedition.  This  leaves  us  to  rest  the  event  on  the  "  Confederacy," 
when  ready,  and  the  "  Oliver  Cromwell,"  which  will  render  the 
success  at  least  doubtful.  Under  these  circumstances  I  must  advise 
against  any  land  attempt,  as  the  safety  of  the  party  attacking  will 


222  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

depend  on  the  success  of  our  ships;  at  most,  I  think,  no  more  should 
be  sent  than  will  at  all  events  be  safe  in  their  whale-boats.  I  have 
written  the  Governor,  who  has  the  direction  of  the  naval  force  and 
expect  a  return  to  night,  and  also  to  hear  again  from  the  Navy 
Board.  If  I  find  that  the  ships  left  will  not  answer,  I  shall  order 
Poor's  brigade  to  march  back  without  loss  of  time.  Hazen's  people 
will  march  to-morrow.  I  shall  detain  one  express  till  morning. 

Yours  &c 
To  General  Putnam.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  same  day  at  6  P.  M.,  General  Parsons  advised  Governor 
Trumbull  of  his  orders  to  march: — 

SIR. — I  think  it  is  my  duty  to  inform  your  Excellency  that  I  have 
this  moment  received  orders  to  march  my  detachment  to  Redding  as 
soon  as  possible.  As  I  shall  doubtless  march  within  two  or  three 
days,  and  no  troops  are  in  to  relieve  us,  the  Post  must  be  left  to  the 
mercy  of  the  enemy  unless  some  measures  are  speedily  taken  for 
its  defense. 

Yr.  Obed's.  Servt., 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

March  21,  1779,  the  following  orders  were  given  Colonel 
Hazen's  regiment  to  march  from  the  camp  at  Redding  to 
Springfield,  Mass : — 

Col.  Hazen's  regiment  will  march  to  Springfield  in  three  divis 
ions  by  the  shortest  route.  The  first  division  will  march  on  Wednes 
day  next  and  the  other  two  will  follow  on  Thursday  and  Friday, 
weather  permitting;  in  such  case  the  detained  portions  will  join 
the  regiment  in  time.  Col.  Hazen  will  take  with  him  one  cannon 
and  a  proportionate  number  of  artillerymen. 

On  the  28th,  Parsons  wrote  General  Washington  from  New 
London,  that  a  fleet  of  the  enemy  had  been  sighted ;  and  again 
on  the  29th,  "  I  was  last  week  on  my  return  from  this  place  to 
camp,  but  on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  enemy's  fleet  moving 
towards  this  place,  have  returned.  A  fleet  is  now  off  Sag  Har 
bor  with  troops  on  board." 

The  scouting  vessels  coming  in  reported  that  twenty  sail  had 
passed  Hell  Gate;  that  twenty-six  sail  were  at  anchor  in  Gardi 
ner's  Bay ;  that  a  sixty-four  and  a  fifty  gun  ship  were  coming 
around  Montauk  Point  into  the  Sound  and  that  Sir  Henry  Clin- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      223 

ton  had  left  New  York  and  was  mustering  a  large  force  of 
troops  at  Southampton.  The  news  created  something  of  a 
panic.  The  alarm  bells  were  rung,  the  militia  called  in  and 
many  of  the  inhabitants  removed  their  families  and  effects ; 
but  day  after  day  passed  and  no  attack  was  made.  It  was 
then  ascertained  that  the  transports  had  gone  to  Newport ;  that 
the  fleet  in  Gardiner's  Bay  was  bound  for  New  York ;  that 
all  was  quiet  at  Southampton  and  that  but  few  troops  were  on 
the  north  side  of  the  Island.  It  is  not  a  little  singular,  as  events 
proved,  that  the  unusual  activity  of  the  British  which  had 
caused  the  alarm,  was  not  directed  against  New  London,  but 
was  occasioned  by  a  rumor  confidently  believed  by  the  enemy, 
that  General  Parsons  was  at  New  London  with  a  force  of  four 
thousand  men  making  hasty  but  secret  preparations  for  a 
descent  on  Long  Island,  in  consequence  of  which  Clinton  had 
hastened  from  New  York  with  a  flying  column  to  meet  the 
expected  invasion.  Both  sides  were  trying  to  dodge  each  other 
in  the  dark. 

In  the  spring  of  1778,  General  Parsons  was  so  much  de 
pressed  by  his  failing  health,  annoyed  by  the  failure  to  send  the 
promised  supplies  to  his  suffering  troops,  and  burdened  with 
anxiety  lest  the  depreciation  in  the  currency  and  rise  in  prices 
should  leave  his  young  family  without  sufficient  means  of  sup 
port,  that  he  determined  to  resign  from  the  army.  March 
11,  1779,  he  writes  to  John  Jay,  President  of  Congress,  ten 
dering  his  resignation.  Congress  not  acting  upon  it,  he  again 
writes  Mr.  Jay  on  the  8th  of  April,  repeating  his  request  for 
a  discharge  and  giving  his  reasons  at  length.  He  is  willing, 
however,  to  continue  in  service  if  he  can  be  provided  for  in  the 
Marine  Department,  which  will  give  him  a  better  opportunity  to 
attend  to  his  family  concerns  and  will  be  less  injurious  to  his 
health.  The  reasons  for  his  resignation  he  states  as  follows: — 

I  have  served  in  the  army  raised  for  the  defense  of  our  country 
since  the  21st  of  April,  1775,  in  which  I  hoped  to  continue  till  peace 
should  reward  our  labors,  and,  although  I  claim  no  merit  from  dis 
tinguished  military  abilities,  yet  I  feel  a  satisfaction  in  the  con 
sciousness  of  having  invariably  and  with  honest  intentions  pursued 
the  duties  of  the  several  offices  with  which  I  have  been  honored, 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

and  discharged  them  with  fidelity  according  to  my  abilities.  But, 
Sir,  I  have  a  numerous  family,  and  at  the  commencement  of  the 
war  I  turned  my  little  all  into  moneys  the  better  to  enable  me  to 
continue  in  the  service  of  my  country  and  to  do  justice  to  my 
family.  The  unexpected  rise  of  every  necessary  of  life  has  de 
feated  my  hopes  and  already  exhausted  too  great  a  share  of  my 
small  estate.  The  unavoidable  fatigues  of  camp  have  greatly  im 
paired  my  constitution,  and  I  find  myself  at  an  age  of  life  in  which 
I  hoped  for  ease  and  domestic  happiness  in  the  enjoyment  of  my 
family  in  retirement  from  the  cares  and  busy  scenes  of  this  world, 
with  my  health  impaired,  my  constitution  wrecked,  my  estate 
greatly  impaired,  so  that  a  diligent  attention  to  business  is  neces 
sary  to  save  a  numerous  family  of  young  children  in  my  old  age, 
which  I  now  find  fast  hastening  upon  me.  For  these  reasons  I  am 
compelled  to  request  a  discharge  from  the  offices  with  which  Con 
gress  have  honored  me.  I  beg  you  to  assure  that  Honorable  Body 
my  application  does  not  arise  from  any  discontent  with  the  measures 
of  Congress  or  my  superior  officers,  nor  from  any  alteration  in  my 
sentiments  respecting  the  justice  of  our  cause  or  the  prospects  of 
a  favorable  issue.  I  am  fully  convinced  of  the  one  and  most 
ardently  wish  and  believe  the  other,  but  to  sacrifice  my  all  at  my 
age  in  life,  to  leave  my  children  to  the  mercy  of  an  unrelenting 
world,  are  considerations  of  too  great  importance  to  be  lightly  con 
sidered  by  me,  and  from  a  full  flow  of  health  and  spirits  I  feel 
myself  so  enfeebled  as  to  leave  me  no  hopes  of  being  able  to  endure 
the  fatigues  of  another  campaign.  Could  I  continue  to  serve  my 
country  in  any  way  in  which  my  health  might  be  preserved  and 
the  interests  of  my  family  in  any  degree  secured,  I  shall  be  happy 
to  devote  the  little  remainder  of  my  days  to  promote  her  good  and 
secure  the  rights  of  an  independent  people.  ...  I  have 
not  a  wish  that  my  particular  case  may  induce  Congress  from 
motives  of  compassion  to  adopt  measures  not  founded  on  principles 
which  tend  to  promote  the  best  good  of  the  United  States.  I  had 
better  be  passed  over  in  silence  that  my  country  may  be  saved, 
than  be  preserved  on  principles  which  will  destroy  her  even  at  a 
late  hour. 

Notwithstanding  the  promises  made  him,  Parsons'  brigade 
had  not  yet  received  the  necessary  clothing.  This  neglect  he 
attributed  to  the  misrepresentations  of  parties  unfriendly  to 
himself,  which  so  influenced  the  General-in-Chief  that  he  failed 
to  give  due  credit  to  his  reports  as  to  the  wants  of  his  troops. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       225 

This  apparent  lack  of  confidence  was  naturally  very  disturbing 
to  a  high  spirited  man  like  Parsons.  Not  willing  that  his  men 
should  suffer  on  his  account,  and  believing  that  another  might 
obtain  for  them  what  he  had  been  unable  to  secure,  he  found  in 
this  an  additional  reason  for  resigning  from  the  army.  In  the 
two  following  letters  he  states  to  his  friend,  General  Greene, 
the  difficulties  under  which  he  labors  and  asks  him  what  course 
he  would  advise  in  the  situation  in  which  he  is  placed. 

NEW  LONDON,  March  12,  1779. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL. — I  believe  you  my  friend  and  fully  unfold 
my  situation  that  you  may  see  my  embarrassments  and  direct  me  in 
my  measures.  No  man  ever  entertained  a  higher  opinion  of  the 
rectitude  of  the  General's  intentions  than  I  have  and  still  do,  but 
unfortunately  I  have  fallen  under  his  displeasure.  I  have  enclosed 
a  copy  of  the  letters  I  have  wrote  the  General,  by  which  you  will 
see  my  situation  and  the  causes  of  it.  I  have  enclosed  my  resigna 
tion  in  a  letter  to  the  President.  The  grounds  which  induce  me  to 
this  measure  are  that  I  am  persuaded  I  do  not  possess  the  confi 
dence  of  the  General  necessary  to  do  justice  to  those  under  my  com 
mand  or  secure  my  own  personal  honor.  .  .  .  If  you  find  my 
opinion  justly  founded  and  that  I  no  longer  share  the  General's 
friendship,  I  beg  you  to  forward  my  letter  to  Congress,  for  I 
cannot  serve  with  justice  to  my  command  or  honor  to  myself  whilst 
I  am  under  the  frowns  of  the  worthiest  character  which  has  graced 
the  page  of  history.  I  am  &c., 

To  Maj.  General  Greene.  SAML-  H"  PARSONS. 

General  Greene  in  his  reply  to  Parsons'  letter,  having  appar 
ently  satisfied  him  that  he  was  in  error  in  supposing  the 
intentions  and  feelings  of  the  General-in-Chief  were  unfavorable 
or  unfriendly  to  him,  General  Parsons,  who  had  now  returned 
to  Redding,  again  writes,  April  11,  1779,  explaining  more  fully 
the  difficulties  he  had  met  with : — 

"  I  have,"  he  says,  "  not  a  wish  nor  a  most  distant  suspicion,  that 
his  Excellency  should,  or  has,  intentionally  given  any  undue  prefer 
ence  to  any  troops  under  his  command,  but  am  persuaded  his  in 
tentions  are  upright  and  disinterested.  I  fully  and  heartily  acquit 
him  from  all  blame,  .  .  .  but  tho'  I  acquit  him,  I  am  still  as 
unfortunate  as  if  my  misfortunes  arose  from  a  conduct  of  his  Ex 
cellency  which  had  worse  motives  for  its  basis.  I  am  not  believed 


226  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

when  I  assert  facts;  the  officers  and  soldiers  under  my  command 
suffer  exceedingly  from  this  opinion  of  me,  and  every  injury  they 
suffer  from  this  opinion  is  in  part  to  be  attributed  to  me.  I  con 
tinue  in  service  under  these  circumstances.  .  .  .  The  Con 
necticut  troops  complained,  they  were  naked,  they  had  neither 
blankets  nor  shirts,  nor  breeches ;  the  weather  was  severe,  exceed 
ingly  so;  they  had  no  covering  and  little  clothing.  In  the  Second 
Brigade  it  proceeded  greater  lengths  than  in  mine;  they  mutined, 
mine  were  quieted.  I  have  left  no  measures  untried  to  calm  their 
minds  and  relieve  their  wants.  I  wrote  to  his  Excellency  on  the 
subject.  (Dec.  23,  1779-)  He  gave  me  no  answer,  but  in  a  letter 
to  General  Putnam  .  .  .  intimates  it  is  fully  in  my  power  to 
prevent  disturbances  which  arise  from  want  of  clothing  were  I 
inclined  to  do  it.  ...  This  I  endured  with  as  much  patience 
as  I  could,  and  though  I  knew  him  mistaken,  I  could  not  entertain 
the  idea  that  he  would  intentionally  make  distinctions  among  the 
troops ;  but  soon  after  there  came  an  order  to  clothe  the  Second 
Regiment,  and,  as  I  am  informed,  a  similar  one  for  the  whole  of 
the  Second  Brigade.  (Huntington's.)  .  .  .  This  confirmed 
me  in  a  belief  his  Excellency  had  by  misrepresentations  been  in 
duced  to  believe  that  there"  was  no  credit  due  to  the  facts  I  had  so 
often  stated  to  him  respecting  my  troops,  and  that  I  was  rather 
inclined  to  make  difficulties  than  heal  them,  for  I  do  not  now  believe, 
he  ever  intended  in  the  most  distant  manner  to  do  us  an  injustice, 
and  yet  we  have  and  do  suffer  in  a  great  degree  beyond  any  other 
troops  under  his  command.  Under  these  circumstances  'tis  impossi 
ble  for  me  to  apply  for  anything  my  brigade  are  in  want  of.  We 
have  and  do  suffer  and  I  cannot  ask  for  redress.  If  these  facts 
warrant  my  conclusion,  I  am  justified  in  thinking  it  injurious  to 
my  officers  and  soldiers  and  dishonorary  to  myself  to  continue  in 
command.  I  will  never  on  this  ground  forsake  the  cause  of  my 
country  nor  will  this  and  much  more  induce  an  opinion  in  me  dis 
honorable  to  his  upright  intentions  in  every  part  of  his  conduct. 
Another  man  may  procure  that  justice  to  my  troops  which  I  most 
certainly  should  have  had  if  any  credit  had  been  given  to  my 
representations." 

In  closing  he  adds  these  sympathetic  words  for  General 
Putnam : — 

"  I  believe  General  Putnam  has  been  abused.  I  have  the  same 
sentiments  of  the  man  which  I  believe  you  entertain,  and  however 
well  it  might  be  for  him  to  retire  from  his  public  station  at  this 


time,  it  must  affect  in  the  most  sensible  manner  a  feeling  mind  to 
see  the  measures  taken  to  remove  from  office  one  who  has  been  a 
faithful  servant  and  has  grown  old  in  honest  endeavors  to  do  his 
country  good;  and  the  means  used  to  induce  him  to  relinquish  his 
place  are  such  as  renders  it  impossible  for  him  to  retire  with  honor, 
and  who  can  wish  disgrace  to  attend  him  in  his  last  days.  I  confess 
I  think  when  the  public  have  no  longer  occasion  for  the  exertion 
of  any  of  their  servants,  it  requires  no  great  skill  to  dismiss  them 
in  a  manner  which  would  not  wound  the  feelings  of  a  good  man. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Maj.  General  Greene.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS." 

On  the  24th,  General  Greene  himself,  disgusted  with  the  dila- 
toriness  of  Congress  and  its  apparent  disinclination  to  second 
his  views  and  efforts  to  put  the  Quartermaster's  Department  on 
a  business  basis,  wrote  Washington  asking  leave  to  resign. 

April  6,  1779,  General  Parsons  writes  from  the  camp  at 
Redding,  to  which  he  had  returned  from  New  London,  advising 
Governor  Trumbull  of  the  reports  from  Long  Island: — 

SIR. — By  several  gentlemen  who  left  Long  Island  last  Saturday, 
I  am  informed  that  General  Clinton  has  returned  to  New  York. 
A  small  reinforcement  has  arrived  there.  The  "  Renown  "  is  at 
Huntington,  where  I  suppose  she  is  to  be  stationed.  They  also 
inform  that  the  strength  on  the  east  end  of  the  Island  is  about 
2300  men;  that  there  appears  no  preparations  for  leaving  that 
Post,  but  the  moving  baggage  down  the  Island  (which  is  still  con 
tinued),  indicates  the  contrary;  that  from  every  fact  and  informa 
tion  they  have  been  able  to  procure,  they  have  not  the  least  doubt  of 
their  having  been  a  design  to  attack  New  London  or  to  have  made 
descents  on  some  part  of  the  coast  of  this  State,  but  the  loss  of  so 
great  a  part  of  their  fleet  and  intelligence  of  the  country  being 
alarmed  and  the  guards  reinforced,  have  suspended  their  operations 
for  the  present;  that  they  still  continue  building  their  flat-boats  at 
or  near  Southampton.  ...  I  think  it  my  duty  to  submit  this 
information  to  your  Excellency's  consideration  that  just  measures 
may  be  pursued  to  preserve  the  coast  from  ravage  and  destruction, 
as  may  be  thought  necessary  under  present  appearances.  I  suppose 
it  will  not  be  consistent  with  the  orders  of  his  Excellency,  General 
Washington,  to  send  any  further  detachments  to  New  London,  and 
those  at  New  Haven  I  shall  within  a  few  days  order  to  their  former 
stations.  If  guards  are  necessary  to  be  kept  on  the- coast  the  ensuing 


228  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

summer,  I  apprehend  Government  will  give  the  necessary  orders 
to  procure  them,  as  there  cannot  be  the  least  probability  of  any  of 
the  Continental  troops  being  spared  for  that  purpose. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

Camp  Redding,  April  8,  1779,  General  Parsons  advises 
Washington  of  intelligence  just  received  by  him  from  Long 
Island : — 

SIR. — I  received  a  letter  yesterday  of  which  the  following  is  an 
extract:  "  This  moment  Lieut.  Tiffany  returned  from  Long  Island, 
who  informs  me  that  a  body  of  Hessians  are  marching  from  the 
westward,  but  were  not  so  far  up  the  Island  as  Huntington;  that 
officer's  baggage  every  day  is  transporting  towards  the  eastward; 
that  the  militia  of  the  two  western  counties  are  to  assemble  this 
week  at  Hempstead  and  that  a  provision  fleet  has  lately  arrived; 
that  the  Tory  refugees  and  others,  are  forming  an  expedition  against 
Norwalk  which  will  be  put  in  execution  within  ten  days." 

All  accounts  from  Long  Island  agree  that  baggage  and  pro 
visions  are  passing  to  the  eastward  of  the  Island,  that  the  building 
of  flat-boats  there  is  continued  and  in  general  that  there  are  no 
appearances  of  the  enemy  quitting  that  Post.  The  number  of 
foreign  troops  marching  from  the  westward  I  have  not  heard,  but 
'tis  said  the  numbers  are  very  considerable  and  that  General 
Knyphausen  commands  them. 

Whatever  orders  I  may  receive  on  this  or  any  other  occasion  I 
shall  put  in  immediate  execution.  In  case  of  a  descent  on  the  coast 
of  this  State  at  a  remote  distance  from  this  Camp,  I  shall  not  con 
sider  myself  at  liberty  to  march  the  troops  from  this  Camp  without 
your  Excellency's  particular  directions,  which  I  shall  be  happy  to 
receive  if  you  are  of  opinion  they  should  be  employed  that  way. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Washington.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

General  Parsons  at  this  time  was  temporarily  in  command 
of  the  Connecticut  Division,  Putnam  being  absent  in  the  eastern 
part  of  the  State.  On  the  12th  he  wrote  to  General  Mc- 
Dougall,  then  at  West  Point,  cautioning  him  against  an 
application  to  be  made  to  him  for  the  release  of  one,  Cornelius 
Reed  of  Saybrook,  as  "  he  is  a  person  reputed  unfriendly  to  the 
liberties  of  the  country,  and  that  Major  Hart,  whose  honor 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      229 

cannot  be  doubted,  has  given  me  notice  that  a  number  of  men 
whose  names  are  affixed  to  a  certificate  of  Reed's  being  friendly, 
are  themselves  professed  enemies  to  the  independence  of  the 
country."  On  the  16th,  Parsons  reports  to  Washington  in 
telligence  received  by  him  as  to  the  movements  of  the  enemy  on 
Long  Island,  and  says  that  many  of  the  officers  of  this  Division 
are  applying  for  discharges  and  that  he  is  at  a  loss  whether  he 
has  the  power  to  grant  a  discharge  to  any  officer  and  asks  his 
direction  about  the  matter.  On  Saturday,  the  17th,  Parsons 
issued  the  following  order  from  Headquarters  at  Redding: — 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Evans  will  perform  Divine  Service  at  the  Meet 
ing  House  in  Redding  to-morrow.  Service  is  to  begin  at  2  o'clock, 
p.  M.  The  General  desires  the  officers  and  soldiers  to  give  their 
attendance  as  generally  as  possible.  The  First  Brigade  is  to  parade 
at  one  o'clock  on  the  Brigade  Parade,  and  march  from  thence  to 
the  Meeting  House. 

On  the  22d  of  April,  General  Parsons  issued  the  following 
brigade  order  from  Headquarters  at  Redding: 

In  consequence  of  orders  received  from  his  Excellency,  General 
Washington,  this  brigade  is  ordered  and  directed  immediately  to 
set  about  putting  themselves  in  perfect  readiness  to  march  in  a  short 
time.  The  officers  are  directed  to  disencumber  themselves  of  all 
heavy  baggage,  as  they  will  be  allowed  only  to  carry  such  as  is 
indispensably  necessary.  The  officers  of  every  department  will  pay 
the  strictest  attention  to  these  orders  and  exert  their  utmost  en 
deavors  to  have  everything  in  the  greatest  readiness  that  there  may 
be  no  delay  if  marching  orders  should  suddenly  be  given.  Exact 
returns  are  to  be  immediately  made  of  the  arms  and  accouterments 
wanting  in  the  brigade,  that  orders  may  be  given  for  a  supply. 
.  .  .  It  is  now  a  season  of  the  year  in  which  the  troops  may 
with  conveniency  be  attended  upon.  The  troops,  therefore,  in  camp 
and  not  on  duty,  will  for  the  future  exercise  from  five  to  seven 
o'clock  in  the  morning  and  from  four  to  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 
daily.  The  adjutants  of  the  several  regiments  will  have  their  men 
on  the  brigade  parade  punctually  at  the  time.  The  Brigade  In 
spector  will  then  take  charge  of  them  and  pursue  the  established 
principles  of  exercise  for  the  Army,  and  direct  the  necessary 
maneuvers.  As  there  is  but  a  small  number  of  men  in  Camp  at 
present,  the  Brigade  Major  will  detail  officers  for  the  exercise,  not 
less  than  eleven  to  one  regiment,  for  exercise  when  to  be  had.  As 


230  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

there  may  be  some  new  recruits  or  awkward  men  in  the  regiments, 
such  are  to  be  enrolled  by  themselves  and  put  under  the  instruction 
of  some  active  sergeant,  if  under  twelve  in  number;  if  over,  under 
some  subaltern  officer. 

On  the  23d  of  April,  Parsons  writes  General  Washington 
acknowledging  his  letters  of  the  12th,  17th  and  19th  instant, 
and  says  that  in  consequence  of  his  direction  to  put  his  Division 
in  readiness  to  march  by  May  10,  he  has  ordered  in  the 
detachments  at  New  London  and  other  points  remote  from 
camp,  and1  hopes  nothing  will  prevent  his  troops  being  ready 
by  the  time  named.  He  advises  him  that  the  enemy  con 
tinues  part  of  the  time  at  the  east  end  of  Long  Island,  but  seems 
to  be  preparing  to  march  towards  New  York,  and  then  goes 
on  to  say: — 

I  have  reasons  which  have  great  weight  to  induce  me  to  decline 
any  command  in  the  Army  in  the  ensuing  campaign,  but  the  situa 
tion  of  the  troops  is  such  that  I  am  apprehensive  ill  effects  will 
follow  my  resignation  at  this  particular  time.  I  shall  continue  in 
my  command  until  the  season  is  so  far  advanced  that  my  example 
can  have  no  influence  to  induce  my  officers  to  decline  a  service  which 
too  many  of  them  already  wish  to  be  freed  from,  as  I  am  determined 
my  country  shall  never  justly  accuse  me  of  injuring  her  rights  or 
pursuing  measures  tending  to  her  destruction.  I  hope,  therefore, 
if  I  should  at  a  more  advanced  season  of  the  campaign  seek  a  dis 
mission,  I  shall  not  on  that  account  be  esteemed  more  criminal  than 
by  pursuing  my  intentions  at  an  earlier  period. 

On  the  24th,  General  Parsons  wrote  General  Gold  Selleck 
Silliman,  commanding  the  Fairfield  County  Brigade — the 
Fourth  Brigade  of  militia — notifying  him  of  his  intention  to 
call  in  all  the  Coast  Guards: — 

DEAR  SIR. — I  think  it  my  duty  to  inform  you  that  I  have  re 
ceived  such  orders  as  will  oblige  me  to  call  in  all  the  guards  I  have 
established  on  the  coast  by  about  the  first  of  May;  in  the  meantime 
you  will  be  able  to  pursue  such  measures  for  the  security  of  Horse- 
neck  and  the  coast  as  you  think  necessary.  I  have  added  the  names 
of  the  prisoners  of  war  in  my  custody,  as  I  expect  we  shall  soon 
be  called  from  this  place.  I  cannot  long  detain  them. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Brigadier  General  Silliman.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      231 

Redding,  April  25,  1779,  General  Parsons  writes  General 
Washington  as  follows: — 

DEAR  GENERAL. — Your  Excellency's  letter  of  the  23d  instant 
with  the  intelligence  from  General  Maxwell  came  to  hand  this  after 
noon.  I  have  received  information  that  about  the  22d  instant,  a 
large  number  of  empty  wagons  came  up  to  Fort  Washington;  that 
the  enemy,  for  about  a  fortnight  past,  have  prohibited  all  passing 
over  King's  Bridge,  and  observe  the  greatest  secresy  in  their  trans 
actions  at  the  Post.  The  accounts  we  have  of  the  removal  of  cannon 
to  and  the  throwing  up  of  Works  on  Long  Island  and  at  the  Nar 
rows,  are  facts  more  likely  to  be  ascertained  from  Jersey  than  here. 
The  inclosed  letters  will  show  their  state  in  respect  to  forage  and 
some  other  matters.  If  the  enemy  are  not  coming  out  in  force  up 
North  or  East  River,  (which  a  few  days  will  determine),  and  if 
they  are  fortifying  at  the  Narrows,  perhaps  the  wagons  may  be 
designed  to  remove  stores  from  their  outposts  to  contract  their  lines 
and  render  their  defense  more  perfect  with  few  men,  especially  if, 
as  I  am  informed  from  Long  Island,  the  baggage  of  the  Rhode 
Island  troops  is  sent  from  New  York  to  that  place;  this  does  not 
look  like  their  joining  the  troops  in  New  York.  In  consequence  of 
the  orders  of  the  17th,  I  ordered  the  artillery  and  baggage  horses, 
(which  were  sent  a  distance  from  Camp)  to  be  in  by  the  tenth  of 
May.  By  your  directions  to  be  ready  to  march  on  or  before  that 
time,  I  shall  send  for  them  to  be  brought  immediately  to  Camp,  and 
shall  also  hasten  the  march  of  the  troops  from  the  commands  at  a 
considerable  distance  from  this  place.  It  will  also  be  necessary  to 
comply  with  your  orders,  to  call  in  all  the  Coast  Guard,  which  I 
shall  do  this  week.  I  have  given  orders  to  the  Quartermaster  to 
remove  all  stores  from  Danbury  to  Fishkill,  which  cannot  be  left 
without  a  guard. 

I  have  no  returns  of  General  Poor's  brigade,  but  am  sure  the 
invalids,  baggage  guard,  artificers,  &c.,  left  here  could  not  exceed 
fifty;  their  baggage  could  not  march  till  their  horses  arrived,  which 
were  at  the  distance  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles.  I  imagine 
your  Excellency  did  not  recollect  that  Colonel  Hazen's  regiment, 
which  was,  I  suppose,  a  third  of  that  brigade,  had  gone  another 
way,  and  that  the  furloughed  men  on  re-enlisting  and  otherways, 
will  nearly  account  for  the  brigade;  but  I  have  ordered  every  man 
to  march  immediately.  I  believe  there  are  not  more  than  fifteen 
here. 

I  shall  strictly  comply  with  your  Excellency's  orders  communi 
cated  in  your  last  letter,  and  hope  the  movements  of  the  Army 


232  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

which  depend  on  the  readiness  of  this  division  to  march,  will  not  be 
disconcerted  by  any  delay  on  our  part. 

The  returns  of  arms  and  accouterments  necessary  to  enable  us 
to  take  the  field  have  been  made  and  are  now  again  inclosed,  which, 
according  to  your  Excellency's  directions,  we  are  to  expect  from 
Springfield  in  consequence  of  an  order  you  will  forward  for  the 
purpose. 

I  herewith  transmit  your  Excellency  the  report  of  the  Court 
Martial  on  the  trial  of  Lt.  Col.  Holdridge.  As  we  are  soon  to  take 
the  field,  I  would  request  your  Excellency's  early  attention  to  the 
case  that,  if  the  report  is  satisfactory,  he  may  again  take  his  com 
mand  in  the  regiment. 

The  other  report 'in  the  case  of  Gray,  I  can  only  say  that  two 
sons  of  the  family  have  died  in  our  service,  and  there  appears  some 
reason  to  suppose  he  was  coming  in  on  your  Excellency's  proclama 
tion  of  pardon.  I  suppose  if  he  is  pardoned,  the  payment  of  the 
horse  &c.  may  be  secured. 

If  I  continue  in  my  command  this  campaign,  I  have  Colonel 
Webb's  request  that  his  regiment  may  again  be  annexed  to  my 
brigade,  if  it  can  consist  with  the  public  good.  I  shall  esteem  it  a 
particular  favor  to  have  that  regiment  annexed  to  my  brigade,  but 
cannot  wish  the  public  interest  should  give  place  to  my  attachment 
to  particular  regiments  or  corps. 

I  am  &cv 
To  General  Washington.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  same  day  General  Parsons  wrote  to  General  McDougall 
as  to  the  detachment  in  Harrison's  Purchase: — 

CAMP  READING,  April  25,  1779. 

SIR. — I  have  ordered  all  of  Poor's  brigade  remaining  here  to  join 
you  immediately.  I  believe  there  are  not  twenty  in  this  Camp. 

His  Excellency's  orders  make  it  necessary  to  call  in  my  out 
guards  sooner  than  I  intended  when  I  wrote  to  you  yesterday.  The 
orders  I  now  have  are  to  be  ready  to  march  by  or  before  the  10th 
of  May,  and  to  hold  one  brigade  in  readiness  to  march  immediately 
on  news  of  the  enemy's  embarking.  This  cannot  be  complied  with 
if  the  command  in  Harrison's  Purchase  is  continued;  I  shall,  there 
fore,  order  them  to  join  the  division  this  week,  unless  you  suppose 
they  can  be  continued  there  and  the  spirit  of  the  order  be  complied 
with.  ...  I  am  &c., 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  General  McDougall. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      233 

Detachments  from  Parsons'  Division  were  doing  duty  as  coast 
guards  all  along  the  Sound  from  New  London  to  Greenwich. 
In  compliance  with  Washington's  orders,  Parsons  had  already 
issued  marching  orders  to  Lt.  Col.  Johnson  at  New  London  and 
to  Colonel  Wyllys  at  New  Haven,  and  was  now  calling  in  his 
less  remote  outposts.  On  the  26th,  he  wrote  to  Colonel  Swift : — 

DEAR  SIR. — The  orders  I  yesterday  received  from  his  Excellency 
cannot  be  complied  with  if  the  detachment  under  your  command 
continues  any  longer  on  their  present  station,  but  removing  im 
mediately  may  put  the  inhabitants  into  a  state  of  too  great  hazard 
before  they  can  be  in  any  way  prepared  to  oppose  small  parties  of 
the  enemy.  You  will,  therefore,  on  receipt  of  this,  march  with 
that  part  of  the  detachment  belonging  to  the  Second  Brigade  to 
this  Post,  and  remove  the  remaining  part  of  the  detachment  to 
Horseneck  or  such  other  place  as,  on  consultation  with  Colonel 
Grosvenor,  shall  be  thought  best  to  give  such  protection  to  the  in 
habitants  as  will  consist  with  a  reasonable  safety  to  themselves.  I 
wish  you  to  inform  Colonel  Mead  and  also  the  officer  commanding 
the  detachment  from  General  McDougall's  division  of  your  orders, 
and  that  the  remainder  of  the  detachment  will  be  called  in  as  soon 
as  Sunday  next,  that  they  may  take  such  measures  as  their  pru 
dence  shall  direct  in  consequence  of  these  orders. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Colonel  Swift.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

May  2d,  General  Parsons  wrote  to  Colonel  Grosvenor  that 

General  McDougall  had  ordered  Greaton's  regiment  to  the  lines 
to  take  the  place  of  my  troops.  On  their  arrival,  you  will  immedi 
ately  repair  to  Camp  with  the  guards  under  your  command.  You 
will  also  order  the  guards  at  Greenwich  and  at  Stamford  to  leave 
those  Posts  and  join  their  regiment;  at  the  same  time,  if  that  regi 
ment  does  not  arrive  before  Tuesday  next,  you  are  not  to  continue 
longer  on  that  Post.  You  will  take  the  most  effectual  care  that  no 
stragglers  are  left  on  the  road  and  that  all  soldiers  which  fall 
within  your  knowledge,  join  the  Army. 

General  Parsons  writing  to  General  McDougall  from  his 
Headquarters  at  Redding  on  the  30th  of  April,  says : — 

My  orders  from  his  Excellency  do  not  point  out  the  place  to 
which  this  division  is  to  march,  but  that  it  be  held  in  the  most  per 
fect  readiness  to  march  by  or  before  the  10th  of  May;  and  that  1 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

cause  the  brigades  under  my  command  to  march  immediately  to  the 
support  of  the  Posts  in  the  Highlands  if  I  shall  receive  information 
of  the  enemy's  embarking  troops,  or  shall  be  called  on  by  General 
McDougall  in  case  the  knowledge  of  this  circumstance  comes  first 
to  him.  The  First  Brigade  having  as  a  brigade  been  on  duty  since 
both  have  been  in  Division,  I  have  ordered  the  Second  Brigade  to 
hold  itself  in  readiness  to  march  on  the  shortest  notice.  You  see 
by  these  orders,  the  march  of  either  of  the  brigades  to  the  North 
River  is  conditional,  and,  in  case  the  event  mentioned  does  not 
take  place,  I  am  left  without  the  means  of  conjecturing  our  route 
the  10th  of  May.  .  .  .  The  tenor  of  the  information  I  receive 
induces  me  to  believe  the  enemy  design  the  embarkation  soon  to  take 
place  for  South  Carolina,  and  that  the  system  in  New  York  is 
defensive  only. 

General  Parsons  was  correct  in  his  forecast  of  the  plans  and 
intentions  of  the  enemy.  Their  mysterious  movements  and  the 
active  preparations  in  New  York,  were  as  it  turned  out,  all  made 
with  reference  to  an  expedition  against  South  Carolina,  which 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  to  command  in  person  and  which  was  to 
sail  in  a  few  days,  but  which  was  delayed  for  various  reasons 
and  did  not  get  to  sea  until  the  latter  part  of  December. 

The  following  order,  dated  April  28,  was  addressed  by 
General  Washington  to  the  Commanding  Officer  at  Redding: — 

By  intelligence  received  from  different  quarters,  there  is  great 
reason  to  suspect  the  enemy  has  some  important  movement  in  con 
templation.  In  this  aspect  of  things,  it  becomes  the  part  of  pru 
dence  to  provide  as  effectually  as  we  can  for  the  security  of  those 
points  at  which  we  are  most  vunerable.  I  am,  therefore,  to  desire 
you  will,  without  delay,  detach  General  Parsons'  brigade  to  rein 
force  General  McDougall,  and  to  continue  with  him  'till  further 
orders.  They  must  take  their  baggage  and  artillery  with  them. 

To  this  General  Parsons  replied: — 

REDDING,  May  2,  1779. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — Your  letter  of  the  28th,  directed  to  the  Com 
manding  Officer  here,  came  safe  to  me  about  four  o'clock  this  morn 
ing.  According  to  your  Excellency's  former  orders  of  the  23d,  I 
have  given  orders  to  General  Huntington's  brigade  whose  tour  of 
duty  it  is,  (mine  having  performed  the  last),  to  hold  itself  in  readi 
ness  to  march  on  the  shortest  notice,  and,  on  receiving  intelligence 


of  the  embarkation  of  some  regiment  of  the  enemy,  I  had  ordered 
them  to  march  to  Peekskill  to  reinforce  General  McDougall.  On 
receipt  of  your  last,  I  was  much  at  a  loss  whether  to  countermand 
the  march  of  this  brigade  and  order  mine  to  Peekskill,  but  con 
sidering  it  will  necessarily  take  up  more  time  before  mine  can 
march,  all  the  guards  being  supplied  from  my  brigade,  and  General 
Huntington's  having  been  collected  for  marching  some  days,  and 
no  new  object  appearing  in  which  the  troops  are  to  be  employed, 
and  fearing  the  Posts  in  the  Highlands,  being  of  great  importance 
and  which  may  require  the  most  speedy  arrival  of  the  troops  for 
their  support,  I  thought  I  could  not  better  comply  with  the  spirit 
of  your  Excellency's  last  order  than  by  continuing  the  order  I  had 
given  to  the  Second  Brigade. 

But  lest  I  should  contravene  your  Excellency's  intentions  in 
marching  this  brigade,  I  have  ordered  mine  to  hold  itself  in  readi 
ness  to  march  on  the  shortest  notice,  and  shall  this  day  call  in  all 
my  outguards  that  nothing  shall  on  our  part  be  the  occasion  of  any 
delay  in  executing  your  Excellency's  commands. 

I  must  remind  your  Excellency  we  are  not  supplied  with  tents 
and  camp  utensils,  nor  have  we  any  order  for  arms  and  acouter- 
ments,  in  which  we  are  deficient.  One  of  our  field  pieces  is  split, 
which  I  have  ordered  to  Springfield,  when  I  hope  we  shall  be  sup 
plied  with  another.  Our  horses  are  sent  for  but  not  now  arrived, 
but  I  hope  they  will  be  in  very  soon.  The  portmanteaus  with  which 
the  officers  were  to  be  furnished,  have  not  come,  nor  can  I  find  any 
are  provided  here,  so  that  it  will  be  difficult  for  them  to  contract 
their  baggage  to  so  small  a  compass  as  was  expected. 

The  enemy  continues  fortifying  Laurel  Hill  east  of  Fort  Wash 
ington,  and  'tis  said  when  this  is  completed,  they  design  to  evacu 
ate  the  Posts  this  side  Kingsbridge;  this  has  the  appearance  of  a 
defensive  system  in  New  York. 

To  General  Washington.  I  am  &c'> 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  following  is  the  order  to  the  Commanding  Officer  of  the 
Second  Brigade  referred  to  above: — 

May  1st,  1779. 

SIR. — On  receipt  of  this  you  are  directed  without  delay  to  march 
the  brigade  under  your  command  to  Peekskill,  where  you  will  re 
ceive  the  orders  of  General  McDougall. 

I  am  &c., 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS, 

B.  G.  Comm.  Div. 


236  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

May  11,  1779,  General  Parsons  writes  to  Washington: — 

DEAR  GENERAL. — My  horses  and  tents  having  arrived  last  night 
(arms,  accouterments  and  some  camp  utensils  excepted)  we  are 
ready  to  take  the  field;  my  guards  are  all  called  in  and  we  shall  be 
happy  to  receive  your  Excellency's  orders  to  march  to  any  place  you 
think  proper.  I  have  delivered  your  Excellency's  letters  and  orders 
to  General  Putnam  and  shall  be  happy  to  receive  orders  to  leave 

this  camp. 

1  am  &c., 

To  General  Washington.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

General  Putnam  having  returned  to  camp,  writes  May  7, 
1779,  to  Washington: — 

DEAR  SIR. — I  am  now  taking  the  earliest  opportunity  to  acquaint 
your  Excellency  with  my  arrival  in  camp  to  resume  command  of 
my  division. 

From  the  letters  which  passed  in  my  absence  and  which  I  have 
seen  since  my  return,  I  find  there  was  reason  to  apprehend  the 
enemy  would  have  been  in  motion  before  this  time,  and  that  upon 
these  appearances,  it  was  judged  necessary  for  all  the  troops  which 
were  under  my  command  to  march  for  the  defense  of  the  Posts  on 
the  North  River,  except  the  First  Connecticut  Brigade,  which  is 
now  held  in  readiness  for  that  purpose.  .  .  .  Although  I  do 
not  in  the  least  doubt  the  necessity  and  propriety  of  these  measures, 
or  wish  to  be  informed  of  the  secrets  of  the  ensuing  campaign,  yet 
it  is  exceedingly  natural  for  me  to  have  some  little  curiosity  about 
my  future  destination;  whether  I  am  to  command  those  troops 
which  have  been  with  me  the  winter  past  or  in  some  new  depart 
ment,  or  whether  I  am  to  remain  to  guard  the  huts  at  this  place. 
For  after  General  McDougall  is  reinforced  with  the  whole  of  my 
division  (which  will  augment  his  to  a  very  respectable  command) 
nothing  is  said  concerning  the  part  which  I  am  to  act. 

I  am  unhappy  to  inform  your  Excellency  that,  upon  the  removal 
of  our  detachments  from  the  sea-coast,  the  enemy  have  exhibited 
some  specimens  of  enterprise  so  usual  to  them.  A  few  nights  since, 
a  small  party  from  a  whale-boat  landed  at  Fairfield,  surprised  and 
carried  off  Brigadier  General  Silliman  and  his  son,  Major  Silli- 
man.  Last  night  another  party  landed  at  Middlesex,  near  Nor- 
walk,  in  quest  of  one  Captain  Selleck,  who  happened  to  be  absent; 
but  a  Mr.  Webb,  late  a  lieutenant  in  the  trainband,  two  of  the  in 
habitants  and  the  ingenious  Dr.  Bushnell,  fell  into  their  hands.  As 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      237 

the  latter,  who  was  there  in  prosecution  of  his  unremitting  en 
deavors  to  destroy  the  enemy's  shipping,  is  personally  known  to 
very  few  people,  he  may  not  be  discovered  by  bis  real  name  or 
character  and  may  be  considered  of  less  consequence  than  he 
actually  is.  [Bushnell  was  the  inventor  of  the  torpedo  used  to 
blow  up  the  Asia.]  I  am  &c., 

ISRAEL  PUTNAM. 
To  General  Washington. 

In  writing,  the  16th,  to  General  McDougall,  Parsons  says: — 
"  The  General  in  his  answer  to  my  letters  approves  of  my  send 
ing  Huntington's  brigade  to  Peekskill,  and  directs  that  mine 
remain  at  this  Post  until  I  receive  his  further  orders  and  that 
General  Huntington's  brigade  continue  at  Peekskill." 

President  Timothy  Dwight,  Chaplain  of  Parsons'  brigade 
by  appointment  of  Congress,  October  6,  1777,  writes  from 
Northampton,  April  23,  1779,  to  General  Parsons: — 

DEAR  SIR. — Yours  of  April  10th  arrived  safely.  It  gave  me 
pleasure  to  hear  of  your  welfare  and  pain  on  other  accounts,  which 
you  will  naturally  guess,  although  you  may  not  be  able  to  guess  so 
well  as  Governor  Tryon. 

I  find  I  shall  not  be  able  to  join  the  Army  in  due  season  and  so, 
with  reluctance,  desire  you  to  appoint  a  successor  to  me.  I  am 
amazed  at  the  attitude  of  people  on  both  sides  of  the  water.  Our 
country  here  sinks  inconceivably,  while  taxes  rise.  Without  a  gift 
of  prophecy,  I  will  venture  to  foretell  that  the  movement  which 
forces  small  farmers  to  sell  their  real  estate  for  the  purpose  of  pay 
ing  taxes,  will  produce  a  revolution. 

That  God  may  grant  a  speedy  cessation  of  hostilities  is  the  most 
fervent  wish  of  your  sincere  friend  and  most  humble  servant, 

TIMOTHY  DWIGHT. 
To  General  Parsons. 

Camp  Redding,  April  29,  General  Parsons  writes  to 
Colonel  Lamb,  calling  him  to  account  for  circulating  false 
reports  concerning  him: — 

SIR. — I  am  informed  that  you  have  taken  the  liberty  to  report 
that  I  have  been  guilty  of  taking  from  the  inhabitants  below  the 
lines  cattle  and  other  property  and  appropriating  the  avails  to  my 
own  use;  and  that  I  have  employed  soldiers  in  privateers  in  which 


X 

238  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

I  am  interested  to  the  injury  of  the  public  service,  and  that  I  have, 
or  now  do,  carry  on  a  commerce  with  the  enemies  of  these  States. 
These  are  in  substance  the  articles  of  which  I  have  heard  you 
accuse  me. 

As  I  cannot  persuade  myself  that  any  gentleman,  especially  a 
person  of  your  good  sense,  will  assert  facts  so  much  to  the  injury 
of  another,  and  so  totally  destitute  of  all  color  of  truth  as  all  those 
representations  are,  I  think  it  my  duty  to  acquaint  you  of  the 
reports,  not  so  much  on  my  own  account  as  yours,  for  if  you  have 
reported  these  things  I  know  you  have  injured  yourself  more  than 
any  man  can  injure  me,  because  there  is  not  the  least  foundation 
in  truth  to  support  the  facts.  Neither  cattle  nor  horses  nor  any 
other  property  have  been  taken  by  my  guards  from  the  inhabitants 
below  the  lines  since  we  have  been  in  this  camp.  I  never  owned 
any  part  of  a  privateer  in  my  life.  I  don't  recollect  to  have  bought 
of  or  sold  to  any  person  below  the  lines  or  on  Long  Island  or  any 
other  place  within  the  enemy's  possessions  since  the  controversy 
first  commenced.  Nor  have  I  ever  received  a  farthing  of  any 
plunder  taken  under  any  circumstances. 

It  is  cruel  and  the  height  of  vileness  to  traduce  any  man  in  this 
manner,  especially  one  who  has  invariably  followed  the  fortunes  of 
his  country  from  the  first  commencement  of  the  contest,  and  rep 
resentations  of  this  kind  where  you  are  reported  to  be  the  authority 
are  highly  injurious  to  you.  I  am  sure  you  will  not  deny  any  re 
ports  of  which  you  are  really  the  author,  and,  therefore,  both  on 
your  own  and  my  account,  have  a  right  to  expect  an  answer  by 
which  I  may  be  made  certain  (for  I  shall  believe  you)  whether  you 
have  reported  these  things  or  not. 

Charges  of  this  character  were  made  throughout  the  war 
against  the  most  prominent  people  (among  others  against  Gov 
ernors  Trumbull  and  Clinton)  without  the  least  foundation  in 
fact,  and  usually  by  persons  who  were  themselves  engaged  in 
these  transactions  and  who  circulated  such  reports  to  divert 
suspicion  from  themselves.  How  Colonel  Lamb  justified  him 
self  does  not  appear,  as  his  answer,  if  any  were  made,  has  been 
lost. 

April  30,  1779,  General  Parsons  writes  to  Governor 
Trumbull  respecting  several  questions  which  had  arisen  as  to 
the  proper  construction  of  a  late  Act  of  the  Assembly  making 
provision  for  the  troops  of  the  State  :  — 


, 

U 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      239 

SIR. — I  have  received  and  communicated  to  the  troops  the  Act 
of  Assembly  of  the  7th,  making  provision  for  the  troops  of  this 
State,  and  hope  that  general  satisfaction  will  arise  from  it  which 
the  justice  and  tender  concern  for  the  troops  manifested  in  the 
Act  ought  to  produce.  Nothing  has  or  shall  be  omitted  on  my  part 
to  render  the  just  expectations  of  the  Assembly  effectual.  As  that 
Body  ever  has,  so  I  am  convinced  it  will  still  be  desirous  of  remov 
ing  every  doubt  which  may  arise  in  construing  the  Act  in  which 
so  great  a  part  of  the  subjects  of  the  State  are  interested,  and 
rendering  it  satisfactory  to  the  command.  I  shall,  therefore,  freely 
point  out  the  difficulties  which  have  been  suggested  and  request 
your  Excellency  to  lay  the  matter  before  the  Assembly  for  its  con 
sideration.  By  some,  both  officers  and  soldiers,  it  is  supposed  the 
Act  makes  no  provision  for  doing  justice  to  any  who  do  not  serve 
the  term  of  three  years  or  during  the  war;  that  those  who  die  with 
sickness,  fall  in  battle  or  are  disabled  in  service  or  for  sufficient 
reasons  obtain  an  honorable  discharge,  are  not  entitled  to  satisfac 
tion  during  the  time  they  do  serve.  I  confess  I  do  not  see  the  Act 
fairly  capable  of  such  construction,  because  the  term  of  three  years 
or  during  the  war  mentioned  in  the  Act,  appears  to  me  only  de 
scriptive  of  the  persons  entitled  to  receive  the  promised  justice, 
and  the  expiration  of  the  time  of  their  service,  as  affixing  the 
period  in  which  that  justice  shall  be  done  them,  and  the  time  of 
their  service  expires  as  effectually  on  their  death  or  discharge  as  on 
the  expiration  of  three  years  or  at  the  close  of  the  war;  and  this 
construction  of  the  Act  I  have  assured  the  troops  is  the  true  meaning 
and  intention  of  Government. 

Another  difficulty  suggested  is,  that  till  the  period  of  payment, 
no  adjustment  is  to  be  made,  and  the  longer  the  time  is  protracted, 
the  greater  difficulties  remain  in  ascertaining  the  justice  due  to  the 
Army  or  the  individuals  in  it;  and  the  party  who  has  to  pay  has  the 
sole  weight  of  deciding  the  sums  due.  Another  objection  made  is 
the  uncertainty  whether  those  of  the  regimental  staff,  such  as 
surgeons,  &c.,  are  provided  for,  and  some  brigade  officers,  such  as 
Major  of  brigades,  chaplains,  &c.  These  are  all  serving  in  the 
Connecticut  Line  of  Infantry,  but  are  not  officers  of  the  Line  in 
the  Infantry.  As  I  am  sure  the  Assembly  of  Connecticut  will  be 
desirous  of  putting  their  intentions  into  the  most  clear  and  explicit 
terms  beyond  the  power  of  construction,  and  to  adopt  such  measures 
as  will  give  the  most  perfect  satisfaction,  I  hope  not  to  give  offense 
when  I  request,  at  the  desire  of  the  officers,  that  the  Assembly  would 
at  their  next  session,  pass  an  explanatory  resolve  by  which  the 
doubts  before  mentioned  shall  be  removed,  and  by  which  it  will 


240  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

appear  that  those  who  die  or  are  discharged  before  the  expiration 
of  the  term  for  which  they  engaged  is  ended,  and  those  staff  officers 
who  are  not  of  the  Line,  but  serving  in  the  Line,  may  be  explicitly 
entitled  to  the  liberal  grants  made  by  the  Assembly,  and  that  a  com 
mittee  be  appointed  to  ascertain  the  sums  due  the  Army  for  the 
years  1777  and  1778  and  so  at  the  close  of  every  year;  this  com 
mittee,  they  apprehend,  ought  to  have  one  of  its  members  from  the 
Army. 

As  it  will  be  the  interest,  so  I  make  no  doubt  the  State  will  cheer 
fully  furnish  moneys  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  from  time  to  time 
as  their  necessities  may  require.  The  sums  voted  to  be  paid  this 
spring  and  next  fall,  will  be  a  very  essential  relief  to  them,  and  I 
must  entreat  your  Excellency's  attention  to  this  subject,  that  the 
sums  necessary  may  be  supplied.  They  are  indeed  distressed  for 
want.  'Tis  now  four  months  since  any  wages  have  been  paid,  and 
there  is  no  money  among  the  troops;  they  are  greatly  discontented 
and  'tis  with  difficulty  they  are  quieted.  I  believe  this  sum,  if  now 
paid,  would  be  a  seasonable  relief  of  their  real  distresses  and  would 
give  great  content.  I  cannot  but  assign  the  want  of  pay,  or  sup 
plies  of  money  in  some  way,  as  one  cause  of  the  great  desertions 
in  our  Line.  I  believe  we  have  lost  near  two  hundred  this  winter  by 
desertion.  The  numbers  and  names  I  will  make  out  and  return  to 
your  Excellency,  that  some  measures  may  be  taken  to  return  them 
to  their  duty.  I  am  sorry  to  have  reason  to  say  there  appears  no 
disposition  in  the  country  to  aid  us  in  our  endeavors  to  regain  our 
soldiers,  but,  in  some  instances,  they  conceal  them  and  in  others 
refuse  them  from  us. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

May  6,  Parsons  wrote  to  Governor  Clinton,  respecting  a 
a  prisoner  he  sends  him,  named  Willets : — 

REDDING,  May  6,  1779. 

SIR. — I  have  apprehended  one,  Willets,  and  send  him  to  your 
care.  My  reasons  for  taking  him  are  that  for  several  months  past 
he  has  practiced  passing  along  the  coast  of  this  State  and  always 
makes  his  quarters  among  the  most  disaffected  part  of  the  inhabi 
tants;  is  charged  with  communicating  intelligence  to  the  enemy  on 
Long  Island  and  is  suspected  to  be  aiding  the  plan  of  passing  coun 
terfeit  money.  [The  British  at  this  time  were  endeavoring  to  injure 
our  credit  by  circulating  counterfeits  of  our  currency.  This  was 
done  to  such  an  extent  that  Congress  withdrew  an  entire  issue.] 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      241 

The  jealousies  are  fortified  by  his  being  in  no  apparent  business 
and  spending  months  in  those  towns  at  a  distance  from  his  family 
and  friends  without  any  visible  cause.  The  day  I  took  him  up,  he 
said  he  was  going  to  Long  Island  and  that  he  wanted  no  public 
license  to  go;  that  he  had  often  passed  and  repassed  to  and  from 
the  Island  and  would  again  do  it  without  liberty.  I  find  in  his 
papers  sundry  memorandums  for  goods  to  be  purchased  and  some 
letters  prepared  by  him  to  be  sent  to  the  Island,  filled  with  infernal 
lies  calculated  to  work  upon  the  hopes  and  fears  of  the  persons  to 
whom  directed,  and  in  the  end  to  cheat  them  out  of  their  estates. 
His  father  and  uncle  are  two  of  these  persons,  which  shows  the 
man  wholly  destitute  of  every  principle  of  honor  and  virtue.  He 
is  notorious  for  having  no  regard  for  the  truth,  and  Mr.  Lloyd, 
Capt.  Grennell  and  others  from  Long  Island  give  him  a  character 
of  the  most  infamous  sort.  Under  these  circumstances,  I  thought  it 
wholly  improper  he  should  remain  on  the  coast  of  the  Sound,  and, 
as  he  is  a  subject  of  the  State  of  New  York,  I  have  sent  him  to 
Poughkeepsie  that  the  authorities  of  that  State  should  take  such 
measures  with  him  as  they  judge  necessary.  The  money  and  papers 
found  with  him  are  also  transmitted  to  your  care. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Governor  Clinton.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

May  17,  1779,  Parsons  writes  to  General  Washington  in 
reference  to  the  discharge  of  Lieut.  Jackson  and  Ensign  Hotch- 
kiss,  and  adds,  "  If  there  should  be  any  western  or  northern 
campaign,  my  officers  would  much  prefer  being  employed  in 
active  service  to  any  other  disposition  of  my  brigade,  if  the 
general  good  may  as  well  be  promoted.  For  my  own  part,  I 
should  prefer  any  part  in  an  active  campaign  to  any  stationary 
post." 

May  22  he  writes  to  his  friend,  Lovell,  in  Congress,  enquir 
ing  whether  any  brigadier  of  later  appointment  than  August  9, 
1776,  (the  date  of  Parsons'  commission)  has  been  promoted. 
"  I  am  informed  General  Moultrie  is  lately  promoted.  You  must 
be  sensible  of  the  feelings  of  a  military  officer  on  such  an 
event,  and,  although  I  am  willing  to  devote  my  life  to  the  serv 
ice  of  my  country,  I  shall  never  be  persuaded  'tis  my  duty  to 
continue  that  service  under  such  circumstances  as  will  reflect 
personal  dishonor  upon  me,  and  must  join  my  fellow  citizens 
in  despising  myself  if  I  submitted  to  take  any  command  in  the 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

army  under  these  circumstances."  The  favoritism  of  Congress 
was  a  fruitful  cause  of  jealousies  and  heart-burnings  among 
officers  of  the  army,  which  a  better  system  and  a  less  capricious 
method  of  appointments  would  have  avoided  to  the  benefit  of 
the  service. 

The  people  of  Connecticut  living  near  the  Sound  had  for 
some  time  been  in  the  habit  of  fitting  out  private  expeditions 
for  the  purpose  of  plundering  the  inhabitants  of  Long  Island 
who  lived  within  the  enemy's  lines.  This  practice  General 
Parsons  regarded,  not  only  as  unlawful,  but  impolitic  and  dis 
graceful,  and  as  justifying  every  act  of  barbarity  or  cruelty 
which  the  British  had  been  guilty  of,  and  which  Congress  and 
every  honest  member  of  society  had  indignantly  denounced. 
"  But,  as  there  was  a  claim  that  the  practice  would  be  supported 
by  law,"  writes  Parsons  to  John  Jay,  President  of  Congress, 
"  and  very  frequent  instances  would  probably  occur  in  which  we 
'by  our  military  instructions  might  be  called  to  interpose,  I 
therefore  expressly  directed  Colonel  Gray  to  seize  the  goods 
mentioned  in  the  libel  when  they  came  within  his  guard  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  having  a  decision  of  the  Courts  of  Law  upon  the 
legality  of  this  practice  of  plundering  the  inhabitants  of  Long 
Island,  that  we  might  not  be  guilty  of  trespassing  on  the  rights 
of  the  people  by  exercise  of  military  power  to  suppress  this 
conduct  in  case  it  was  adjudged  legal."  The  goods  seized  were 
libelled  by  the  claimant,  William  Scudder,  and  the  Court,  upon 
the  hearing,  very  much  to  Parsons'  surprise,  having  held  such 
private  warfare  lawful,  he  reports  the  case  to  General  Washing 
ton  and  asks  for  further  directions : — 

REDDING,  May  15,  1779. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — The  cause  between  William  Scudder  and  Lt. 
Colonel  Gray  respecting  the  goods  plundered  upon  Long  Island 
has  issued  in  favor  of  Scudder.  Your  Excellency  will  readily 
believe  the  perplexing  situation  the  officers  commanding  on  the 
coast  on  the  advanced  Posts  are  placed  by  the  decree.  The  single 
point  litigated  and  decided  was,  whether  merchandise  the  property 
of  private  persons  within  that  territory  possessed  by  the  enemy  was 
by  law  liable  to  be  plundered  by  any  of  the  subjects  of  the  United 
States,  and  on  a  long  and  full  hearing  the  Court  has  justified  the 
practice;  the  consequence  must  be  that  whoever  attempts  to  prevent 
this  practice  is  a  trespasser  and  liable  to  an  action  at  law.  I  know 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       243 

my  officers  have  honestly  and  faithfully  endeavored  to  carry  your 
Excellency's  orders  on  that  head  into  execution.  I  am  convinced 
that  the  laws  of  nations  as  well  as  the  policy  which  ought  to  be 
adopted  in  this  country,  whose  extensive  coast  affords  so  many 
opportunities  to  retaliate,  forbids  the  practice,  nor  can  I  convince 
myself  that  any  person  or  body  of  men  have  a  greater  right  to  de 
termine  the  mode  or  extent  of  warring  than  they  have  to  declare 
war  or  make  peace,  and  have,  therefore,  always  supposed  every  spe 
cies  of  reprisal  was  unlawful  but  those  which  were  particularly 
authorized  by  Congress.  But  the  Courts  of  Law  determine  other 
wise,  and,  by  the  consequences  of  the  decree  in  this  case,  subject 
all  the  inhabitants  on  Long  Island  and  other  places  possessed  by  the 
enemy  to  be  indiscriminately  plundered.  The  officers,  therefore,  will 
be  at  a  loss  whether  your  Excellency  would  still  continue  your  order 
to  prevent  these  practices.  I  am  &c., 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  General  Washington 

Believing  the  decree  of  the  Court  to  be  contrary  to  law  and 
good  policy,  General  Parsons  on  the  2d  of  May  transmitted  a 
copy  of  the  proceedings  in  the  case  to  President  Jay  and  wished 
to  know  what  in  the  judgment  of  Congress  was  to  be  done  in 
such  cases  of  private  warfare.  On  the  9th  and  20th  he  again 
writes  Mr.  Jay,  urging  that  Congress  direct  an  appeal  to  be 
taken,  and  offering,  in  case  of  an  adverse  decision,  to  himself 
pay  the  costs  and  save  Colonel  Gray  harmless.  He  argues 
against  the  practice  of  indiscriminate  plunder,  not  only  because 
it  is  infamous,  but  because  it  is  contrary  to  military  orders. 
"  I  have  always  thought,"  he  says,  "  that  the  Supreme  Council 
of  every  nation  ought  to  have  the  right  of  making  war  and 
peace,  .  .  .  and  that  no  man  in  a  state  of  society  can  so 
far  resume  his  natural  rights  as  to  determine  either  the  mode 
or  extent  of  his  making  war  against  his  neighbor.  ...  If 
forfeitures  are  incurred  in  any  case,  they  are  made  to  society 
and  are  not  to  be  appropriated  to  the  use  of  individuals. 
No  civilized  nation  ever  avowed  the  practice  of  plun 
dering  the  inhabitants  of  those  subjects  of  a  nation  they  were 
contending  with,  who  remained  in  their  own  business  and  were 
not  found  in  arms.  .  .  .  If  no  further  proceedings  are 
had  in  the  case,  I  shall  suppose  Congress  is  of  the  opinion  the 
practice  is  laudable  and  honorary,  and  that  no  military  order 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

to  prevent  it  is  to  be  obeyed,  and  that  every  subject  of  these 
States  who  is  not  restrained  by  his  own  private  sentiments  is  at 
liberty  to  commit  such  depredations  on  the  property  of  the 
inhabitants  within  the  territory  possessed  by  the  enemy  as  he 
pleases,  and  as  the  trade  of  plundering  is  now  in  a  flourishing 
condition,  we  shall  be  at  liberty  to  share  the  benefits  of  it  with 
our  fellow  citizens."  Parsons'  position  on  this  question, 
although  in  the  highest  degree  honorable  to  himself  and  fully 
in  accord  with  the  ideas  and  practices  of  modern  civilized  war 
fare  was  not  calculated  to  make  him  friends  among  the  piratical 
crews  that  sailed  the  Sound.  Right  or  wrong,  it  is  certain  that 
these  expeditions  were  not  generally  looked  upon  with  disfavor. 
Indeed,  the  coast  people  had  much  to  plead  in  justification. 
They  were  themselves  constantly  subject  to  raids  from  the 
Long  Island  shore,  and  it  was  but  human  to  retaliate.  They 
evidently  did  not  regard  themselves  as  making  war,  but  rather 
as  engaged  in  recovering  what  belonged  to  them.  The  possi 
bility  of  injuring  innocent  people  did  not  deter  them,  for  they 
well  knew  that  Lloyd's  Neck,  Huntington's  Bay  and  the  whole 
country  between  there  and  New  York  was  a  veritable  Tory  nest, 
and  that  strike  where  they  would  there  was  small  chance  that  any 
patriot  would  suffer.  What  the  Courts  upheld  and  the  gen 
eral  sentiment  of  the  community  sustained  could  not  have 
appeared  very  criminal  in  their  eyes. 

General  Putnam  having  been  assigned  to  the  command  of 
the  Right  Wing,  then  stationed  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson 
near  Smiths  Clove,  issued  to  his  Division  the  following  parting 
order : — 

HEADQUARTERS,  REDDING,  May  27,  1779. 

Major  General  Putnam  being  about  to  take  command  of  one  of 
the  Wings  of  the  Grand  Army,  before  he  leaves  the  troops  who  have 
served  under  him  the  winter  past,  thinks  it  his  duty  to  signify  to 
them  his  entire  approbation  of  their  regular  and  soldier-like  con 
duct,  and  wishes  them,  (wherever  they  may  happen  to  be  out,)  a 
successful  and  glorious  campaign. 

General  Parsons,  by  virtue  of  seniority,  now  succeeded  to  the 
command  of  the  Connecticut  Division,  and,  except  when  tem 
porarily  absent  from  camp,  continued  to  command  it  until  his 
retirement  from  the  Army  in  1782. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

CLINTON'S  EXPEDITION  UP  THE  HUDSON.  TRYON'S  RAID  ON  NEW 
HAVEN,  FAIRFIELD  AND  NORWALK.  WAYNE  RETAKES  STONY 
POINT.  SULLIVAN'S  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  Six  NATIONS.  PAR 
SONS  SUCCEEDS  PUTNAM  IN  THE  COMMAND  OF  THE  CONNECTICUT 
DIVISION. 

May — December,    1799 

On  the  28th  of  April,  1779,  General  Washington  had  written 
General  Putnam  from  his  Headquarters  at  Middlebrook,  in  New 
Jersey,  that  he  had  great  reason  to  suspect  that  the  enemy  had 
some  important  movement  in  contemplation,  and  desired  him 
without  delay  to  detach  General  Parsons'  brigade  to  reinforce 
General  McDougall.  On  the  24th  of  May  he  further  wrote: — 

By  recent  intelligence  through  different  channels  I  have  the 
best  reason  to  believe  that  General  Clinton  has  drawn  his  whole 
force  to  a  point  at  New  York  and  its  vicinity;  that  he  has  collected, 
and  some  accounts  add,  removed  to  Kingsbridge,  a  number  of  flat- 
bottomed  boats  with  muffled  oars,  and  that  every  appearance  indi 
cates  an  expedition  at  hand.  There  are  but  two  important  objects 
he  can  have  in  view,  to  wit,  this  army  and  the  Posts  in  the  High 
lands.  Should  either  be  attempted,  therefore,  or  a  movement  made 
which  has  a  tendency  to  either,  you  will  cause  General  Parsons' 
brigade  to  march  without  a  moments  loss  of  time  for  the  Highlands 
and  put  them  under  the  orders  of  General  McDougall. 

The  next  day  the  brigade  was  in  readiness  to  march.  The 
following  orders  indicate  its  route  to  the  Highlands. 

REDDING,  May  24th,  1779. 

General  Parsons  orders  the  brigade  to  be  ready  to  march  to-mor 
row  at  six  o'Clock  A.  M.,  complete  for  action. 

RIDGEFIELD,  May  30th,  1779. 

General  Parsons  orders  that  Colonel  Wyllys  furnish  a  sergeant, 
corporal  and  twelve  privates  to  be  posted  as  a  guard  this  night  one- 

245 


246  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

quarter  of  a  mile  in  front  of  where  his  regiment  is  quartered  on  the 
road  leading  to  Bedford.  That  Colonel  Meigs  furnish  a  guard  of 
the  same  number  to  be  stationed  the  same  distance  on  the  road  lead 
ing  to  Xorwalk.  The  reveille  to  be  beat  to-morrow  morning  at  the 
dawn  of  day,  the  troops  to  parade  at  four  o'clock  half  a  mile  below 
the  meeting  house  on  the  road  leading  to  Bedford,  for  which 
place  they  will  march  immediately  after,  in  the  same  order  as 
this  day. 

BEDFORD,  May  31,  1779. 

The  troops  of  General  Parsons'  brigade  to  have  two  days  rations 
per  man  from  Captain  Townsend,  to  refresh  themselves  and  be 
ready  to  march  in  two  hours,  to  parade  near  the  meeting  house. 

FISHKILL,  June  2,  1779. 

General  Parsons  orders  that  Com'sr.  Sturm  deliver  one  gill  of 
rum  per  man  and  two  days  provisions  to  the  troops  of  his  brigade 
this  day,  the  Quartermaster  to  make  return  of  the  same. 

To  the  revolutionary  soldier  rum  seems  to  have  been  a  great 
necessity.  In  a  letter  to  Robert  Morris  written  about  this  time, 
Washington  thus  laments  its  scarcity : — "  No  magazines  of  rum 
have  been  formed.  We  have  been  in  a  manner  destitute  of  that 
necessary  article,  and  what  we  are  now  likely  to  draw  from  the 
several  States  will  be  from  hand  to  mouth." 

The  enemy  having  landed  at  Teller's  Point  on  the  Hudson, 
McDougall  deemed  it  prudent  to  retire  into  the  Highlands  and 
take  post  at  Budd's,  opposite  West  Point,  in  order  to  keep 
open  his  communications  with  the  Point  and  secure  the  pass  to 
Fishkill  in  his  rear.  Here  he  was  joined,  June  2d,  by  General 
Parsons  with  his  brigade,  which  went  into  camp  on  the  east 
side  of  the  river  on  the  same  ground  it  had  occupied  ten 
months  before  when  it  left  the  Highlands  to  join  Washington's 
Army  at  White  Plains.  With  this  reinforcement,  McDougall 
had  three  Continental  brigades  and  a  large  body  of  militia. 
The  enemy  was  known  to  be  in  force  at  this  time  down  the 
river  and  an  early  attack  was  expected.  The  troops  on  the 
east  side  were  ordered  to  push  forward  the  work  on  the  North, 
Middle  and  South  redoubts.  Patterson  not  having  returned 
from  his  furlough,  McDougall  appointed  General  Parsons,  who 
was  well  acquainted  with  the  Post,  to  command  at  West  Point. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      247 

Accordingly,  on  the  evening  of  the  3d  instant,  he  assumed 
command  at  Fort  Clinton.  The  garrison  consisted  of 
Learned's,  Patterson's  and  the  Carolina  brigade,  about  seventeen 
hundred  strong. 

The  following  letter  was  written  by  Parsons  to  General 
Washington,  in  answer  to  a  request  for  information  as  to  the 
state  of  the  garrison : — 

WEST  POINT,  June  5,  1779. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — In  answer  to  your  questions  by  Captain  Chrys- 
tie  of  the  Pennsylvania  regiment,  I  have  given  him  information  of 
the  state  of  this  garrison,  which  will  be  explained  by  the  proper 
key.  The  garrison  are  in  high  spirits  and  are  very  desirous  to  re 
ceive  the  enemy's  attack.  I  cannot  promise  that  the  Post  will  be 
successfully  defended,  but  I  am  certain  every  exertion  will  be  made 
by  the  troops  to  secure  the  possession  of  that  honor  to  themselves 
and  their  country,  which  they  so  frequently  anticipate  in  reflection. 
If  any  more  troops  are  ordered  here,  and  should  I  continue  in  com 
mand  of  the  Post  for  any  length  of  time,  I  would  beg  your  Excel 
lency  to  order  my  brigade  to  compose  part  of  the  garrison.  Two 
regiments  of  that  brigade  are  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  country, 
and  in  that  respect  are  better  able  to  answer  all  the  purposes  ex 
pected  from  the  garrison. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Washington  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

On  the  31st  of  May,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  came  up  the  Hudson 
with  a  force  of  about  six  thousand  men,  a  fleet  of  seventy  sail 
ing  vessels  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  flat-boats  collected  at 
Kingsbridge.  He  landed  one  division  under  General  Vaughn 
on  the  east  side  of  the  river  eight  miles  below  Verplancks  Point, 
and  another,  commanded  by  himself,  on  the  west  side  of  the 
river  three  miles  below  Stony  Point.  Upon  the  approach  of 
the  enemy,  the  little  garrison  of  forty  men  at  Stony  Point, 
abandoned  the  Fort,  which  Clinton  immediately  took  possession 
of  and  proceeded  to  fortify.  Fort  Lafayette  at  Verplancks 
Point  held  out  for  a  time,  but  unable  to  endure  the  assault  of 
Vaughn's  troops  and  the  artillery  fire  from  Stony  Point  and 
the  vessels,  the  seventy  men  composing  the  garrison  surrendered, 
June  2.  The  capture  of  the  forts,  as  Clinton  intended, 
completely  interrupted  our  communications  by  way  of  King's 


248  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Ferry  and  in  many  ways  was  productive  of  great  inconvenience 
to  our  army.  But  the  rapid  advance  of  the  eastern  troops 
rendered  any  further  attempts  impracticable,  and  Clinton  soon 
returned  to  New  York. 

The  following  letter  from  General  Parsons  to  Governor  Clin 
ton,  written  at  the  time  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  raid,  shows  how 
uncontrollable  were  the  militia  and  how  little  they  could  be 
depended  upon  for  the  defense  of  the  Post: — 

WEST  POINT,  June  7,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  have  seen  your  letter  to  General  McDougall  re 
specting  the  militia,  and  am  concerned  that  any  representations 
should  be  made  which  should  induce  you  to  imagine  that  the  ques 
tion  relative  to  the  militia  is  a  dispute  about  command  or  rank.  I 
think  it  an  exceeding  improper  time  to  draw  these  rights  in  ques 
tion,  and  am  as  well  satisfied  that  Colonel  Malcom  should  use  his 
discretion  about  conducting  the  militia,  as  to  have  any  concern  myself 
about  the  matter;  indeed  I  choose  it  and  have  a  very  good  opinion 
of  Colonel  Malcom  as  an  officer  and  a  gentleman;  but,  Sir,  I  am 
ordered  here  to  be  answerable  for  the  safety  of  this  Post,  and  am 
informed  three  thousand  men  are  the  garrison,  of  which  part  is 
from  your  militia;  of  the  latter  I  find  none.  My  guard,  therefore, 
and  patrols,  scouts  &c.  are  as  numerous  as  though  the  militia  were 
not  out.  I  have  no  returns  from  them,  nor  any  information  respect 
ing  their  guards  &c. ;  in  short,  they  are  so  uncontrollable  by  my 
orders  that  I  cannot  consider  myself  as  accountable  for  this  Post, 
which  is  to  be  defended  by  three  thousand  men,  when  a  sixth  or 
fifth  part  are  deficient,  and  when  I  have  no  such  controlling  power 
as  to  compel  them  to  come  in  when  I  call.  There's  no  understanding 
between  me  and  Colonel  Malcom  on  the  subject,  but  I  must  have 
men  under  my  command  if  I  am  to  answer  for  their  conduct. 

I  believe  most  of  the  militia  are  well  posted  at  present,  but  when 
I  shall  get  them  in,  if  wanted,  I  cannot  tell.  Colonel  Tuston  with 
his  regiment  came  into  the  Fort  to  day,  but  I  believe  most  of  them 
go  off  to-morrow.  I  wish  you  would  come  over  and  see  them. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  obedt.  servt., 
To  Governor  Clinton.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

In  answer  to  a  request  from  General  Washington  for  his 
opinion  as  to  the  proper  disposition  of  the  army  now  that  the 
enemy  has  returned  to  New  York,  General  Parsons  writes  as 
follows : — 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      249 

WEST  POINT,  June  12,  1779. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — General  Patterson  joined  his  brigade  last  even 
ing  and  is  now  at  the  Point.  When  the  public  service  will  admit, 
I  shall  be  happy  to  join  my  brigade  at  such  place  as  will  most  con 
duce  to  the  general  welfare. 

Your  Excellency  was  pleased  to  desire  my  opinion  of  the  dis 
position  to  be  made  of  the  army.  Under  all  circumstances  I  think 
three  thousand  men  should  be  assigned  for  garrisoning  this  Post, 
by  which  I  understand  the  Forts  on  the  Point  and  Highlands  near 
Rock-Hill,  and  the  Island  where  Fort  Constitution  was. 

On  the  east  side  the  River,  a  force  should  be  kept  in  the  High 
lands  sufficient  to  prevent  the  enemy  occupying  the  hills  there  which 
may  cover  the  WTorks,  which  will  exceedingly  distress  this  Post. 
The  advance  of  those  troops  may  safely  be  at  or  near  the  village; 
this  I  think  necessary,  because  those  grounds  cannot  be  held  by  this 
garrison  without  new  Works  are  constructed  and  the  garrison  in 
creased.  The  remainder  of  the  army  will  be  well  posted  in  or  near 
Smith's  Clove  with  a  detachment  advanced  between  Fort  Montgom 
ery  and  near  the  Furnace.  As  this  Post  or  the  Army  are  the  only 
capital  objects  the  enemy  can  propose,  I  do  not  know  a  better  dis 
position  which  can  be  made  at  present  to  defeat  their  designs  than 
what  may  be  formed  on  the  ideas  before  expressed. 

I  have  nothing  new  this  day.  Neither  my  scouts  nor  boats  are 
yet  returned.  I  should  be  obliged  to  your  Excellency  to  be  informed 
what  Congress  have  resolved  respecting  an  Aid-de-Camp  for  a 
brigadier,  that  I  may  recommend  one  if  allowed. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Washington  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  enemy  being  in  possession  of  Verplancks  and  Stony 
Points,  Washington,  on  the  23d  of  June,  1779,  left  the  main 
body  of  the  army  at  Smiths  Clove  under  the  command  of  Gen 
eral  Putnam,  and  removed  his  headquarters  to  New  Windsor, 
just  north  of  the  Highlands,  where  he  could  be  nearer  to  the 
Forts  and  in  a  better  position  to  direct  the  different  parts  of 
the  Army  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  Major  General  Heath 
having  been  placed  in  command  on  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson, 
Major  General  McDougall  was  transferred  to  West  Point. 
Parsons  in  accordance  with  his  request,  was  permitted  to  join 
his  brigade,  which  was  still  encamped  directly  opposite  West 
Point,  with  instructions  to  send  fatigue  parties  daily  across  the 


250  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

river  to  assist  in  constructing  the  Works.  Nixon's  brigade 
was  stationed  on  Constitution  Island  and  Huntington's  was  well 
advanced  on  the  main  road  to  Fishkill.  The  great  object  in 
view  in  this  disposition  of  the  troops  was  to  guard  against  any 
attack  which  the  enemy  might  make  upon  the  Posts  in  the 
Highlands. 

On  the  25th  of  June,  General  Heath  wrote  to  General  Par 
sons  from  his  Headquarters  at  the  Danforth  House,  as 
follows : — 

DEAR  SIR. — I  have  this  moment  received  a  letter  from  his  Excel 
lency,  General  Washington,  in  which  is  a  paragraph  in  the  follow 
ing  words:  "  I  think  it  will  be  advisable  to  detach  a  couple  hundred 
men  towards  Robinson's  Stores  at  Mahopac  Pond,  to  march  light 
and  with  caution,  endeavoring  to  magnify  their  numbers  to  the 
inhabitants.  This  may  serve  to  check  the  enemy  and  help  discover 
their  design." 

In  consequence  whereof  you  will  please  to  detach  as  soon  as  may 
be,  one  Field  Officer,  and  one  hundred  Light  Infantry  properly 
officered;  this  detachment  from  your  brigade  will  be  joined  by  one 
hundred  from  General  Huntington's  brigade.  As  I  do  not  fully 
know  the  best  route,  I  request  you  would  direct  one  and  point  out 
to  General  Huntington  the  place  where  the  infantry  of  the  two 
brigades  shall  form  a  junction,  and  at  what  hour.  My  dear  Sir,  let 
no  time  be  lost.  If  possible,  let  the  men  have  a  little  rum  with  them 
and  such  provisions  as  may  be  necessary. 

The  Assembly  of  Connecticut  having  sent  Colonel  Chandler 
to  camp  to  pay  the  troops  of  that  State  the  forty-five  thousand 
pounds  promised  them  the  previous  April,  Thomas  Mumford  of 
Groton,  a  member  of  the  legislature  who  had  taken  an  active 
part  in  raising  the  money,  wrote  as  follows  to  General  Parsons 
respecting  the  matter : — 

HARTFORD,  June  4,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR. — You  will  receive  this  from  the  hand  of  Colonel 
Chandler  of  Newtown,  who  the  Assembly  have  ordered  to  pay  our 
officers  and  soldiers  the  forty-five  thousand  pounds  promised  them 
the  first  of  April  last.  I  refer  you  to  him  for  the  part  I  have  acted 
to  procure  and  have  this  money  paid.  I  have  urged  the  necessity 
of  some  more  effectual  methods  being  taken  to  prevent  desertion. 
The  answer  is,  there  are  laws  now  fully  adequate  for  that  purpose 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       251 

and  this  forty-five  thousand  pounds  being  paid  they  hope  to  hear  of 
no  more  leaving  the  service.  Colonel  Chandler  being  one  of  the  com 
mittee  to  ascertain  our  deficiency  in  the  eight  battalions  assigned  us 
for  this  campaign,  and  the  most  expedient  method  to  raise  them,  I 
refer  you  to  him  for  what  is  done.  I  still  hope  to  see  our  currency 
revive,  Congress  having  recommended  to  call  in  the  first  of  January 
next  forty-five  millions  of  dollars.  The  quota  assigned  this  State 
is  five  millions,  one  hundred  thousand,  the  just  proportion  to  be 
ascertained  hereafter.  This  will  require  taxes  to  the  amount  of 
fifteen  shillings  on  the  pound  in  addition  to  ten  granted  this  year 
already,  and  the  State  will  require  five  shillings  more  on  the  pound 
in  the  course  of  the  present  year,  which  will  make  in  the  whole 
thirty  shillings  on  the  pound,  besides  town  and  parish  taxes  &c. 
What  do  you  imagine  your  friend  Mumford's  rates  amount  to?  He 
is  only  fifteen  hundred  pounds  in  the  list  at  thirty  shillings  on  the 
pound,  amounting  to  twenty-two  hundred  and  fifty  pounds,  to  which 
add  as  before  hinted,  town  taxes  &c.,  and  he  will  be  rated  very  little 
short  of  three  thousand  pounds.  However,  five  hogsheads  of  rum 
will  pay  the  whole,  and  if  these  taxes  will  reduce  the  price  of  that 
article  from  twenty  dollars  a  gallon  to  ten  and  other  articles  in  pro 
portion,  I  shall  esteem  my  three  thousand  pounds  well  laid  out,  and 
hope  to  dispose  of  more  in  the  same  way  to  bring  goods  much  lower 
still.  There  will  remain  plenty  of  room  when  they  are  reduced  one- 
half.  We  hear  the  enemy  have  been  up  North  River  and  a  heavy 
firing  indeed,  but  have  not  been  able  to  know  the  event.  I  will 
always  thank  you  for  any  interesting  intelligence.  You  know  my 
zeal  for  the  independence  of  America,  which  God  grant  we  may 
support.  Adieu  for  the  present  and  rank  me  among  the  number  of 
your  very  obliged  and  affectionate  friends. 

I  am  &c., 

THOMAS  MUMFORD. 
To  the  Hon'l.  Brigadier  General  Parsons, 

Near  North  River,  State  of  New   York. 

Early  in  July,  in  order  to  create  a  diversion  and  draw  away 
the  troops  from  the  Highlands,  General  Try  on  invaded  Connec 
ticut  with  twenty-six  hundred  British  troops.  Landing  in  three 
Divisions  at  New  Haven  on  the  morning  of  the  5th,  he  took 
possession  of  and  plundered  the  city  and  burned  the  shipping 
and  buildings  at  Long  Wharf.  The  next  day  he  burned  eight 
dwellings  in  East  Haven.  Embarking  at  night,  he  landed  on 
the  8th  at  Fairfield,  laid  nearly  the  whole  town  in  ashes  and 


252  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

carried  off  considerable  plunder.  Crossing  the  Sound  to  Hunt- 
ington  for  supplies,  he  returned  on  the  night  of  the  llth,  and 
attacked  Norwalk  early  on  the  morning  of  the  12th,  destroying 
all  but  a  few  scattered  houses.  In  all  this  he  was  guilty  of  the 
most  savage  atrocities.  Women,  old  men  and  children  were  the 
victims  of  his  brutality.  While  Norwalk  was  burning,  as  tradi 
tion  has  it,  he  sat  in  a  rocking  chair  at  his  headquarters  on  a 
little  eminence  near  the  town,  a  delighted  spectator  of  the  ruin 
of  a  helpless  people. 

As  soon  as  Washington  learned  of  the  invasion,  he  directed 
General  Parsons  to  hasten  to  Connecticut  to  aid  and  encourage 
the  militia  in  their  efforts  at  resistance.  The  following  letters 
of  July  9th  and  llth,  written  by  Parsons  to  Washington,  show 
the  part  which  Parsons  took  in  the  affair.  A  fuller  and  more 
detailed  account  of  the  depredations  committed  by  General 
Tryon  are  to  be  found  in  Parsons'  letters  to  Washington  of  the 
14th  and  20th,  and  to  General  Heath  of  the  12th,  not  given 
here. 

REDDING,  July  9,  1779,  10  P.  M. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  have  this  moment  arrived  here  after  a  tour  of 
sixty  miles  since  eleven  o'clock  last  night.  The  few  militia  at  New 
Haven  behaved  exceedingly  well,  repulsed  the  enemy  several  times, 
and  considerable  loss  was  suffered  by  the  enemy.  They  burned  a 
number  of  houses  at  East  and  West  Haven,  and  plundered  New 
Haven.  They  have  destroyed  Fairfield,  almost  every  house;  the 
abuses  of  women,  children  and  old  men  are  unparalled.  They  em 
barked  from  Fairfield  yesterday  and  passed  over  the  Sound,  but 
there  is  reason  to  think  they  design  an  attack  on  Norwalk  and  the 
other  towns.  General  Wolcott  has  received  an  express  informing 
him  that  four  thousand  of  the  enemy  are  in  possession  of  Horseneck 
and  marching  eastward.  I  have  written  to  Colonel  Wayland,  and 
the  small  number  of  infantry,  desiring  them  to  march  to  the  coast. 
I  hope  it  will  be  agreeable  to  your  Excellency's  intentions.  I  hear 
nothing  of  Glover's  brigade.  Is  it  possible  to  send  one  thousand 
Continental  troops  ?  They  will  serve  to  steady  the  militia  and  render 
them  a  formidable  body.  I  will  write  you  from  Norwalk,  where  I 
shall  be  to-night. 

I  am  your  Excellency's  obedient  servant, 
To  General  Washington  SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS. 

To  this  General  Washington  replied  as  follows : — 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       253 

HEADQUARTERS,  July  10,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  pth  from  Lud- 
dington's  and  Redding.  It  gives  me  great  concern  to  hear  of  the 
ravages  of  the  enemy.  The  conduct  of  the  militia  at  New  Haven 
does  them  the  highest  honor.  I  had  heard  of  it  before  through 
several  channels.  I  have  written  to  General  Heath  to  move  with 
the  two  Connecticut  Brigades  towards  the  enemy  by  way  of  Crom- 
pond  in  the  first  instance,  and  from  thence  to  Ridgefield  and  Bed 
ford,  which  I  hope  will  animate  the  militia,  and  in  some  measure 
prevent  the  enemy's  incursions. 

July  llth. 

It  is  probable  the  public  may  have  occasion,  or  at  least  wish,  to 
know  at  some  period  the  extent  of  the  enemy's  depredations  and 
cruelties ;  indeed,  it  is  right  that  the  world  should  know  them.  I 
therefore  request,  that  you  will  endeavor,  as  far  as  opportunity  will 
permit,  to  ascertain  as  precisely  as  you  can  what  number  of  houses 
they  have  destroyed  in  their  expedition  up  the  Sound,  distinguish 
ing  the  towns  in  which  they  were,  and  every  other  outrage  that  they 
have  committed.  I  shall  be  glad  to  receive  a  printed  copy  of  Gen. 
Tryon's  proclamation  which  he  has  published. 

I  am  dear  Sir,  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  GEO.  WASHINGTON. 

WILTON,  July  llth,  1779. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — In  my  last  I  informed  you  that  the  enemy 
landed  last  night.  This  morning  the  enemy  on  their  advance  were 
met  by  the  militia  and  some  skirmishing  ensued,  but  without  con 
siderable  effect  on  either  side.  At  about  six  o'clock,  the  troops 
under  Gen.  Wolcott  and  my  small  detachment  of  about  one  hundred 
and  fifty  Continental  troops,  joined  and  took  possession  of  an 
eminence  at  the  north  end  of  the  town.  The  enemy  advanced  in 
our  front  and  on  our  left  flank  until  about  nine  o'clock,  when  they 
were  checked  in  their  progress  by  the  vigorous  exertions  of  the 
parties  of  militia  and  Continental  troops  sent  out  to  oppose  them, 
and  in  turn  were  compelled  to  retire  from  hill  to  hill,  sometimes  in 
great  disorder.  We  continued  to  advance  upon  them  until  nearly 
eleven  o'clock,  when  a  column  having  nearly  gained  our  right  flank, 
the  militia  in  the  center  gave  way  and  retreated  in  disorder.  This 
gave  the  enemy  possession  of  our  ground.  Gen.  Wolcott,  who  com 
manded  the  militia,  exerted  himself  upon  this  occasion  to  rally  the 
troops  and  bring  them  to  order  again,  but  without  effect  until  they 
had  retired  about  two  miles,  when  some  troops  being  again  formed, 
returned  to  the  aid  of  the  right  and  left  wings,  who  had  retired 


254  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

but  a  small  distance  and  in  order.     With  these  the  enemy  were  pur 
sued  again  and  retreated  with  precipitation  to  their  ships. 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  assure  your  Excellency,  the  Continental 
troops  without  exception,  they  being  all  engaged,  behaved  with  the 
greatest  bravery.  Capt.  Betts,  who  was  the  first  engaged  with  the 
enemy  and  who  continued  longest  in  the  action,  deserves  particular 
notice  for  his  great  fortitude  and  prudent  conduct  in  the  battle. 
He  continued  advancing  on  the  enemy  until  the  center  of  the  main 
body  gave  way;  and  he  and  his  party,  advanced  nearly  a  mile  at  the 
time,  and  by  his  prudence  was  able  to  effect  a  regular  retreat  with 
out  any  considerable  loss.  Capt.  Eells  on  the  right,  and  Capt.  Sher 
man  on  the  left,  were  also  engaged,  and  when  obliged  to  retire,  kept 
their  order  and  retreated  with  regularity.  A  body  of  militia  (I 
think  they  were  commanded  by  Maj .  Porter)  and  another  considera 
ble  detachment,  deserve  honorable  mention  to  be  made  of  them. 

I  am  not  yet  able  to  ascertain  our  own  or  the  enemy's  loss,  but  in 
my  next  shall  be  able  to  give  a  more  particular  account.  In  my  hand 
ful  of  Continental  troops  I  have  lost  five  men  killed  and  Lieutenant 
Gibbs  and  six  privates  wounded.  I  don't  know  of  any  missing: 
some  loss  the  militia  have  sustained.  I  am  satisfied  the  loss  of  the 
enemy  must  have  been  considerable. 

About  twenty  boats  landed  on  the  west  side  of  the  harbor  at  five 
o'clock,  and  immediately  began  to  set  fire  to  the  buildings.  They 
completed  burning  the  town  at  about  twelve  o'clock.  This  appeared 
to  have  been  their  sole  business  as  they  did  not  stay  to  carry  off  any 
plunder  of  considerable  value.  A  few  Tory  houses  are  left  which 
I  hope  our  people  will  burn,  as  the  burners  are  here  and  have  com 
mitted  no  act  by  which  the  public  can  seize  them.  I  imagine  Stam 
ford  will  be  the  next  object  to  wreak  their  hellish  malice  upon.  To 
that  place  I  shall  repair  to-morrow.  I  am  fully  persuaded  that  five 
hundred  more  men  such  as  the  brave  militia  I  have  before  mentioned, 
and  the  one  hundred  and  fifty  Continentals,  would  have  given 
the  enemy  a  total  defeat.  The  numbers  of  the  enemy  were  about 
two  thousand — -our  numbers  between  nine  and  eleven  hundred. 

I  am  dear  General,  your  obedient  servant, 
To  General  Washington.  SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS. 

July  12  Parsons  again  wrote  from  Wilton  asking  for  a 
supply  of  ammunition,  as  his  stock  was  nearly  exhausted.  The 
same  day  he  wrote  to  Washington,  expressing  his  gratification 
that  the  Connecticut  Division  had  been  ordered  to  the  coast, 
General  Heath's  orders  of  July  10,  directed  the  first  and 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      255 

second  brigades  to  march  the  next  morning ;  "  Parsons'  brigade 
to  strike,  pack  and  load  its  tents  as  early  as  possible,  and  join 
Huntington's  brigade,  which  is  to  remain  at  its  present  post  on 
the  Fishkill  road  ready  to  march  as  soon  as  the  junction  is 
formed,  both  brigades  to  be  as  little  encumbered  as  possible." 
The  Division  marched  as  ordered,  but  not  early  enough  to  inter 
cept  Tryon,  much  to  the  regret  of  Parsons,  who  would  have 
liked  nothing  better  than  to  have  had  the  opportunity  to  answer 
Tryon's  insulting  proclamation  with  the  rifles  of  his  Continen 
tals.  On  the  14th,  Parsons  wrote  from  Stamford  detailing  the 
positions  of  the  British  and  their  cruel  treatment  of  prisoners. 
On  the  20th,  he  reported,  as  requested  by  Washington,  the 
number  of  buildings  destroyed  by  the  enemy  in  Fairfield  and 
Norwalk  and  gave  further  details  as  to  the  enemy's  cruelty  to 
prisoners.  According  to  his  return  there  were  burned  in  Fair- 
field  on  the  9th,  ninety-seven  dwellings,  sixty-seven  barns, 
forty-eight  stores,  two  meeting-houses,  a  church,  the  Court 
House,  jail  and  two  school  houses;  in  Norwalk  on  the  llth,  one 
hundred  and  thirty  dwellings,  eighty-seven  barns,  twenty-two 
stores,  seventeen  shops,  four  mills,  one  church  and  one  meeting 
house.  The  aggregate  loss  at  New  Haven,  Fairfield  and  Nor 
walk  amounted  to  nearly  half  a  million  of  dollars. 

The  following  is  the  proclamation  published  by  Tryon  in 
Connecticut,  a  printed  copy  of  which  Washington  desired  Par 
sons  to  procure  for  him : — 

By  Commodore  Sir  George   Collier,  commander  in  chief  of  his 
Majesty's   ships   and   vessels   in   North   America,   and   Major   Gen. 
William  Tryon,  commanding  his  Majesty's  land  forces  on  a  sepa 
rate  expedition. 
Address  to  the  inhabitants  of  Connecticut. 

The  ungenerous  and  wanton  insurrection  against  the  sovereignty 
of  Great  Britain  into  which  this  colony  has  been  deluded  by  the 
artifices  of  designing  men  for  private  purposes,  might  well  justify 
in  you  every  fear  which  conscious  guilt  could  form,  respecting  the 
intentions  of  the  present  armament. 

Your  town,  your  property,  yourselves,  lie  within  the  grasp  of  the 
power  whose  forbearance  you  have  ungenerously  construed  into 
fear,  but  whose  lenity  has  persisted  in  its  mild  and  noble  efforts, 
even  though  branded  with  the  most  unworthy  imputation. 

The  existence  of  a   single  habitation  on   your   defenseless   coast 


256  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

ought  to  be  a  subject  of  constant  reproof  to  your  ingratitude.  Can 
the  strength  of  your  whole  province  cope  with  the  force  which  might 
at  any  time  be  poured  through  every  district  in  your  country?  You 
are  conscious  it  cannot.  Why,  then,  will  you  persist  in  a  ruinous 
and  ill-judged  resistance?  We  hoped  that  you  would  recover  from 
the  frenzy  which  has  distracted  this  unhappy  country;  and  we 
believe  the  day  to  be  near  come  when  the  greater  part  of  this  conti 
nent  will  begin  to  blush  at  their  delusion.  You,  who  lie  so  much  in 
our  power,  afford  that  most  striking  monument  of  our  mercy,  and 
therefore  ought  to  set  the  first  example  of  returning  to  allegiance. 

Reflect  on  what  gratitude  requires  of  you;  if  that  is  sufficient  to 
move  you,  attend  to  your  own  interest;  we  offer  you  a  refuge  against 
the  distress  which  you  universally  acknowledge  broods  with  increas 
ing  and  intolerable  weight  over  all  your  country. 

Leaving  you  to  consult  with  each  other  upon  this  invitation,  we 
do  now  declare  that  whosoever  shall  be  found  and  remain  in  peace, 
at  his  usual  place  of  residence,  shall  be  shielded  from  any  insult, 
either  to  his  person  or  property,  excepting  such  as  bear  offices, 
either  civil  or  military,  under  your  present  usurped  government,  of 
whom  it  will  be  further  required  that  they  shall  give  proofs  of  their 
penitence  and  voluntary  submission:  and  they  shall  then  partake  of 
the  like  immunity. 

Those  whose  folly  and  obstinacy  may  slight  this  favorable  warn 
ing,  must  take  notice  that  they  are  not  to  expect  a  continuance  of 
that  leniency  which  their  inveteracy  would  now  render  blamable. 

Given  on  board  his  Majesty's  ship,  Camilla,  on  the  Sound,  July 
4,  1779-  GEORGE  COLLIER. 

WILLIAM  TRYON. 

The  following  letter  from  General  Parsons  to  Thomas  Mum- 
ford  of  Groton  relates  to  the  conduct  of  the  enemy  during 
Tryon's  raid: — 

HIGHLANDS,  July  20,  1779. 

MY  DEAR  SIR. — The  constant  fatigue  and  close  application  to 
business  which  I  have  necessarily  been  subjected  to  for  ten  days 
past  has  prevented  my  answering  your  two  last  kind  letters  till  this 
time;  but  having  last  night  returned  to  this  station  from  the  scene 
of  savage  barbarity  committed  by  Britons  on  our  coast,  I  take  this 
early  opportunity  to  return  you  my  sincere  thanks  for  the  expres 
sions  of  kindness  and  friendship  in  your  two  last,  and  if  I  have  in 
any  degree  merited  your  good  opinion,  I  hope  no  part  of  my  future 
conduct  will  give  you  occasion  to  alter  it.  I  am  sorry  my  young 
friend  has  quitted  his  rank  in  the  Line;  I  believe  he  might  still  have 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      257 

the  appointment,  but  how  far  he  would  be  willing  to  serve  without 
rank  and  with  only  the  additional  staff  pay  his  own  feelings  will 
best  decide.  I  shall  for  the  present  command  the  Connecticut 
Division  and  will  not  make  the  appointment  of  my  Aid  until  I  hear 
again  from  yqu. 

Your  repeated  acts  of  kindness  make  me  blush  upon  every  new 
tender  of  services  or  presents ;  but  a  turtle  will  overcome  the 
modesty  of  almost  any  person;  Fairfield  is  a  place  from  which  I  can 
procure  anything. 

The  scandalous  savage  conduct  of  Britons  in  their  late  descents 
on  the  coast  exceeds  description.  I  ha\;e  taken  measures  to  ascer 
tain  the  principal  facts  at  the  several  places  they  have  visited.  At 
Norwalk  they  have  not  perpetrated  any  considerable  number  of  acts 
of  cruelty  on  the  persons  of  the  inhabitants.  They  were  opposed 
from  their  first  progress  to  the  town  until  their  re-embarkation,  and 
their  retreat  was  rapid  and  precipitate  after  burning  the  greatest 
part  of  the  town.  Our  force  did  not  exceed  1000  men;  the  enemy 
between  2000  &  3000,  yet  in  every  instance  where  we  attacked, 
the  enemy  fled ;  this  left  them  no  time  to  plunder  or  offer  much  insult 
to  the  inhabitants,  but  enough  was  done  to  show  it  was  want  of  time 
only  prevented.  Some  of  our  soldiers  who  were  killed  had  their 
skulls  blown  off  after  they  were  dead,  and  in  one  instance  a  soldier 
surrendered  himself  a  prisoner  after  bravely  defending  himself  a 
considerable  time;  they  demanded  his  arms  which  he  delivered; 
when  he  was  disarmed  they  immediately  made  several  thrusts  with 
their  bayonets,  two  of  which  entered  him  and  badly  wounded  him; 
they  then  presented  their  arms  to  fire  upon  him  when  he  broke  away 
and  ran  under  the  discharge  of  all  their  pieces  and  has  got  in  safely 
&  likely  to  recover.  One  ball  passed  through  his  arm  which  he  will 
lose. 

I  congratulate  you  on  our  important  success  in  taking  Stony 
Point.  The  cannon  and  stores  &c.  have  fallen  into  our  hands  with 
a  garrison  of  five  hundred  men  with  a  very  trifling  loss.  I  wish  to 
hear  from  you  whenever  you  have  leisure.  Please  to  present  my 
affectionate  regards  to  your  son  &  compliments  to  the  good  girls  of 
the  family  and  believe  me 

Dr.  Sr.  yr.  much  obliged  friend, 
To  Thomas  Mumford,  Groton.  SAM  H.  PARSONS. 

The  British  loss,  according  to  General  Tryon's  report,  was 
20  killed,  96  wounded  and  32  missing,  showing  efficient  work 
on  the  part  of  our  troops. 


258  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Before  invading  Connecticut,  General  Tryon  addressed  to 
Generals  Putnam  and  Parsons  the  following  letter: 

NEW  YORK,  June  18th,  1779. 

SIR. — By  one  of  his  Majesty's  ships  of  war  which  arrived  here 
last  night  from  Georgia,  we  have  intelligence  that  the  British  forces 
were  in  possession  of  Fort  Johnstone,  near  Charleston,  the  first  of 
June.  Surely  it  is  time  for  rational  Americans  to  wish  for  a  reunion 
with  the  parent  state,  and  to  adopt  such  measures  as  will  most 
speedily  effect  it. 

I  am  your  very  humble,  obedient  servant, 

WM.  TRYON,  Major  General. 
To  Gen.  Putnam,  or,  in  his  absence,  to  Gen.  Parsons. 

The  following  is  General  Parsons'  very  characteristic  reply, 
in  the  course  of  which  he  gives  General  Tryon  a  much  larger 
budget  of  news  than  he  was  favored  with  by  Tryon.  The  love 
which  Parsons  felt  for  the  British  and  his  anxiety  for  "  a 
reunion  with  the  parent  state,"  appear  in  every  line. 

CAMP,  HIGHLANDS,  September  7th,  1779. 

SIR. — I  should  have  paid  an  earlier  attention  to  your  polite  letter 
of  the  18th  of  June,  had  I  not  entertained  some  hope  of  a  personal 
interview  with  you  in  your  descents  upon  the  defenseless  towns  of 
Connecticut,  to  execute  your  master's  vengeance  upon  rebellious 
women  and  formidable  hosts  of  boys  and  girls,  who  were  induced 
by  insidious  proclamations  to  remain  in  those  hapless  places,  and 
who,  if  they  had  been  suffered  to  continue  in  the  enjoyment  of  that 
peace  their  age  and  sex  entitled  them  to  expect  from  civilized 
nations,  you  undoubtedly  supposed  would  prove  the  scourge  of 
Britain's  veteran  troops,  and  pluck  from  you  those  laurels  with  which 
that  fiery  expedition  so  plentifully  crowned  you.  But  your  sudden 
departure  from  Norwalk,  and  the  particular  attention  you  paid  to 
your  personal  safety  when  at  that  place,  and  the  prudent  resolu 
tion  you  took  to  suffer  the  town  of  Stamford  to  escape  the  con 
flagration  to  which  you  had  devoted  Fairfield  and  Norwalk,  pre 
vented  my  wishes  on  that  head.  This  will,  I  hope,  sufficiently 
apologize  for  my  delay  in  answering  your  last  letter. 

By  my  letters  from  P'rance,  we  have  intelligence  that  his  Catholic 
Majesty  declared  war  against  Great  Britain  in  June  last;  that  the 
combined  fleets  of  France  and  Spain,  amounting  to  more  than  sixty 
sail  of  the  line,  having  formed  a  junction  with  twenty-five  thou- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      259 

sand  land  forces,  are  now  meditating  a  blow  on  the  British  domin 
ions  in  Europe;  and  that  the  grand  fleet  of  old  England  finds  it 
very  inconvenient  to  venture  far  from  their  harbors.  In  the  West 
Indies,  Admiral  Bryon,  having  greatly  suffered  in  a  naval  engage 
ment,  escaped  with  his  ships  in  a  very  shattered  condition,  to  St. 
Christopher's,  and  covered  his  fleet  under  the  batteries  on  the  shores, 
and  has  suffered  himself  to  be  insulted  in  the  road  of  that  island  by 
the  French  Admiral;  and  Count  de  Estaing,  after  reducing  the 
islands  of  St.  Vincent  and  Granada  to  the  obedience  of  France, 
defeating  and  disabling  the  British  fleet,  has  sailed  for  Hispaniola, 
where  it  is  expected  he  will  be  joined  by  the  Spanish  fleet  in  those 
seas  and  attack  Jamaica. 

The  storming  your  strong  works  at  Stony  Point  and  capturing 
the  garrison  by  our  brave  troops;  the  brilliant  successes  of  General 
Sullivan  against  your  faithful  friends,  the  savages;  the  surprise  of 
Paulus  Hook  by  Major  Lee;  the  flight  of  Gen.  Prevost  from  Caro 
lina;  and  your  shamefully  shutting  yourselves  up  in  New  York  and 
the  neighboring  islands,  are  so  fully  within  your  knowledge  as 
scarcely  to  need  repetition. 

Surely  it  is  time  for  Britons  to  rouse  from  their  delusive  dreams 
of  conquest,  and  pursue  such  systems  of  future  conduct  as  will  save 
their  tottering  empire  from  total  destruction. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  obedient  servant, 
To  Major  General  Tryon.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

While  Parsons  was  absent  in  Connecticut,  a  brilliant  and  suc 
cessful  attempt  was  made  by  General  Anthony  Wayne  to  sur 
prise  and  capture  Stony  Point.  On  the  night  of  the  15th  of 
June,  approaching  the  Fort  from  the  rear  and  moving  silently 
along  the  narrow  causeway  crossing  the  swamp,  the  assailants 
reached  the  abatis  before  they  were  discovered,  and  dashing 
forward  with  fixed  bayonets  regardless  of  the  fire,  were  soon 
in  possession  of  the  Fort.  The  total  loss  to  the  British  was 
over  six  hundred  men.  Unable  to  garrison  and  hold  the  Post, 
they  abandoned  it  after  removing  the  guns  and  stores  to  West 
Point.  Within  a  few  days,  however,  the  British  reoccupied  it 
with  a  much  larger  force. 

About  the  same  time,  General  Sullivan,  with  the  Continental 
troops  which  had  been  gathered  in  the  Wyoming  Valley,  began 
his  march  up  the  Susquehanna,  to  devastate  and  destroy  the 
country  of  the  hostile  tribes  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  prevent,  if 


260  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

possible,  a  repetition  of  the  savage  massacres  of  Cherry  Valley 
and  Wyoming.  He  was  joined  at  the  mouth  of  the  Chemung 
by  General  James  Clinton  with  a  second  division  of  sixteen 
hundred  men  which  he  had  organized  at  Schenectady  and 
brought  down  the  Susquehanna  by  way  of  Otsego  Lake.  The 
combined  force,  amounting  to  about  five  thousand  men,  ascend 
ing  the  Chemung,  encountered  a  considerable  force  of  British, 
Tories  and  Indians  near  the  present  site  of  Elmira.  A  sharp 
engagement  ensued  in  which  Sullivan  was  victorious.  By  the 
2d  of  September,  the  little  army  had  reached  the  head  of  Seneca 
Lake  where  it  burned  the  Indian  villages  and  destroyed  the 
orchards  and  crops.  On  the  14th  it  was  marching  through  the 
beautiful  Genesee  Valley,  the  home  of  the  Senecas,  with  its  cul 
tivated  farms,  gardens  and  orchards,  indicating  a  considerable 
degree  of  civilization.  All  this  was  made  a  wilderness.  Forty 
villages  were  burned  with  immense  quantities  of  corn  in  the  fields 
and  in  granaries.  The  blackened  waste  would  have  delighted 
Tryon's  heart.  But  Sullivan  had  only  of  necessity  administered 
to  the  Indians  the  medicine  they  had  so  freely  dispensed  to  the 
whites.  The  effect  on  the  Indians  was  not  what  was  expected. 
While  staggered  by  the  severity  of  their  punishment,  a  feeling 
of  hatred  was  kindled  among  all  the  tribes  which  could  only  be 
satisfied  by  blood. 

At  a  Council  of  General  Officers  held  July  26,  1779,  General 
Washington  submitted  queries  to  its  members  upon  which  he 
asked  their  opinions.  The  following  is  the  opinion  of  General 
Parsons : — 

CAMP  NEAR  ROBINSON'S,  July  27,  1779. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — The  supposed  strength  of  the  enemy,  and  our 
own  numbers  and  preparations,  as  stated  by  your  Excellency  to  the 
Council,  will  in  my  opinion  oblige  us  to  adopt  a  defensive  system, 
until  our  army  is  considerably  increased  in  numbers  and  other  prep 
arations  for  offensive  operations  made.  The  Posts  in  the  High 
lands  are  of  so  much  importance  as  ought  to  induce  us  to  defend 
them  at  every  hazard;  for  that  purpose  I  suppose  three  thousand 
men  necessary  to  be  left  at  the  Point  and  Posts  dependent,  if  the 
army  moves  to  any  great  distance.  Forage  for  the  horses  and  cattle 
will  necessarily  oblige  us  to  remove  very  soon. 

I  believe  if  the  right  of  the  army  should  take  a  position  at  Peeks- 
kill,  and  extend  the  left  nearly  to  the  post  now  occupied  by  General 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      261 

Glover,  and  wait  events,  it  will  in  no  measure  oppose  a  system  of 
defense;  they  will  be  perfectly  safe  from  attack,  will  be  easily 
furnished  with  necessary  supplies,  and  be  in  a  better  situation  to 
carry  on  a  partisan  war  than  in  their  present  position;  and  can  be 
ready  in  season  to  relieve  the  Forts  in  case  of  an  attack;  and 
to  oppose  with  prospects  of  success  any  attempts  which  may  be 
made  to  destroy  the  towns  on  the  coast  or  frontier  of  Connecticut. 
If  we  can  procure  a  sufficiency  of  military  stores  for  the  purpose, 
I  am  of  opinion  an  attempt  to  dispossess  the  enemy  of  Verplancks 
and  Stony  Point  ought  to  be  attempted;  this,  if  successful,  would 
disgrace  the  British  arms,  animate  our  soldiery  to  greater  exertions, 
and  enable  us  to  move  with  safety  to  a  greater  distance  from  West 
Point  and  thereby  cover  a  larger  extent  of  country  from  the  enemy's 
depredations;  besides,  they  will  be  removed  to  so  great  a  distance 
from  the  Point  as  to  put  it  out  of  their  power  to  make  any  sudden 
attack  upon  the  Fort;  if  this  enterprise  should  be  undertaken,  both 
sides  of  the  river  should  be  attempted  at  the  same  time,  because  the 
Post  on  the  east  side  cannot  be  carried  whilst  the  enemy  remain 
possessed  of  Stony  Point.  In  this  position  of  the  army  the  enemy 
can  advance  no  part  of  their  force  to  any  considerable  distance  from 
their  main  army  without  danger  of  surprise,  and  we  shall  be  able 
to  harrass  them  constantly  and  perhaps  compel  them  to  retire  still 
further. 

I  cannot  but  lament  our  inability  to  attack  their  army  and  dis 
possess  them  of  New  York.  It  appears  to  me  of  great  importance 
to  be  effected  this  campaign;  at  the  close  of  it  a  great  proportion 
of  our  army  will  be  disbanded,  and  the  present  state  of  the  country 
affords  little  prospects  of  recruiting. 

It  is  a  second  attempt  to  dispossess  the  enemy  of  Stony 
Point  which  Parsons  thinks  should  be  attempted,  the  British 
having  reoccupied  the  Fort  immediately  after  Wayne  dis 
mantled  and  abandoned  it. 

Highlands,  August  3,  1779,  Parsons  writes  to  one  John 
Brooks,  of  Stratford,  in  reply  to  a  request  for  a  copy  of  a 
letter  from  Capt.  Walker,  said  to  contain  matter  derogatory  to 
Brooks'  character :  "  I  certainly  should  be  unworthy  the  con 
fidence  of  any  man  of  honor  if  I  should  expose  it,  much  more  if 
I  should  give  or  suffer  copies  to  be  taken,  and  I  cannot  suppose 
you  had  considered  the  matter  properly  when  you  made  the 
application ; "  and  then  he  assures  him  that  he  has  received  no 
letter  of  the  kind  referred  to,  but  has  seen  a  certificate  signed 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

by  Walker  and  directed  to  the  "  Friends  of  Liberty,"  in  which 
it  was  asserted  that  some  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the 
First  Society  of  Stratford  had  applied  to  Doctor  Johnson  and 
others  to  use  their  influence  with  the  British  officers  to  preserve 
the  town  from  destruction,  and  that  this  was  the  only  paper 
under  Walker's  hand  he  had  seen  respecting  the  matter ;  "  that 
when  your  name  was  mentioned  as  probably  one  of  the  signers 
to  the  application,  I  replied  I  was  certain  you  were  a  gentleman 
of  more  firmness  and  of  better  principles  than  to  be  a  party  to 
such  infamous  and  mischievous  transactions  and  I  am  sorry  to 
find  myself  so  much  mistaken." 

The  following  is  from  General  Parsons  to  his  friend,  Thomas 
Mumford  at  Groton: — 

REDDING,  August  18,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR. — The  expedition  to  Penobscott  I  feel  myself  much 
interested  to  hear  the  event  of,  and  your  concern  must  also  be  of 
the  same  kind,  my  son  and  your  son-in-law  being  aboard  the  same 
fleet.  I  must  therefore  beg  you  to  inform  me  the  issue  of  that  mat 
ter  if  you  can.  The  fleet  which  sailed  from  New  York  the  first  of 
August  I  fear  has  intercepted  our  fleet  unless  they  had  finished  the 
business  before  their  arrival. 

The  West  India  accounts  of  the  success  of  the  French  navy  gain 
credit  in  our  camps;  if  it  is  true,  I  think  it  more  important  in  its 
consequences  to  us  than  any  event  which  has  taken  place  since  the 
war;  so  much  I  believe  is  certain,  that,  or  some  other  important 
event,  has  so  disconcerted  the  measures  of  the  enemy  that  they 
scarcely  know  what  system  to  adopt;  and  all  public  appearances 
promise  a  speedy  close  of  the  war. 

But  what  shall  we  say  of  the  internal  state  of  our  country;  every 
effort  to  reduce  our  fellow  citizens  to  reason  and  a  sense  of  their 
own  true  interest  seems  to  prove  abortive,  and  our  currency  almost 
destroyed  amidst  the  greatest  exertions  to  save  it.  Can  nothing  be 
done  to  remedy  this  evil  and  save  from  ruin  those  who  have  trusted 
the  public  faith. 

As  to  the  army,  they  are  patient  under  sufferings  in  full  confi 
dence  of  a  final  satisfaction.  I  believe  another  petition  will  be  pre 
sented  next  session  praying  an  adjustment  for  the  two  last  years 
which  I  am  sure  you  will  become  an  advocate  to  effect.  I  have  wrote 
you  several  letters  since  I  have  received  one,  and  imagine  you  was 
not  at  home  or  was  too  much  engaged  in  important  business  to  allow 
you  time  to  write. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      263 

I  have  wrote  Congress  for  leave  of  absence  from  my  command  for 
a  few  months  or  a  discharge.  If  either  are  granted  me  I  hope  to 
see  you  soon.  Please  to  present  my  respectful  compliments  to  the 
young  ladies  of  your  family  and  to  my  friend  Lt.  Mumford  and 
accept  the  sincere  wishes  for  your  happiness. 

From  yr.  obliged  friend  &  humble  servt., 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

19th. — I  this  moment  hear  the  ship  Trumbull  has  at  last  got  to 
New  London  &  that  Capt.  Hinman  commands  her.  I  wish  you  to  use 
your  influence  with  Capt.  Hinman  to  keep  open  the  third  Lieuten 
ancy  of  the  ship  for  my  son  on  his  return  from  the  cruise  with  Capt. 
Saltonstall.  I  shall  write  Capt.  Hinman  on  the  subject. 

This  letter  of  August  6th,  1779,  to  President  Jay  explains 
itself.  It  breathes  so  patriotic  a  spirit  and  shows  so  well  the 
situation  of  many  officers  of  the  Revolutionary  Army,  that  it  is 
given  here  in  full. 

SIR. — I  am  one  of  the  number  who  entered  the  service  of  my 
country  in  April,  1775,  and  have  persevered  to  this  time  from 
a  full  conviction  of  the  necessity  of  opposing  the  power  of  Great 
Britain,  and  securing  by  arms  those  inalienable  rights  which  we 
hold  not  for  ourselves  only  but  in  trust  for  future  generations. 
With  these  sentiments  I  left  the  pleasures  of  domestic  life  and  all 
prospects  of  acquiring  property  in  a  firm  expectation  of  securing 
by  arms  the  little  I  possessed  and  trusting  in  the  justice  of  my  coun 
try  and  relying  on  the  public  faith  plighted  to  me  and  every  other 
possessor  of  their  bills  of  credit,  which  I  considered  as  sacred  as  the 
promises  and  covenants  of  individuals.  I  invested  my  all  in  bills  of 
credit  and  the  public  loans,  the  better  to  enable  me  to  continue  in 
the  service  of  my  country  without  having  my  attention  too  much 
drawn  to  the  care  of  improving  my  own  estate.  I  early  sold  my  real 
estate  and  collected  my  dues  at  the  nominal  value  of  the  Bills 
in  full  confidence  that  my  country  would  fulfill  the  promises  made 
to  those  who  gave  credit  to  their  money,  and  although  I  have  not 
invested  all  my  moneys  in  the  Funds,  I  have  not  a  shilling  but  the 
public  have  many  times  availed  themselves  of. 

When  the  various  Departments  have  in  the  years  1777  and  1778 
been  wholly  destitute  of  money  and  in  many  instances  almost  of 
credit,  I  have  advanced  to  my  last  shilling  without  interest  or  hope 
of  reward,  and  received  the  nominal  sums  again  when  they  were 


264  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

able  to  pay,  sometimes  after  six  and  ten  months  waiting  which  pre 
vented  my  investing  in  the  Loans  the  bills  I  owned. 

I  have  been  concerned  in  no  trade  of  any  sort  to  increase  my 
estate  since  the  war,  but  have  rested  contented  with  the  reflection 
that  at  some  future  period  my  country  would  do  me  justice  by  ful 
filling  their  contract  and  paying  their  debt  according  to  the  nomi 
nal  value  of  the  Bill,  as  was  promised,  in  which  case  I  should  pos 
sess  a  competence,  with  frugality,  to  support  me  in  old  age  and 
afford  that  education  to  a  numerous  family  which  I  wished  to  give 
them. 

But,  Sir,  I  was  greatly  alarmed  when  I  saw  two  days  since  the 
resolution  of  Congress  of  the  29th  of  June  last,  for  borrowing 
20,000,000  of  dollars,  the  6th  and  8th  articles  of  which  appear  to 
me  very  clearly  to  be  founded  in  principles  which  are  inconsistent 
with  those  sentiments  which  I  had  entertained  of  the  public  faith, 
and  as  I  apprehend  strongly  intimate  a  design  not  to  redeem  the 
Bills  of  Credit  at  their  nominal  value.  If  those  are  the  intentions  of 
Congress,  I  am  one  of  the  number  who  by  placing  full  confidence  in 
the  public  faith  are  ruined  after  more  than  four  years  service  in  the 
army,  in  which  my  constitution  is  greatly  impaired  and  old  age  has 
tened  upon  me;  in  which  every  person  knows  I  could  not  add  to  the 
nominal  value  of  my  estate,  but  for  two  years  past  must  have  greatly 
decreased  it.  I  am  to  be  dismissed  with  the  total  loss  of  the  little 
remaining  part,  a  beggar  with  a  numerous  family  of  small  children, 
dependent  on  the  charity  of  an  uncharitable  and  unthankful  world. 
If  my  country  fails  to  support  her  independence,  I  am  satisfied  with 
the  loss  of  all,  and  shall  think  myself  happy  in  not  being  possessed 
of  anything  the  tyrant  can  take  from  me,  but  as  I  am  firmly  per 
suaded  that  will  not  be  the  case,  your  own  good  sense,  Sir,  will 
determine  the  anxious  feelings  I  must  experience  when  I  have  sacri 
ficed  my  health  and  the  hopes  and  just  expectations  of  my  family 
to  secure  the  liberty  of  my  country  and  the  ill-gotten  wealth  of 
my  fellow  citizens,  and  by  a  decree  of  Congress  must  lose  my  all  as 
the  only  reward  of  my  services. 

I  do  not  mean,  Sir,  to  censure  the  measures  of  Congress.  I  don't 
know  that  my  inferences  from  these  resolutions  are  just,  and  if  they 
are,  perhaps  the  measures  are  necessary.  But  as  I  can  say  with 
truth,  so  I  hope  I  shall  not  incur  censure,  when  I  assure  you  I  shall 
become  very  undeservedly  a  victim  to  the  public  necessity. 

Under  these  circumstances,  Sir,  justice  to  myself  and  family 
require  me  in  the  strongest  manner  to  pay  an  immediate  attention 
to  secure  my  little  from  total  loss.  This  I  cannot  do  and  remain  in 
the  public  service.  I  therefore  beg  you  to  lay  my  case  before  Con- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      265 

gress,  and  if  that  Honorable  Body  design  (from  necessity  or  any 
other  cause)  to  redeem  their  Bills  at  a  discount  from  their  nominal 
value,  or  not  to  redeem  them  but  suffer  them  to  die  in  the  hands  of 
their  possessors,  I  beg  them  to  discharge  me  from  their  service  or 
grant  me  leave  of  absence  to  attend  to  my  own  private  concerns  for 
such  time  as  they  shall  judge  just  and  reasonable,  or,  if  this  will  not 
consist  with  the  public  welfare,  that  I  may  be  discharged  from  serv 
ice.  But  if  I  may  rest  assured  that  Congress  will  redeem  their  Bills 
at  the  nominal  value  in  any  future  period,  as  I  began  early  in  the 
cause  and  I  think  on  good  principles,  so  I  wish  to  continue  in  my 
country's  service  to  the  close  of  the  Dispute.  As  the  situation  of  my 
affairs  requires  my  immediate  attention,  if  my  fears  are  justly 
founded,  I  trust  in  the  honor  and  justice  of  Congress  to  give  an 
answer  to  my  application  in  such  season  as  will  enable  me  to  pre 
serve  myself  from  total  ruin,  which  will  inevitably  happen  if  an 
answer  is  long  delayed. 

On  the  same  day  he  writes  respecting  the  same  matter  to 
Colonel  Atlee  in  Congress,  (who  was  with  him  in  the  fight  on 
Battle  Hill  in  Greenwood  Cemetery  during  the  battle  of  Long 
Island),  stating  briefly  the  substance  of  his  letter  to  Congress 
and  asking  him  to  see  that  his  application  receives  proper  atten 
tion.  "  The  short  acquaintance  with  you  was  founded  in  mis 
fortune  (Atlee  was  taken  prisoner  in  that  battle  and  Parsons 
only  just  escaped),  and  as  that  generally  begets  a  mutual 
friendship,  I  have  on  that  presumption  addressed  this  letter  to 
you." 

Parsons'  letter  to  Congress  of  August  6,  having  been 
referred  to  the  Board  of  Treasury  and  having  received  no  letter 
from  the  Board  in  reply,  Parsons  writes,  "  Camp  near  West 
Point,  30th  August,  1779,"  to  Mr.  Canstern,  of  the  Board, 
saying  that  the  subject  of  his  letter  "is  of  a  nature  that  any 
considerable  delay  may  involve  me  in  irretrievable  ruin,"  and 
requesting  his  attention  to  the  matter,  begs  an  answer. 

August  29,  1779,  General  Parsons  writes  to  Colonel  Root 
in  Congress,  acknowledging  a  letter  from  him,  and  stating  that 
he  has  received  no  answer  from  the  Treasury  Board  to  his 
letter  to  Congress,  asks  him  to  look  into  the  matter  for  him. 
He  then  proceeds  to  discuss  at  length  the  effect  of  the  deprecia 
tion  of  the  currency  on  the  army  and  suggests  measures  which 


266  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

should  be  taken  to  afford  relief.  In  closing  he  refers  to  the 
miscarriage  of  the  expedition  to  Penobscott  under  General 
Lovell  and  the  heavy  loss  to  the  States  of  so  many  transports 
and  ships  of  war.  "  I  feel  myself  deeply  interested  in  that 
event  having  my  son  there,  a  midshipman  in  the  Warren. 
Whether  he  is  dead,  a  prisoner,  or  escaped  I  have  not  heard,  but 
I  have  the  consolation  to  hear  he  showed  himself  a  lad  of  bravery 
and  good  conduct  in  several  attacks  made  on  the  enemy  by  land 
in  which  he  took  an  active  part."  The  son  referred  to  was  his 
eldest  son,  William  Walter,  then  nineteen  years  of  age.  The 
"  Warren "  on  which  he  had  shipped,  was  a  United  States 
frigate  of  32  guns  and  the  flag-ship  of  the  squadron.  When 
the  British  fleet,  which  had  sailed  from  New  York,  August  1, 
appeared  in  the  Penobscott  River,  Captain  Saltonstall  ran  up 
the  river  to  avoid  the  enemy,  but  unable  to  escape  to  shallow 
waters,  he  beached  his  ship  and  set  her  on  fire.  Most  of  his 
captains  followed  his  example,  though  three  or  four  vessels  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

That  part  of  Parsons'  letter  to  Colonel  Root  discussing  the 
effect  of  the  depreciation  of  the  currency  is  given  in  full : — 

A  matter  of  greater  importance  is  the  immediate  occasion  of  my 
writing  at  this  time,  the  great  uneasiness,  and  as  I  conceive  the  very 
just  complaints  of  the  army  arising  from  the  rapid  depreciation  of 
the  currency.  The  officers  of  the  army  say,  and  in  most  instances 
with  truth,  that  they  have  expended  their  estates,  have  hazarded 
their  lives  and  health  and  sacrificed  the  just  expectations  of  their 
families  for  the  salvation  of  their  country;  that  the  depreciation 
of  the  money  is  so  great  they  are  unable  to  sustain  the  burden  any 
longer;  that  'tis  just  their  wages  and  rations  should  be  made  good 
to  them,  and  that  such  compensation  should  be  made  them  as  will 
in  some  measure  make  that  provision  for  their  families  which  their 
former  business  in  life  would  have  given  them  reason  to  expect  if 
they  had  pursued  it.  This  they  say  only  puts  them  on  a  footing 
with  their  fellow  citizens  who  have  made  their  estates  from  the 
distresses  of  their  country  and  they  ought  at  least  to  be  con 
sidered  as  much  entitled  to  the  favors  of  their  country  as  those 
who  have  lived  at  their  ease  and  amassed  estates  while  the  country 
was  distressed  by  the  ravages  of  the  enemy,  and  those,  who  left 
their  all  to  oppose  their  progress,  have  sunk  all  their  interest  by 
their  patience  and  perseverance.  This  is  their  condition  and  they 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      267 

are  left  to  suffer  while  the  war  continues  but  without  any  assurance 
of  future  recompense  adequate  to  their  merits. 

That  they  have  suffered  in  a  greater  degree  than  any  other  class 
of  men  and  have  exhibited  an  example  of  patience  which  will  do 
honor  to  their  country  and  themselves,  is  too  obvious  to  need  proof. 
Although  many  have  left  the  service,  I  know  it  has  been  with  the 
greatest  reluctance  and  in  many  instances  I  have  known  them  to 
lament  with  tears  the  fatal  necessity  which  forced  them  from  the 
army  before  Britain  was  laid  at  the  feet  of  America.  But,  Sir, 
their  sufferings  are  now  arisen  to  that  height  that  they  can  no 
longer  endure  them.  They  have,  I  believe,  through  the  Line  of 
the  army  applied  with  decency  to  the  General  Officers  commanding 
wings,  divisions  and  brigades,  begging  them  to  use  their  utmost 
influence  with  Congress  for  redress.  We  have  conferred  with  one 
another  on  the  subject  and  should  have  met  together  and  petitioned 
Congress  on  the  subject,  but  we  hear  you  have  it  under  considera 
tion  and  have  reason  to  expect  a  decision  upon  the  subject  soon. 
On  this  idea  we  have  agreed  to  suspend  our  application  for  a  few 
weeks  that  we  might  not  wound  the  feelings  of  a  man  of  honor 
by  an  application  to  do  that  which  his  own  sense  of  justice  and  his 
liberality  of  sentiment  would  have  induced  him  to  do  unsolicited; 
and  we  suppose  the  honor  and  justice  of  our  country  will  be  more 
conspicuous  in  voluntarily  granting  to  the  army  what  they  deem 
just  and  liberal  than  on  any  previous  formal  claim. 

You  know,  Sir,  and  we  are  conscious  that  we  have  used  our 
utmost  exertions  to  calm  the  fears  of  the  army  on  this  head,  and 
instill  sentiments  of  patriotism  and  respect  to  our  Superior  Council 
into  the  minds  of  all  ranks  of  men  in  the  army  and  have  hitherto 
succeeded  beyond  our  expectations.  For  this  reason  only  we  have 
never  applied  to  Congress  for  any  consideration  to  be  made  to  us, 
and  as  they  have  made  us  none,  but  in  every  respect  we  remain 
upon  the  first  establishment  in  1775,  when  other  officers  have  had 
their  wages  raised  50  per  cent.,  we  find  the  force  of  this  compari 
son  stills  the  murmur  of  our  officers  more  effectually  than  all  other 
considerations.  We  have  waited  till  we  are  as  far  sunk  as  our 
brethren  and  need  the  aid  of  Congress  to  save  us  from  total  ruin, 
and  should  not  now  have  made  the  application  but  for  the  reasons 
before  mentioned. 

I  therefore  beg  you  would  for  the  honor  of  our  country  and 
Congress  prevent  our  application  by  doing  us  that  justice  which  we 
have  a  right  to  claim,  and  by  such  acts  of  liberality  as  will  tend  to 
encourage  your  army  and  render  them  as  sure  in  their  prospects 
by  continuing  as  by  forsaking  your  service.  I  am  satisfied  events 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

which  can  happen  will  not  quiet  the  minds  of  the  army  more  than 
three  or  four  weeks  without  a  joint  and  unanimous  application. 

You  will  naturally  ask  me  what  are  our  expectations.  To  this 
question  I  can  only  answer  as  an  individual,  though  I  believe  I  have 
many  of  my  sentiments.  We  expect,  first,  that  our  pay  and  all 
public  encouragements  granted  us,  rations,  &c.,  be  made  as  good 
to  us  from  the  first  of  January,  1777,  as  though  we  had  been  paid 
monthly  in  silver  or  gold,  (the  depreciation  of  silver  and  gold  we 
ought  to  bear  in  common  with  our  country);  this,  rigid  justice  re 
quires  and  this  I  conceive  we  have  an  undoubted  right  to  demand. 
Second,  that  you  make  us  such  liberal  grants  to  take  place  at  the 
close  of  the  war,  as  will  give  us  some  reasonable  prospects  of  com 
pensation  for  our  loss  of  health  and  business  in  life  on  which  our 
families  place  their  dependence.  At  that  period  we  cannot  resume 
our  former  business  soon,  and  most  of  us  never,  to  the  same  advan 
tage  as  at  the  commencement  of  the  war;  besides  the  estates  we  have 
will  be  consumed  in  our  intermediate  expenses  owing  to  the  depreci 
ation  which  our  situation  does  not  admit  of  our  guarding  against, 
whilst  our  fellow  citizens  are  reaping  the  benefits  of  this  rapid  de 
preciation  and  can  suffer  no  material  injury  because  they  are  still  in 
business,  the  emoluments  of  which  are  not  injured  by  the  fluctuating 
state  of  our  currency ;  and  you  must  be  satisfied  the  officers  in  general 
were  not  induced  to  engage  in  service  from  prospects  of  increasing 
their  estates;  in  my  own  case,  (which  is  only  a  single  instance  of 
very  many  similar)  I  left  in  1775  a  profession  worth  two  thousand 
dollars  annually,  for  600  dollars  a  year,  which  has  never  been  in 
creased  to  more  than  two-thirds  the  nominal  sum  of  the  annual 
profits  of  my  profession. 

I  am  not  an  advocate  of  half  pay  after  the  war;  I  know  there  are 
many  objections  to  it,  but  none  in  my  mind  so  great  as  fixing  a  prece 
dent  for  future  pensions.  This  may  be  obviated  by  granting  a 
sum  certain;  this  will  be  a  sure  estate  and  may  be  transferred.  As 
to  the  grant  of  lands  in  addition,  (for  without  money  it  will  not 
answer  the  great  purposes  of  fixing  the  prospects  of  a  disbanded 
army  so  as  to  make  them  return  to  the  state  of  good  citizens),  they 
will  cost  you  very  little  and  ought  to  be  liberal.  At  present,  you 
promise  the  general  officers  nothing,  and  to  other  officers  nothing  in 
comparison  to  the  grants  promised  by  the  Crown  last  war.  As  to 
increasing  the  nominal  sum  of  our  pay  during  the  service,  I  do  not 
wish  it,  provided  such  assurances  can  be  given  me  as  renders  the  debt 
at  the  close  of  the  war  certain,  so  that  I  may  consider  it  an  estate 
on  which  my  family  can  depend ;  then  pay  me  the  whole  or  by  install 
ments,  I  don't  care  whether  in  two  years  or  in  fifteen  years.  I  hope 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      269 

Congress  will  pay  such  attention  to  this  subject  as  will  prevent  a 
necessity  of  asking  what  in  honor  and  justice  they  ought  to  grant. 
I  still  continue  in  the  command  of  the  Connecticut  Division  of  the 
army,  and  am  not  able  to  find  a  reason  for  which,  after  more  than 
three  years  service  in  my  present  rank,  I  shall  be  put  to  a  higher 
command  with  my  present  rank.  I  don't  see  why  Congress  will  not 
give  feathers  if  they  can't  give  money.  Perhaps  a  reason  may  be 
assigned.  If  it  is  an  opinion  that  I  am  not  entitled  by  rank  to  pro 
motion,  or  am  incapable  of  discharging  the  duties  of  a  higher  com 
mand,  I  ought  to  leave  the  service,  either  that  some  more  fit  person 
of  my  rank  may  be  appointed  to  my  present  command,  or  that  those 
who  are  of  after  rank  to  me  may  not  be  kept  back  by  a  delicacy 
which  Congress  sometimes  are  troubled  with  about  superseding  offi 
cers  of  prior  appointment.  I  know  they  have  not  always  been 
troubled  with  those  delicate  feelings. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  written  Lord  George  Germain  the 
21st  of  August,  that  further  operations  at  the  north  so  late  in 
the  season  were  impracticable,  and  his  thoughts  now  turned  on 
an  expedition  to  South  Carolina ;  that  Verplancks  and  Stony 
Points  having  been  seized  with  a  view  to  an  attack  upon  the 
Highlands,  as  nothing  could  now  be  done  in  that  quarter,  they 
became  of  no  importance  and  he  should  probably  abandon  them. 
These  Posts  were  abandoned  October  21st.  On  the  25th  of  the 
same  month,  Rhode  Island  was  evacuated  and  the  troops  with 
drawn  to  New  York,  partly  through  fear  of  an  attack  from 
D'Estaing's  fleet  which  was  now  on  the  coast,  and  partly  as  a 
measure  preparatory  to  detaching  a  considerable  force  for  the 
proposed  expedition  to  South  Carolina.  On  the  27th,  in  con 
sequence  of  the  evacuation  of  Verplancks  and  Stony  Points, 
Parsons'  Division  marched  down  the  river  and  went  into  camp 
in  the  vicinity  of  King's  Ferry,  as  directed  by  the  following 
Wing  Orders  of  the  26th  :— 

The  Connecticut  Division  is  to  march  early  to-morrow  morning 
and  encamp  at  below  Peekskill.  The  assembly  to  beat  at  half-past 
eight  o'clock  in  the  First  Brigade,  (Parsons')  and  the  brigade  to 
march  immediately.  The  assembly  to  beat  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  Sec 
ond  Brigade,  (Huntington's)  and  the  troops  to  march  as  soon  as 
possible.  The  First  Brigade  will  halt  at  the  village  until  the  Second 
comes  up,  when  they  are  to  join  and  march  to  their  new  camp  in 
division. 


270  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

The  Wing  Orders  of  the  29th  read:— 

General  Parsons  will  please  to  order  such  guards  and  pickets 
as  may  be  necessary  for  the  security  of  the  camp  between  Ver- 
planck's  Point  and  the  New  Bridge  on  the  Croton  River.  The  Con 
necticut  Division  has  made  great  proficiency  in  the  exercises  and 
maneuvers.  The  Major  General  is  anxious  that  they  not  only  retain 
what  they  have  already  acquired,  but  that  they  continue  their  en 
deavors  to  complete  themselves  in  discipline. 

The  orders  of  the  22d  had  been  particularly  complimentary 
to  the  Division : — 

It  is  with  particular  satisfaction  that  the  Major  General  beheld 
the  regularity  and  soldierlike  behavior  of  the  troops  of  the  Connecti 
cut  Line  at  exercise  yesterday,  and  he  has  the  pleasure  to  acquaint 
them  that  the  Baron  Steuben,  the  Inspector  General,  publicly 
acknowledged  that  they  have  made  as  great  proficiency  in  perform 
ing  the  exercises  and  maneuvers  as  any  troops  without  exception  in 
the  army.  A  few  things  only  remain  to  be  learned  and  practiced  to 
make  them  finished  soldiers,  and  the  Major  General  flatters  himself 
that  by  the  attention  of  the  officers  and  ready  obedience  of  the  sol 
diers,  these  will  be  soon  acquired 

While  in  camp  at  the  Ferry,  details  were  sent  from  the  Divi 
sion  to  complete  the  redoubts  on  the  Heights  under  the  direction 
of  Colonel  Gouvion  of  the  Engineers,  and  to  repair  the  works 
vacated  by  the  enemy.  The  strictest  discipline  was  insisted  on, 
and  the  orders  were  very  stringent  as  to  the  appropriation  by 
the  soldiers  of  private  property  and  the  shooting  of  game  in 
the  vicinity  of  camp.  To  secure  against  surprise  by  the  enemy, 
the  river  was  carefully  watched  by  the  guard-boats  and  no  boat 
was  permitted  to  go  below  the  Ferry  without  a  written  pass 
from  a  general  officer. 

The  campaign  of  1779  was  now  closed.  All  the  British 
troops  at  the  North,  by  order  of  the  ministry,  had  been  concen 
trated  in  New  York,  and  Washington  was  already  preparing 
to  go  into  winter  quarters.  The  only  achievements  of  the  enemy 
during  the  year,  were  Tryon's  two  marauding  expeditions  and 
the  capture  of  Verplancks  and  Stony  Points,  certainly  not 
much  to  boast  of,  but  Clinton  could  have  done  little  without 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      271 

large  reinforcements,  and  Great  Britain,  just  at  that  time,  had 
her  hands  too  full  at  home  to  give  much  attention  to  the  con 
quest  of  her  rebellious  Colonies.  Spain  had  declared  war 
against  her;  powerful  French  and  Spanish  fleets  were  hovering 
about  her  coasts  threatening  invasion.  Her  commerce,  the  life- 
blood  of  her  finances,  was  being  preyed  upon  by  the  American 
and  French  cruisers.  The  "  Serapis"  and  the  "  Countess  of 
"  Scarborough,"  while  convoying  a  fleet  of  forty  sail  of  mer 
chantmen,  were  captured  by  John  Paul  Jones  with  the  "  Bon- 
homme  Richard,"  in  one  of  the  most  desperate  naval  engage 
ments  on  record  and  in  full  view  of  his  Majesty's  dominions. 
But  though  in  sore  distress,  England  put  forth  her  strength 
as  was  her  wont  in  an  emergency,  and  voted  eighty-five  thousand 
seamen,  thirty-five  thousand  soldiers  and  one  hundred  million 
dollars.  Such  an  exhibition  of  power  and  determination  on  the 
part  of  the  mother  country  while  her  affairs  were  in  so  dis 
ordered  a  condition,  could  not  have  been  otherwise  than  depress 
ing,  but  with  it  all  America  showed  neither  dismay  nor 
discouragement. 


CHAPTER   XIX 

WINTER  QUARTERS  AT  MORRISTOWN.  THE  SPY  SYSTEM  OF  THE 
REVOLUTION.  "  MIDSHIPMAN  BILLY."  PARSONS  ASKS  CONGRESS 
TO  ACCEPT  HIS  RESIGNATION.  His  ESTATE.  SUPERVISES  RE 
CRUITING  IN  CONNECTICUT.  CONDITION  OF  THE  ARMY. 

December,  1779-^Tuly,  1780 

BY  the  latter  part  of  November,  1779,  Washington  had  com 
pleted  his  arrangements  for  winter  quarters  for  the  army.  The 
cavalry  he  proposed  to  quarter  in  Connecticut  on  account  of 
the  "  abundance  and  conveniency  "  of  forage.  A  brigade  was 
to  be  stationed  at  Danbury  for  the  protection  of  the  inhabitants 
along  the  Sound.  A  sufficient  garrison  was  to  be  left  in  the 
Highlands  and  a  small  force  at  the  entrance  of  Smiths  Clove. 
The  main  army  under  Washington's  immediate  command,  was 
to  be  quartered  near  Morristown,  New  Jersey,  where  it  would  be 
well  placed  to  observe  the  enemy  in  New  York  and  to  guard 
against  any  hostile  movement.  The  Connecticut  Division,  which 
heretofore  had  wintered  east  of  the  Hudson,  was  this  season  to 
encamp  with  the  main  army.  In  accordance  with  this  arrange 
ment,  orders  were  issued  from  Wing  headquarters,  November 
17  and  18,  to  break  camp  at  Peekskill  and  begin  the  march 
into  New  Jersey.  The  orders  of  the  18th  directed  "  the  Connec 
ticut  Division  to  move  over  Hudson's  River  to-morrow  and  camp 
as  near  Stony  Point  as  they  can  find  good  wood  and  water. 
While  the  army  remains  at  Haverstraw,  they  are  to  furnish  the 
Captain's  guard  at  the  ferry,  and  General  Howe's  Division  the 
other  guards."  This  movement  was  delayed  until  the  25th, 
when  the  Division,  with  General  Parsons  in  command,  crossed 
the  river  and  encamped  near  Haverstraw.  Upon  the  removal 
of  Washington's  headquarters  from  New  Windsor,  Gates  was 
offered  the  command  in  the  Highlands,  but  his  private  affairs 
demanding  his  attention,  leave  of  absence  was  granted  him  at  his 
request,  and  the  command  given  to  General  Heath.  This 

272 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      273 

arrangement  brought  Parsons'  Division  immediately  under 
Washington's  orders.  November  27,  the  Division  encamped 
for  the  night  near  Kakeat,  Parsons  taking  up  his  quarters  at 
Judge  Cox's  house.  On  the  28th,  the  march  was  continued  to 
Ramapo,  and  on  the  29th  and  30th  to  Persipany  (now  Patter 
son).  The  next  day  the  Division  marched  to  the  grounds 
assigned  it  for  winter  quarters,  situated  on  the  slope  of  a  high 
hill  about  three  miles  south  of  Morristown,  where  it  commenced 
to  build  the  log  huts  which  were  to  shelter  it  during  the  severest 
and  most  trying  winter  experienced  in  any  year  of  the  Revolu 
tion.  Letters  from  the  camp  describe  the  sufferings  of  the 
troops  during  these  dreary  months  from  the  intensity  of  the 
cold,  the  depth  and  frequency  of  the  snows  and  the  lack  of  food, 
clothing,  shoes  and  blankets. 

General  Putnam,  the  senior  Major  General  in  Connecticut, 
had  up  to  this  time  been  the  nominal  commander  of  the  Connec 
ticut  Division,  but  being  for  the  greater  part  of  the  time  absent 
with  the  main  army,  the  actual  command  had  now  for  nearly 
eighteen  months  devolved  on  General  Parsons;  for,  although 
Benedict  Arnold,  now  in  command  at  Philadelphia,  ranked  next 
to  Putnam,  his  assignments  had  always  been  outside  the  State 
and  the  Division,  in  consequence,  had  never  come  under  his 
orders.  General  Putnam,  in  December,  1779,  while  on  a  visit 
to  Hartford,  was  stricken  with  paralysis  and  became  totally 
incapacitated,  so  that  from  this  time  on  General  Parsons  was 
the  Division  commander  by  virtue  of  his  seniority.  This  Divi 
sion — the  flower  of  Connecticut  soldiery — was  not  surpassed 
by  any  corps  in  the  army.  Its  position  in  the  general  line  of 
battle,  as  fixed  by  Washington's  order  of  December  17,  was 
on  the  left  of  the  first  line.  During  Parsons'  absence  in  Con 
necticut,  the  Division  was  commanded  successively  by  St.  Clair, 
DeKalb  and  Huntington,  and,  in  the  latter  part  of  April,  by 
Lafayette,  who  had  just  returned  from  France.  In  February  it 
was  detached  to  strengthen  the  lines  in  the  vicinity  of  Elizabeth 
and  Newark,  where  it  remained  until  the  Morristown  camp  was 
broken  up  in  June,  when  it  returned  to  its  old  quarters  near 
Robinson's  house  in  the  Highlands. 

Putnam,  when  taken  ill  in  December,  had  retired  to  his  farm 
in  Pomfret,  where,  amid  quiet  surroundings,  the  old  General, 


274  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

for  whom  everyone  felt  sympathy,  had  by  spring  so  far  recov 
ered  his  health  that  he  was  able  to  walk  about,  and,  with  assist 
ance,  to  write  the  following  letter  to  Washington: — 

POMFRET,  May  29,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  cannot  forbear  informing  your  Excellency  by  the 
return  of  Major  Humphreys  to  Camp,  of  the  state  of  my  health 
from  the  first  of  my  illness  to  the  present  time. 

After  I  was  prevented  from  coming  on  to  the  Army  by  a  stroke 
of  the  paralytic  kind,  which  deprived  me  in  a  great  measure  of  the 
use  of  my  right  leg  and  arm,  I  retired  to  my  plantation,  and  have 
been  gradually  growing  better  ever  since.  I  have  now  so  far  gained 
the  use  of  my  limbs,  especially  of  my  leg,  as  to  be  able  to  walk  with 
very  little  impediment  and  to  ride  on  horseback  tolerably  well.  In 
other  respects  I  am  in  perfect  health,  and  enjoy  the  comforts  and 
pleasures  of  life  with  as  good  a  relish  as  most  of  my  neighbors. 
Although  I  should  not  be  able  to  resume  a  command  in  the  Army,  I 
propose  to  myself  the  happiness  of  making  a  visit  and  seeing  my 
friends  there  sometime  in  the  course  of  the  campaign. 

Not  being  able  to  hold  the  pen  in  my  own  hand,  I  am  obliged  to 
make  use  of  another  to  express  with  how  much  regard  and  esteem,  I 
am  &c. 

P.  S. — I  am  making  a  great  effort  to  use  my  hand  to  make  the 
initials  of  my  name  for  the  first  time. 

ISRAEL  PUTNAM. 

It  appears  from  the  following  letters  that  Parsons,  in  Decem 
ber,  was  stationed  ten  or  fifteen  miles  southeast  of  Morristown, 
probably  in  charge  of  the  outposts,  where  he  was  in  position  to 
observe  the  enemy  and  obtain  early  intelligence  of  their  move 
ments.  On  the  16th,  writing  to  General  Washington  from 
Meeker's  house  in  Springfield,  after  reporting  what  he  had 
learned  as  to  affairs  in  New  York  and  the  extent  to  which  illicit 
trading  was  carried  on,  he  adds : — 

I  believe  a  regular  channel  of  intelligence  can  be  established 
immediately  to  New  York,  but  the  undertaker  must  have  it  made  to 
his  interest  to  pursue  so  hazardous  a  business.  I  am  suspicious  that 
the  inducements  before  have  been  a  permission  to  trade.  This 
license  I  am  by  no  means  at  liberty  to  grant  or  even  wink  at,  nor  am 
I  authorized  to  promise  money.  If  your  Excellency  thinks  it  neces 
sary  to  do  anything  in  the  matter,  your  direction  shall  be  punctually 
attended  to. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      275 

In  reply  to  this  Washington  wrote  as  follows: — 

HEADQUARTERS  AT  MORRISTOWN,  December  18,  1779. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  am  fully  of  the  opinion  that  those  people  who 
undertake  to  procure  intelligence  under  cover  of  carrying  produce 
into  New  York  and  bringing  goods  out  in  return,  attend  more  to 
their  own  emoluments  than  to  the  business  with  which  they  are 
charged ;  and  we  have  generally  found  their  information  so  vague  and 
trifling  that  there  is  no  placing  dependence  upon  it.  Besides,  it 
opens  a  door  to  a  very  extensive  and  pernicious  traffic.  You  seem  to 
intimate  that  an  advantageous  channel  of  intelligence  might  be  estab 
lished  by  the  means  of  money.  Be  pleased  to  make  enquiry  into 
this  matter,  and  if  you  find  proper  persons  for  the  purpose,  let  me 
know  the  terms  and  the  sum  requisite,  that  I  may  see  whether  it 
comes  within  the  limits  of  our  scanty  funds  in  hard  money,  as  I 
suppose  that  kind  is  meant.  Be  pleased  to  say  whether  that  or  paper 
is  the  object. 

I  approve  of  the  measures  you  have  taken  with  the  flag-boats ;  and 
it  is  my  wish  that  those  persons,  whoever  they  may  be,  who  are  con 
cerned  in  the  practice  of  bringing  goods  from  New  York,  may  be 
discovered.  I  am  not  acquainted  with  the  laws  of  the  State  respect 
ing  the  seizure  of  goods,  but  I  wish  you  to  inform  yourself  of  them, 
and  put  them  strictly  in  execution. 

I  'am  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  GEO.  WASHINGTON. 

On  the  23d,  Parsons  further  reports  the  intelligence  brought 
in  by  spies  as  to  affairs  in  New  York,  and  particularly  in  regard 
to  the  movements  of  troops  and  ships.  On  the  26th,  he  writes 
from  Westfield,  reporting  information  as  to  the  size  of  the  fleet 
and  the  number  of  men  on  board.  This  information  related  to 
Clinton's  preparations  for  his  southern  expedition  and  was  very 
important  as  affecting  future  operations  against  New  York. 

Spies  were  employed  on  the  most  extensive  scale  by  both  sides 
during  the  Revolutionary  War.  We  had  in  England  a  perfect 
corps  of  spies.  In  New  York  Washington  maintained  an 
organization  throughout  the  war,  and  particularly  in  1779  and 
1780,  that  under  the  guise  of  zealous  loyalists,  never  failed  to 
advise  him  instantly  of  any  considerable  movement.  Many 
prominent  persons  within  the  enemy's  lines,  then  trusted  and 
lauded  by  the  British  commander  and  officials,  and  to  this  day 


276  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

believed  to  have  been  strong  Tories,  were  in  fact  Whig  spies. 
Washington's  system  for  obtaining  secret  intelligence  was 
thorough  and  efficient,  and  his  sources  and  methods  were  many 
and  utterly  unknown  and  unsuspected  at  the  time,  and  each  was 
independent  of  the  others.  The  entire  direction  of  the  system, 
especially  after  the  defection  of  Arnold,  he  retained  in  his  own 
hands.  Every  prominent  leader  in  the  war  had  also  his  own 
private  agents  and  means  of  obtaining  information.  From  the 
fact  of  his  commanding  in  Westchester  and  along  the  Sound 
during  so  large  a  part  of  the  war,  General  Parsons  had  of  neces 
sity  probably  as  much  to  do  with  the  spy  system  and  kept  as 
many  agents  in  his  employ,  as  any  other  general  officer  except 
Washington  himself ;  and  he  was  often  called  on  by  Washington, 
as  in  this  case,  for  advice  and  assistance,  and  all  the  more  con 
fidently,  perhaps,  because  he  was  an  able  lawyer,  had  been  a 
prosecuting  attorney  and  possessed  a  thorough  knowledge  of 
men.  As  will  be  seen  further  on,  the  matters  submitted  to  him 
were  frequently  of  the  most  difficult,  delicate  and  confidential 
character. 

The  following  instructions  to  Major  John  Clark,  Jr.,  which 
tell  their  own  story,  were  drafted  (Nov.  4,  1777)  by  Washing 
ton  himself  for  the  express  purpose  of  misleading  and  deceiving 
the  enemy: — 

In  your  next  letter  (for  the  British  camp),  I  would  have  you 
mention  that  General  Gates,  now  having  nothing  to  do  at  the  North 
ward,  is  sending  down  a  very  handsome  reinforcement  of  Conti 
nental  troops  to  this  army,  whilst  he,  with  the  remainder  of  them 
and  all  the  New  England  and  New  York  militia,  is  to  make  an 
immediate  descent  on  New  York,  the  reduction  of  which  is  confi 
dently  spoken  of,  (as  it  is  generally  supposed  that  a  large  part  of 
Sir  Henry  Clinton's  troops  are  detached  to  the  assistance  of  General 
Howe)  and  that  General  Dickinson  is  at  the  same  time  to  attack 
Staten  Island,  for  which  purpose  he  is  assembling  great  numbers  of 
the  Jersey  militia;  that  the  received  opinion  in  our  camp  is,  that  we 
will  immediately  attack  Philadelphia  on  the  arrival  of  the  troops 
from  the  Northward;  that  I  have  prevailed  upon  the  Legislative 
Body  to  order  out  two-thirds  of  the  militia  of  this  State  for  that 
purpose;  that  you  have  heard  great  talk  of  the  Virginia  and  Mary 
land  militia  coming  up,  and  in  short  that  the  whole  Continent  seems 
determined  to  use  every  exertion  to  put  an  end  to  the  war  this  winter ; 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      277 

that  we  mention  the   forts   as  being  perfectly  secure,  having  sent 
ample  reinforcements  to  their  support. 

In  the  summer  of  1777,  John  and  Baker  Hendricks  and  John 
Meeker  (perhaps  the  same  Meeker  from  whose  house  in  Spring 
field  Parsons  wrote  his  letter  of  December  16th  to  Washington), 
had  been  employed  by  Colonel  Dayton  to  procure  intelligence 
from  the  enemy.  They  were  allowed  to  convey  small  quantities 
of  provisions  into  New  York  and  bring  back  a  few  goods,  the 
better  to  cover  their  real  designs.  Being  arrested  on  a  charge 
of  carrying  on  an  illegal  correspondence  with  the  enemy,  Wash 
ington  interposed  and  explained  the  matter  to  Governor 
Livingston : — 

"  You  must  be  well  convinced,"  he  wrote  January  20,  1778,  "  that 
it  is  indispensably  necessary  to  make  use  of  these  means  to  procure 
intelligence.  The  persons  employed  must  bear  the  suspicion  of 
being  thought  inimical,  and  it  is  not  in  their  power  to  assert  their 
innocence,  because  that  would  get  abroad  and  destroy  the  confidence 
which  the  enemy  puts  in  them." 

In  the  spring  of  1779,  a  spy  employed  by  General  Maxwell 
had  brought  in  from  the  enemy  the  following  series  of  questions 
to  which  he  was  to  obtain  answers  : — 

1.  Where  is   Mr.  Washington  and  what  number  of  men  has  he 
with  him? 

2.  What  number  of  cannon  has   Mr.  Washington  with  him  and 
what  general  officers? 

3.  Whether  there  is  to  be  a  draft  of  the  militia  to  join  Mr.  Wash 
ington,  and  how  the  inhabitants  like  it? 

4.  Whether  there  is  any  discontent  among  the  soldiers  ? 

5.  Whether  the  inhabitants  would  resort  to  the  King's  standard 
provided  a  Post  was  taken  in   New  Jersey  and  Civil  Government 
established? 

6.  Your  account  of  the  situation  of  the  army  with  every  other 
matter  you  can  collect. 

The  answers  to  these  questions  Washington  drew  up  as  though 
written  by  a  very  ignorant  person,  mixing  up  fact  and  false 
hood,  and  transmitted  them  to  General  Maxwell  with  the  fol 
lowing  letter : — 


278  LITE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

HEADQUARTERS,  MIDDLEBROOK,  May  6,  1779. 
"  I  enclose  you  answers  to  the  questions,  which  you  will  put  into 
the  hands  of  the  spy.  He  may  be  instructed  to  say  that  he  sent 
the  questions  to  a  friend  of  his  near  the  eamp  and  received  from  him 
the  answers.  This  occurs  to  me  as  the  most  eligible  plan.  However, 
you  will  judge  yourself  on  the  occasion.  I  think  you  had  better 
have  them  copied  in  an  indifferent  hand,  preserving  the  bad  spell 
ing  at  the  same  time. 

The  following  are  the  answers : — 

1.  Can't    tell    the    number    exactly.      Some    says    eight    thosand 
and  very  knowing  hands  ten  thosands.     I  dont  think  he  has  8000 
with  himself  besides  the  Jersey  Brigade  and  another  brigade  which 
I  hear  is  at  Paramus.     Gen.  Washington  keeps  headquarters  at  Mrs. 
Wallis's  house  four  miles  from  Bandbrook. 

2.  There  is  about  sixty  cannon  in  the  parks  at  Plukemin,  and  not 
more  than  8  or  10  with  his  troops  at  Bandbrook  Camp.     The  general 
officers  is   General  Starling  and  Gen.  Greene   (Genl.   Howe  is  at 
Philadelphia,  I  am  told  and  coming  on  to  camp)   Genl.  de  Kalbee 
and  Gen.  Stubun,  French  Generals.     Gen.  Sullivan  (General  Gates 
I  hear  is  ordered  here)   Genl.  Woodford,  Gen.  Mulimburg,  Small- 
wood,  Gist  and  one  Genl.  Me  Intosh. 

3.  The  militia  all  ready  to  come  out  when  signals  is  fired,  which 
is  pleaced  upon  all  places  in  Jersey.     They  seem  very  angry  with 
the  British  arid  curse  them  for  keeping  on  the  war.     Many  of  them 
brag  that  they  wold  take  revenge  if  they  could  get  but  a  good  oppor 
tunity,  and  General  Washington  to  back  them. 

4.  I    cant    say   theres    much    discontent    among    the    sodgers    tho 
their  money  is  so  bad.     They  get  plenty  of  provisions,  and  have  got 
better  cloes  now  than  ever  they  had.     They  are  very  well  off  only 
for  hatts.     They  give  them  a  good  deal  of  rum  and  whiskey,  and  this 
I  suppose  helps  with  the  lies  their  officers  are  always  telling  them  to 
keep  up  their  spirits. 

five.  The  people  talk  much  as  they  used  to  do — some  seem  to  get 
tired  of  the  war.  But  the  rebels  seem  to  have  a  great  spite  against 
our  friends  and  want  to  get  their  estates.  I  have  heard  some  of 
these  say — they  would  be  glad  to  see  the  Inglish  again  in  Jersey; 
but  I  have  heard  some  again  say,  that  the  Inglish  come  into  the 
country  a  little  while,  and  then  leave  it  and  get  their  friends  into 
trouble  and  then  they  loose  their  estates.  I  dont  know  whether  many 
would  join. 

Mr.  Washington's  army  is  in  three  parts,  two  of  them  General 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      279 

Starling  and  Gen.  Kables  are  upon  the  mountains  over  Bandbrook 
and  General  Sinclairs  men  on  this  side  Vanwitken  bridge  on  high 
ground.  They  all  seem  to  be  getting  ready  for  something.  The 
waggons  at  the  artifishers  are  getting  ready,  and  they  are  bringing 
in  all  the  horses  from  the  country — nobody  knows  certain  what  they 
are  going  to  do.  A  friend  who  keeps  always  with  them  tells  me  he 
cannot  tell  (I  must  not  tell  you  his  name  just  now)  he  thinks  some 
thing  very  grand  if  it  could  be  known  he  thinks  for  he  heard  a 
servant  of  Lord  Starlings  say,  that  he  heard  Lord  Starling  tell 
another  officer  that  he  hoped  they  would  have  New  York  before  long 
and  said  the  New  England  militia  were  all  coming  to  help  them. 

I  would  write  you  more  but  you  have  not  given  me  time,  remem 
ber  me  to  our  friends  in  York — and  dont  forget  to  bring  what  I 
wrote  for  when  you  were  last  out. 

P L 

P.  S.  dont  send  your  next  letter  by  the  same  hand,  for  I  have  rea 
son  to  be  suspicious  and  would  not  send  this  by  him.  When  he  left 
he  went  strait  to  Washington's  headquarters." 

A  letter  to  Major  Tallmadge  of  the  Light  Dragoons,  who,  on 
account  of  his  activity,  vigilance  and  ability,  was  often  stationed 
near  the  enemy's  lines,  gives  us  an  insight  into  Washington's 
methods : — 

NEW  WINDSOR,  June  27,  1779. 

SIR. — Your  letter  of  yesterday  came  safe  to  my  hands,  and  by  the 
dragoon  who  was  the  bearer  of  it.  I  send  you  ten  guineas  for 

C r.        (Culper,   a  spy  who  had  been  long  employed  in   New 

York,  and  whose  intelligence  had  been  of  great  importance).  His 
successor,  whose  name  I  have  no  desire  to  be  informed  of,  provided 
his  intelligence  is  good  and  seasonably  transmitted,  should  endeavor 
to  hit  upon  some  certain  mode  of  conveying  his  informations  quickly, 
for  it  is  of  little  avail  to  be  told  of  things  after  they  have  become  a 
matter  of  public  notoriety  and  known  to  everybody.  This  new  agent 
should  communicate  his  signature,  and  the  private  marks  by  which 
genuine  papers  are  to  be  distinguished  from  counterfeits.  There  is 
a  man  on  York  Island,  living  at  or  near  the  North  River,  by  the  name 
of  George  Higday,  who,  I  am  told,  hath  given  signal  proofs  of  his 
attachment  to  us,  and  at  the  same  time  stands  well  with  the  enemy. 
If,  upon  enquiry,  this  is  found  to  be  the  case,  (and  much  caution 
should  be  used  in  investigating  the  matter  as  well  on  his  own  account 
as  on  that  of  Higday)  he  will  be  a  fit  instrument  to  convey  intelli 
gence  to  me  while  I  am  on  the  west  side  of  the  North  River,  as  he 


280  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

is  enterprising  and  connected  with  people  in  Bergen  County  who 
will  assist  in  forming  a  chain  to  me,  in  any  manner  they  shall  agree 

upon.     I  do  not  know  whom  H employs;  but  from  H I 

obtain  intelligence;  and  his  name  and  business  should  be  kept  pro 
foundly  secret,  otherwise,  we  not  only  lose  the  benefits  derived  from 
it,  but  may  subject  him  to  some  unhappy  fate.  ...  I  wish  you 
to  use  every  method  in  your  power,  through  H —  -  and  others,  to 
obtain  information  of  the  enemy's  situation,  and  as  far  as  is  to  be 
come  at,  their  designs." 

In  another  letter  to  Major  Tallmadge,  dated  Morristown, 
February  5,  1780,  Washington  suggests  how  intelligence  may 
be  safely  communicated  by  the  use  of  a  sympathetic  ink  and  a 
re-agent  to  make  the  writing  visible : — 

"  I  send  twenty  guineas  and  two  phials  containing  the  stain  and 
counterpart  of  the  stain,  for  Culper  Junior,  which  I  wish  you  to  get 
to  him  with  as  much  safety  and  dispatch  as  the  case  will  conve 
niently  admit.  .  .  .  He  should  avoid  making  use  of  the  stain  on 
a  blank  sheet  of  paper,  which  is  the  usual  way  of  its  coming  to  me 
This  circumstance  alone  is  sufficient  to  raise  suspicion.  A  much 
better  way  is,  to  write  a  letter  in  the  Tory  style,  with  some  mixture 
of  family  matters,  and  between  the  lines  and  on  the  remaining  part 
of  the  sheet,  to  communicate  with  the  stain  the  intended  intelli 
gence." 

The  British  resorted  to  similar  expedients,  but  the  large  body 
of  loyalists  scattered  through  the  country — practically  a  corps 
of  spies — made  it  comparatively  easy  for  them  to  obtain  prompt 
and  accurate  information.  All  through  the  war,  notwithstand 
ing  every  effort  at  concealment,  their  knowledge  of  our  affairs, 
both  military  and  civil,  was  almost  as  intimate  and  thorough  as 
our  own. 

On  Christmas  day,  1779,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  sailed  for  South 
Carolina  with  the  main  body  of  his  army,  leaving  New  York 
in  command  of  the  Hessian  General,  Knyphausen.  The  active 
operations  of  the  campaign  were  thus  transferred  to  the  South, 
and  very  little  was  left  to  employ  the  Northern  army  during  the 
winter  and  spring  except  to  keep  watch  and  ward  against  the 
enemy  in  New  York.  Clinton  returned  North  the  following 
June,  having  compelled  the  surrender  of  Charleston  and  appar- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      281 

ently  reduced  the  State  to  subjection.  His  return  was  probably 
hastened  by  secret  information  of  the  preparation  of  a  French 
fleet  and  land  force  to  attack  New  York. 

During  the  spring  and  summer  of  1780,  the  term  of  the 
"three  years  men,"  enlisted  in  1777,  expired,  and  it  became 
necessary  to  fill  their  places.  General  Parsons,  having  gone  to 
Connecticut  in  January,  writes  to  General  Washington  in 
regard  to  the  matter,  as  follows : — 

HARTFORD,  February  1.  1780, 

DEAR  GENERAL. — The  Assembly  of  this  State  were  delayed  by  the 
severe  weather  near  a  fortnight,  and,  since  they  have  convened,  have 
not  taken  up  the  subject  of  recruiting  the  army.  I  have  applied 
to  the  Governor  as  well  as  to  the  gentlemen  of  the  Assembly  on  the 
subject,  and  am  informed  that  neither  your  Excellency  nor  Con 
gress  have  made  any  representations  to  this  State  for  this  purpose. 
I  am  induced  to  believe  that  the  recruiting  service  might  be  for 
warded  successfully  here  in  a  few  weeks  if  the  State  settles  with  the 
army  for  their  past  wages  in  a  manner  satisfactory  to  them,  of  which 
there  appears  to  me  a  great  probability,  although  the  settlement  is 
not  completed. 

Should  it  be  your  intention  to  have  the  quota  of  this  State  filled, 
I  am  convinced  it  will  be  necessary  for  your  Excellency  to  make  a 
requisition  for  this  purpose  to  the  Assembly,  otherwise  I  believe  no 
measures  will  be  taken  by  Government  for  that  purpose,  or,  if  any 
are  taken,  they  will  prove  ineffectual  from  a  general  belief  of  their 
being  unnecessary.  I  am  with  the  greatest  esteem 

Yr.  Excellency's  obt.  servt., 
To  General  Washington.  S.  H.  PARSONS. 

Parsons  during  his  stay  in  Connecticut  seems  to  have  followed 
up  the  matter  of  recruiting,  for  under  date  of  February  27th, 
Captain  Walker  writes  to  Colonel  Samuel  B.  Webb : — 

I  heard  General  Parsons  propose  a  plan,  and  such  I  believe  he 
means  to  adopt  in  his  brigade  on  his  return  to  the  army — that  was, 
to  send  into  this  State  a  number  of  likely  sergeants  and  some  music 
under  the  care  of  some  officers,  and  let  them  go  from  town  to  town, 
also  among  the  State  troops,  and  beat  up  recruits.  You  must  be 
sensible  that  there  are  numbers  of  men  now  only  waiting  to  know 
what  is  done  for  the  army  and  what  bounty  is  given,  to  encourage 
them  to  enlist. 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

While  at  his  home  at  Redding,  Connecticut,  to  which  place 
lie  had  moved  his  family  in  the  winter  of  1778-9,  General  Par 
sons  wrote  the  following  interesting  letter  to  Governor  George 
Clinton  of  New  York,  proposing  a  scheme  for  the  settlement  of 
Western  New  York  by  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Connecticut 
Line  at  the  close  of  the  war : — 

REDDING,  February  21,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  find  a  considerable  portion  of  the  officers  of  the 
Connecticut  Line  are  desirous  of  forming  settlements  in  the  western 
part  of  the  State  of  New  York  at  the  close  of  the  war,  and  have 
desired  me  to  inform  myself  whether  they  can  expect  any  grants 
from  the  State  for  that  purpose. 

I  am  of  the  number  who  place  their  views  in  your  State,  and  have 
supposed  the  State  of  New  York  can  in  no  way  be  a  greater  gainer 
than  by  engaging  a  speedy  settlement  of  their  western  frontier,  as 
it  would  become  a  barrier  to  the  interior  settlements,  appreciate  the 
value  of  the  settled  part  of  the  country,  increase  their  commerce  as 
the  inhabitants  are  increased,  and  make  a  price  for  all  ungranted 
lands  between  the  exterior  and  interior  settlements.  If  these  should 
be  the  views  of  your  State,  I  cannot  conceive  a  mode  promising  a 
speedier  completion  of  the  views  of  the  State  than  engaging  as  many 
soldiers  by  liberal  grants  at  the  close  of  the  war  as  will  completely 
make  these  settlements ;  and  no  way  promises  speedier  success  than 
securing  the  soldiers  then  to  be  disbanded.  If  such  grants  are  made 
to  the  officers  as  will  make  it  their  interest  to  secure  the  soldiers  to 
settle  there  rather  than  in  another  State,  you  are  sensible  their  influ 
ence  will  be  exerted  for  that  purpose,  and  are  also  sensible  of  the 
effect  their  exertions  will  probably  produce.  I  own  I  feel  myself 
interested  in  this  application  as  my  hopes  at  the  close  of  the  war 
are  formed  on  grants  I  hope  I  may  be  able  to  secure  in  New  York. 
This  is  also  the  case  of  many  other  officers  of  our  Line,  and  should 
we  meet  the  encouragement  we  wish,  I  believe  we  shall  be  able  to 
procure  a  great  proportion,  if  not  the  greatest  part  of  our  soldiers, 
to  become  settlers  in  that  region  immediately  on  the  close  of  the  war. 

If  you  can  spare  a  moment  from  your  public  concerns,  I  shall 
beg  to  know  your  opinion  on  the  subject  in  general,  and  whether 
I  may  particularly  form  any  expectations  from  your  State  which 
may  be  worth  my  pursuit.  Your  friendship  in  the  matter  will  add 
to  the  obligations  already  conferred  upon,  Dear  Sir, 

Yr.  friend  and  humble  servt., 
To  Governor  George  Clinton.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      283 

To  which  Governor  Clinton  replied  as  follows : — 

ALBANY,  March  2,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  am  favored  with  your  letter  of  the  21st  ult.  The 
Legislature  of  this  State  had  at  their  last  meeting  a  bill  before  them 
for  opening  a  Land  Office  and  making  liberal  grants  to  the  gentle 
men  of  the  army.  The  expectation  of  the  arrival  of  the  French 
fleet  and  the  necessary  preparations  for  operating  against  New 
York,  occasioned  their  rising  sooner  than  was  expected  and  pre 
vented  it  passing  into  a  law.  Resolutions  of  Congress  recommend 
ing  to  the  several  States  to  forbear  for  the  present  establishing  Land 
Offices  and  the  granting  of  unappropriated  lands,  have  prevented 
them  from  resuming  the  business.  The  idea  of  your  becoming  a 
citizen  of  this  State  will  give  me  pleasure,  and,  be  assured,  Sir,  that 
as  far  as  my  influence  will  extend,  proper  encouragements  will  be 
given  to  induce  yourself  and  the  other  gentlemen  you  mention,  to 
carry  their  intent  into  execution. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  most  obed't  servt., 
To  Gen.  S.  H.  Parsons.  GEO.  CLINTON. 

This  settlement  scheme  for  some  reason,  was  never  carried 
into  effect.  It  would  have  been  an  advantageous  arrangement 
for  the  State,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  anything  further  was 
done  about  the  matter. 

Arnold  seems  at  an  earlier  date  to  have  entertained  a  similar 
project.  On  the  3d  of  February,  1779,  Mr.  Jay  and  the  other 
delegates  in  Congress  from  New  York,  wrote  as  follows  to 
Governor  Clinton : — 

Major  General  Arnold  has  in  contemplation  to  establish  a  set 
tlement  of  officers  and  soldiers  who  have  served  with  him  in  the 
present  war,  and  to  lay  the  necessary  foundation  without  loss  of 
time.  From  a  desire  tc  become  a  citizen  of  New  York,  he  gives  our 
State  the  preference,  and  now  visits  your  Excellency  to  make  the 
necessary  inquiries,  it  being  out  of  our  power  to  give  him  any  infor 
mation.  The  necessity  of  strengthening  our  frontiers  is  as  obvious 
as  the  policy  of  drawing  the  attention  of  the  people  to  that  quarter 
in  season.  Virginia,  we  learn,  has  taken  the  lead  and  already  passed 
laws  for  laying  out  a  district  of  country  for  settlement,  and  assign 
ing  farms  for  their  own  soldiers,  as  well  as  those  of  Maryland,  Dela 
ware  and  New  Jersey.  A  strong  predilection,  however,  prevails  in 
favor  of  our  State  on  account  of  its  situation  for  trade,  the  acknowl- 


284  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

edged  excellency  of  its  Constitution  and  the  steady  and  vigorous 
exertions  of  its  government.  Nothing,  we  are  persuaded,  will  be 
wanting  for  its  rapid  settlement  and  cultivation  but  a  wise  and  lib 
eral  system  for  the  distribution  of  the  public  lands. 

To  you,  Sir,  or  to  our  State,  General  Arnold  can  require  no  recom 
mendation.  A  series  of  distinguished  services  entitles  him  to  respect 
and  favor. 

April  6,  Parsons  wrote  from  Redding  regarding  the  troops, 
and  again,  as  follows,  in  reply  to  Washington's  letter  of  the 
12th,  asking  him  to  return  to  camp: — 

REDDING,  April  25,  1780. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  was  honored  with  your  Excellency's  letter  of 
the  12th  inst.,  in  which  I  am  desired  to  join  the  army  as  soon  as  I 
can  make  it  convenient,  in  consequence  of  which  I  intended  to  have 
joined  my  brigade  next  week;  but  at  present  I  am  unable  to  under 
take  a  journey,  being  troubled  with  disorders  which  prevent  my 
riding  any  considerable  distance,  but  I  hope  within  ten  or  fifteen 
days  to  be  able  to  join. 

My  son  has  just  come  from  New  York  from  whence  he  escaped 
the  18th  inst.;  he  says  a  vessel  arrived  there  the  14th  in  eleven  days 
from  Savannah,  the  Master  of  which  informs  that  Charleston  was 
not  taken  when  he  sailed.  The  report  in  the  city  was,  that  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  had  so  far  advanced  as  to  render  the  conquest  of  that  place 
almost  certain,  but  it  is  whispered  that  he  had  been  repulsed  in  two 
assaults  on  the  town  with  great  loss. 

The  son  of  whom  Parsons  speaks,  is  his  eldest,  William 
Walter,  named  from  his  old  friend  and  classmate,  the  Rev.  Dr. 
William  Walter,  Rector  of  Trinity  Church,  Boston.  "Mid 
shipman  Billy,"  as  young  Parsons  was  called,  had  not  been  with 
his  father  at  Bunker  Hill,  in  the  camps  at  Redding  and  in  the 
Highlands,  a  cadet  in  the  Navy  for  a  year  or  more,  captured  at 
Penobscott  and  imprisoned  in  New  York,  without  having  learned 
that  eyes  and  ears  are  made  to  use,  for  very  little  happened  in 
New  York  while  he  was  a  prisoner  there,  that  he  did  not  report 
to  the  General  after  his  escape.  From  the  letters  which  follow, 
it  is  plain  that  love  for  his  enemies  was  not  one  of  Billy's  weak 
nesses,  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  there  lurked  in  his  bosom  the 
very  natural,  though  ungodly,  feeling  of  revenge,  and  that  the 
General  was  not  wholly  free  from  sympathy  with  Billy's  senti- 


ments.  Parsons  seems  to  have  been  disturbed  lest  his  son,  escap 
ing  as  he  did,  had  violated  his  parole,  and  wrote  the  following 
letter  to  Doctor  Walter,  whom  he  knew  to  be  true  to  his  early 
friendship,  notwithstanding  that  he  had  been  led  by  church 
affinities  to  side  with  the  King: — 

REDDING,  April  29,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR. — Since  my  last  to  you  I  have  seen  General  Silliman  and 
am  happy  to  hear  from  him  that  the  representation  my  son  made 
me  of  his  escape,  and  the  motives  of  it  were  just,  and  that  neither 
he  nor  his  friends  were  under  any  honorary  engagements  for  his 
continuing  a  prisoner,  that  I  suppose  there  will  be  no  question  on 
the  subject  of  his  coming  out,  as  those  facts  undoubtedly  give  him 
the  same  right  to  escape  as  any  other  prisoner  who  never  had  been 
paroled. 

Your  message  by  General  Silliman  he  delivered.  In  answer  I 
can  only  say  I  have  no  desire  to  punish  any  man  for  a  difference  in 
political  sentiments,  but  humanity  sometimes  requires  the  exercise 
of  rigor  and  severity  to  compel  the  discharge  of  those  duties  to  ene 
mies  which  the  laws  of  society  seem  to  require.  For  these  purposes 
I  shall  exercise  that  degree  of  rigor  towards  those  who  fall  into  my 
power  as  will  effect  the  end  designed  and  no  greater.  As  to  your 
Tory  friends,  the  best  advice  I  can  give  them  is  to  keep  out  of  my 
way;  as  to  reforming  them  I  have  no  expectation  of  it,  and  to  pun 
ish  them  I  have  no  desire  to;  but  my  conduct  will  be  regulated  by 
theirs.  If  they  keep  off  from  the  main  land,  I  shall  not  trouble 
them,  but  if  they  continue  the  practice  of  plundering,  robbing  and 
manstealing,  I  shall  endeavor  to  possess  myself  of  so  many  of  them 
as  will  be  necessary  to  produce  by  exemplary  punishment  the  effect 
which  reason,  humanity  and  common  honesty  ought  to  produce 
without. 

We  have  hitherto  only  followed  the  examples  set  us  by  Britons 
and  their  friends,  and  I  shall  soon  be  convinced  whether  the  profes 
sions  made  on  your  side  the  water  are  sincere.  I  find  your  boatmen 
still  follow  the  practice  of  manstealing,  having  taken  an  inhabitant 
last  night  from  Stratford  and  plundered  his  house.  If  the  practice 
is  disavowed,  Mr.  Sherman  will  be  sent  home.  Although  my  son's 
resentments  are  high  against  the  class  of  men  who  solicited  his  con 
finement,  I  shall  not  consent  to  his  inflicting  punishment  upon  any 
which  may  fall  in  his  power  (which  I  think  will  probably  not  be  a 
few)  except  the  Hoyts,  Capt.  Camp,  Nicol,  Baker,  Jarvis  and  a  few 
other  persons,  whom  if  he  happens  to  fall  in  with.  I  believe  I  shall 


286  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

not  feel  myself  disposed  to  prevent  his  taking  full  satisfaction  of  in 
any  way  he  chooses. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Rev.  William  Walter.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  same  day  (Apr.  29th,  1780)  Parsons  writes  to  General 
Howe  as  follows : 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  have  arrested  Capt.  Hoagland  of  the  2nd 
Regiment  of  Dragoons  on  the  enclosed  charges  and  beg  you  will 
appoint  a  court  martial  for  his  trial  as  speedily  as  it  can  be  held, 
lest  I  should  be  delayed  in  joining  my  brigade,  which  I  design  shall 
not  be  longer  than  the  10th  of  May.  .  .  . 

My  son  fortunately  made  his  escape  from  New  York  the  18th 
inst.,  where  he  had  been  a  prisoner  about  a  month.  He  brings  me  a 
particular  state  of  the  works  in  and  about  the  city,  the  number  of 
regiments  in  the  city  and  the  general  state  of  their  army,  navy  &c, 
in  and  about  New  York,  which  does  not  so  materially  differ  from 
the  number  and  condition  before  known  to  you  as  to  need  repetition; 
another  embarkation  was  taking  place  which  he  says  he  heard  Mr. 
Chamier  (Genl.  Burgoyne's  Commissary)  say  was  designed  for  Can 
ada.  In  the  course  of  his  imprisonment,  though  he  received  many 
civilities  from  some  gentlemen  there  and  from  the  British  officers 
in  the  city  yet  the  Refugees  had  address  and  influence  enough 
to  procure  an  order  for  his  close  confinement  and  other  rigor 
ous  treatment  which  I  think  is  not  to  be  suffered  from  the  hands 
of  any  man.  Those  persons  who  were  immediately  instrumental  in 
procuring  those  orders  will  probably  soon  be  on  the  coast  of  Long 
Island  where  they  may  be  taken.  I  should  be  particularly  obliged 
to  you  to  give  him  an  order  to  take  the  command  of  the  small  guard 
at  Stamford  and  Horseneck  when  the  boats  are  not  wanted  for  the 
purpose  of  procuring  intelligence,  and  to  make  incursions  on  to  the 
Island  for  the  sole  purpose  of  taking  off  their  small  guards  and 
seizing  the  persons  of  those  refugees  if  they  fall  in  his  power.  I 
should  also  esteem  it  a  particular  favor  if  you  would  enclose  me  an 
order  to  Mr.  Sutton  to  send  a  boat  to  Hempstead  Harbor  and  bring 
off  my  son's  trunk  of  clothing  which  he  left  in  the  city  and  which 
was  to  be  forwarded  to  that  place. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Howe.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

Whether  Billy  succeeded  in  capturing  any  of  his  friends   (the 
refugees  who  procured  his  confinement  in  New  York),  and  mak- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      287 

ing  it  pleasant  for  them,  does  not  appear,  but  the  following 
letter  from  his  father  to  Thomas  Mumford,  dated  June  9,  1780, 
finds  him  on  his  way  to  New  London  to  ship  as  a  volunteer: — 

DEAR  SIR. — This  will  be  handed  to  you  by  my  son  who  has  gone 
down  to  New  London  in  expectation  of  going  with  Capt.  Hinman. 
If  Lt.  Mumford  obtains  his  discharge,  I  cannot  expect  the  office  in 
the  ship  you  encouraged  me  he  should  receive  if  your  nephew  did 
not  go ;  if  that  should  be  the  case  and  no  place  offers  in  the  Hancock, 
I  wish  him  to  go  as  a  volunteer  with  Capt.  Hinman  or  Capt. 
Richards,  with  such  shares  as  you  think  fit  to  allow  him.  I  cannot 
b'e  contented  to  join  the  army  and  leave  him  at  his  age  of  life  in  a 
state  of  idleness  which  in  all  circumstances  is  the  road  to  ruin.  Your 
son  was  through  town  and  was  importuned  to  lodge  with  us,  but  was 
not  kind  enough  to  call.  I  shall  tell  him  when  I  have  opportunity.  I 
think  he  did  not  treat  me  kindly.  Charleston  seems  to  be  rescued 
from  M.  Rivington's  capitulation  and  I  hope  will  continue  a  monu 
ment  of  Sir  Harry's  disgrace.  I  hope  to  join  the  army  next  Monday 
and  soon  to  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  the  French  fleet  and  ourselves 
in  possession  of  New  York.  I  am,  dear  Sir,  with  compliments  to 
your  lady  and  family, 

Your  obliged  and  humble  servt., 
To  Thomas  Mumford.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

June  10,  1780. 

P.  S. — I  have  just  received  yours  of  the  7th — am  happy  to  hear 
the  success  of  the  Hancock  and  hope  on  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  your 
fears  will  be  dissipated.  The  Committee  for  settling  accounts  have 
reported  and  found  balances  due  to  us  which  are  satisfactory.  This 
report  is  accepted.  The  ways  and  means  for  discharging  the  debt 
were  not  reported  when  I  left  Hartford.  A  private  who  had  served 
three  years  without  a  family  has  fifty  pounds,  twelve  shilling  and 
two  pence  to  receive  and  so  in  proportion.  My  son  will  go  in  the 
Deane  or  Hancock  as  you  can  best  provide  for  him. 

Yours  &c., 

SAM  H.  PARSONS. 

Charleston  is  taken,  the  articles  of  capitulation  I  have.  The 
enemy  are  in  Jersey. 

A  year  later,  in  a  letter  from  Lieutenant  Hezekiah  Rogers  to 
General  Parsons,  dated  Fail-field,  June  13,  1781,  we  get  further 
news  of  Billy  and  his  doings ;  and  in  one  from  the  General's 


288  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

sister,  dated  Boston,  October  1,  1781,  intelligence  of  his  arrival 
home : — 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  this  day 
I  received  particular  and  authentic  intelligence  of  your  son  Billy. 
Judging  that  you  had  not  heard  from  him,  I  embrace  the  earliest 
opportunity  of  transmitting  to  you  the  agreeable  news.  Capt.  Miles 
of  Milford  informs  me  that  he  left  St.  Croix  on  the  4th  of  April,  at 
which  place  he  saw  your  son  in  good  health.  He  made  his  escape 
from  St.  Eustatia.  Having  permission  from  Sir  Bridges  Rodney, 
by  whom  he  was  treated  with  politeness,  to  go  on  shore  at  St.  Eusta 
tia  to  get  some  clothes,  a  favorable  opportunity  presented  of  step 
ping  on  board  a  vessel  bound  to  St.  Thomas.  The  moment  he  ex 
pected  to  be  remanded  back  to  confinement,  he  readily  embraced  the 
only  chance  and  happily  effected  his  escape.  From  St.  Thomas  he 
took  passage  for  the  Island  from  whence  Capt.  Miles  took  his  de 
parture.  He  was  treated  with  great  inhumanity  previous  to  his 
falling  under  the  direction  of  Admiral  Rodney,  and  was  loaded  with 
chains  for  seventy-two  days.  This  severity  was,  however,  I  suppose, 
occasioned  by  his  exertions  and  attempts  to  make  his  escape.  He 
informed  Capt.  Miles  that  his  then  determinations  were  to  go  to 
Guadaloupe  and  get  on  board  some  armed  vessel  that  he  might  have 
it  in  his  power  to  retaliate  for  lost  property  and  abusive  treatment. 

BOSTON,  October  1,  1781 

MY  DEAR  BROTHER. — I  have  now  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that 
Billy  has  got  here  safe  and  seems  in  some  measure  satisfied  with 
the  seas.  I  wish  him  to  settle  down  in  some  other  business  and  leave 
the  seas  entirely.  He  intends  to  go  from  here  to  Hartford  by  water, 
but  Mr.  Benedict  has  talked  with  him  and  can  perhaps  inform  you 
about  his  intentions  better  than  I  can. 

Yours  &c., 

PHEBE   LANE. 
To  General  Parsons. 

The  following  is  from  General  Parsons  to  the  British  Com 
missary  General  of  Prisoners  in  New  York : — 

April  80,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR. — A  certain  Mr.  Booth,  a  refugee  from  this  State,  (Con 
necticut)  is  now  a  prisoner  with  me  taken  by  one  of  my  guard  boats 
near  Long  Island.  By  the  laws  of  this  country  he  must  suffer  capi 
tal  punishment  if  he  is  delivered  to  the  civil  authority.  His  father 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      289 

is  a  persevering  Tory  for  whom  I  have  no  great  respect,  but  he  has 
preserved  a  consistency  of  conduct  from  the  commencement  of  this 
contest,  and  (his  political  creed  apart)  is  a  gentleman  of  good  char 
acter  and  estate.  As  I  am  not  convinced  these  people  answer  the 
best  purpose  by  being  put  to  death,  I  have  agreed  to  hold  Booth  in 
my  guard  until  the  return  of  this  flag  sent  by  his  father,  when  if  you 
will  send  me  Mr.  Wasson  or  James  Du  Blane  of  the  Ship  Recovery 
and  now  confined  in  the  Prison  Ship,  I  will  immediately  order  Booth 
within  the  enemy's  Lines,  otherwise  I  must  deliver  him  to  the  civil 
magistrate.  I  wish  to  receive  your  answer  by  this  flag,  and  also  a 
more  particular  account  of  your  friend,  Mr.  Morris,  that  my  appli 
cation  for  his  discharge  may  not  be  mistaken.  I  shall  use  my  influ 
ence  with  General  Lincoln  and  my  other  friends  for  his  release,  and 
hope  to  be  able  to  accomplish  it. 

I  am  with  sentiments  of  esteem  and  respect, 
Yr.  obedt.  servt. 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Mr.  Sprout,  C.  G.  N.  P.,  New  York. 

The  investment  in  government  securities  which  General  Par 
sons  made  of  his  property,  instead  of  relieving  him,  as  he 
expected,  from  all  care  of  his  private  affairs,  proved  a  source 
of  endless  trouble  and  anxiety.  As  the  currency  depreciated, 
he  saw  all  kinds  of  indebtedness  falling,  and  every  kind  of  prop 
erty  rising,  in  value.  He  found  himself,  who  had  trusted  his 
all  to  the  Government  when  he  entered  the  army,  growing  poor, 
while  his  friends  who  had  remained  in  civil  life,  kept  their 
property  and  engaged  in  trade,  were  growing  rich.  If  Con 
gress  were  certain  to  pay  the  face  value  of  its  obligations,  he 
could  wait ;  but  should  it  repudiate  them,  as  its  recent  action  led 
him  to  fear,  his  family  must  be  reduced  to  penury.  To  save 
them  was  his  first  duty,  and  he  must  act  quickly  in  order  to 
preserve  the  remnant  of  his  fortune.  Under  these  circum 
stances,  he  again  writes,  May  30,  1780,  to  President  Jay  and 
encloses  his  resignation.  He  states  that  his  letter  of  August  6, 
1779,  in  which  he  explained  to  Congress  his  peculiar  situation, 
was  referred  to  the  Board  of  Treasury,  but  had  not  been 
answered ;  that  the  assurances  given  soon  after  by  Congress 
that  the  States  were  able  to  pay  their  bills  of  credit  in  full  and 
would  do  so  at  some  future  period,  had  satisfied  him,  believing 
that  he  could  have  no  higher  assurance  than  the  faith  of  the 


290  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

government  plighted  a  second  time.  He  then  speaks  of  his  dis 
appointment  at  finding  by  the  resolution  of  Congress  of  March 
last,  that  instead  of  receiving  his  bills  in  full,  he  is  to  expect 
only  one-fortieth  part,  and  of  its  injurious  effect  upon  himself. 

"  I  do  not  mean,  Sir/'  he  says,  "  by  enumerating  these  things  to 
arraign  the  measures  of  Congress  or  to  draw  in  question  the  justice 
of  their  last  resolution.  However  public  necessity  may  have  ren 
dered  it  proper,  the  hardship  I  suffer  in  consequence  is  not  alle 
viated  by  this  consideration.  I  only  intend  by  this  to  show  the  pro 
priety  of  my  present  request.  This  resolution  has  ruined  me;  at 
more  than  forty  years  of  age  I  am  left  with  a  numerous  dependent 
family  to  the  benevolence  of  an  ungrateful  world.  I  think  I  may 
without  offense  say,  I  am  a  very  undeserved  victim  to  the  necessity 
of  the  public  and  have  no  possible  way  left  me  to  hope  for  a  sup 
port  for  my  family  but  to  pay  an  immediate  attention  to  securing 
the  scattered  remains  of  my  little  fortune.  I  have  therefore  to  beg 
of  Congress  to  accept  my  resignation  of  the  office  of  Brigadier  Gen 
eral  in  the  army  which  I  have  held  from  the  Qth  of  August,  1776, 
and  I  beg  you  to  assure  that  Honorable  Body  that  I  retain  a  just 
sense  of  the  honor  they  have  done  me  in  this  appointment  and  feel 
myself  heartily  disposed  to  forward  as  far  as  my  feeble  efforts  will 
be  serviceable,  every  measure  for  the  preservation  of  the  rights  of 
my  country  against  the  power  of  Great  Britain ;  but  the  duties  I  owe 
my  family  under  my  circumstances  forbid  my  continuing  longer  in 
the  field.  Should  it  be  consistent  with  the  policy  of  Congress  to 
suffer  me  to  hold  my  present  rank  without  pay  or  subsistence  to 
enable  me  to  take  any  occasional  command,  I  should  be  particularly 
obliged  by  it,  but  I  would  not  wish  in  this  to  be  gratified  if  it  will 
in  any  measure  interfere  with  the  general  regulations  meant  to  be 
pursued  by  the  army." 

The  resolution  of  Congress  of  March  last  to  which  Parsons 
refers,  provided  for  the  issue  of  the  enormous  sum  for  that  time 
of  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  the  effect  of  which  was  that 
forty  paper  dollars  became  worth  only  one  in  specie,  and  the 
holders  of  government  securities,  should  they  be  paid  in  paper, 
would  receive  one-fortieth  part  of  the  debt  due  them.  The 
only  reply  Congress  seems  to  have  made  to  his  request,  was  to 
promote  him  the  following  October  to  the  position  of  Major 
General.  His  services  were  too  valuable  to  permit  of  his 
resignation. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      291 

An  unpublished  letter  from  General  Parsons  to  his  wife,  dated, 
Groton,  February  24,  1779,  written  while  he  was  in  command 
at  New  London  and  expecting  an  attack  at  any  time  from  the 
enemy  on  Long  Island,  furnishes  accurate  information  as  to  the 
value  of  his  estate  at  this  time. 

"  As  the  time  draws  near  "  he  writes,  "  when  I  expect  the  arrival 
of  such  a  force  as  will  enable  me  to  attack  the  enemy,  I  will  improve 
this  leisure  to  give  you  as  particular  a  statement  of  my  affairs  as  I 
am  able,  that  you  may  collect  together  our  little  for  the  use  of  the 
family  in  case  of  misfortune.  After  giving  Billy  something,  per 
haps  the  value  of  five  hundred  dollars,  the  property  must  be  equally 
divided  between  him  and  the  other  children,  but  the  whole  is  to  be 
improved  for  the  support  and  education  of  the  children  and  your 
own  support  as  long  as  it  is  wanted  for  that  purpose." 

The  statement  which  he  makes  of  his  affairs,  shows : — cash 
and  certificates,  $20,000;  debts,  wages  due,  lands,  plate,  etc., 
$5770,  making  a  total  of  $25,770.  Against  this  he  shows  an 
indebtedness  of  $13,570,  leaving  his  net  assets,  $12,200.  In  a 
previous  letter  he  speaks  of  leaving  a  profession  in  1775  worth 
$2000,  for  a  Colonelcy  worth  $600,  and  of  having  received  at  no 
time  since  he  has  been  in  the  army  over  two-thirds  that  sum. 
Under  these  circumstances  it  is  not  surprising  that  he  was 
anxious  for  the  future  of  his  family.  If  anyone  thinks  Par 
sons  unreasonable  in  his  complaints  to  Congress,  let  him  listen 
to  what  Washington  says  in  a  letter  to  Joseph  Jones  in  Con 
gress,  dated  August  13,  1780 : — 

It  does  not  require  with  you,  I  am  sure,  at  this  time  of  day, 
arguments  to  prove  that  there  is  no  set  of  men  in  the  United  States, 
considered  as  a  body,  that  have  made  the  same  sacrifices  of  their 
interests  in  support  of  the  common  cause,  as  the  officers  of  the  Amer 
ican  Army;  that  nothing  but  a  love  of  their  country,  of  honor,  and  a 
desire  of  seeing  their  labors  crowned  with  success,  could  possibly 
induce  them  to  continue  one  moment  in  service;  that  no  officer  can 
live  upon  his  pay ;  that  hundreds,  having  spent  their  little  all  in  addi 
tion  to  their  scanty  public  allowance,  have  resigned  because  they 
could  no  longer  support  themselves  as  officers ;  that  numbers  are  at 
this  moment  rendered  unfit  for  duty  for  want  of  clothing,  while  the 
rest  are  wasting  their  property,  and  some  of  them  verging  fast  to  the 
gulf  of  poverty  and  distress. 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

In  closing  his  letter  to  his  wife,  Parsons  says : — 

"  I  am  in  good  health  and  experience  every  mark  of  politeness  and 
respect  from  Mr.  Mumford's  family  and  the  gentlemen  here.  If 
Billy  is  desirous  of  coming  here,  I  have  no  objections  if  you  can 
spare  him,  but  don't  let  a  word  transpire  to  him  or  anyone  of  the 
cause.  My  love  to  him,  Lucia  and  all  our  little  flock  and  compli 
ments  to  my  officers." 

The  outcome  of  Billy's  visit  to  New  London  was,  that  he 
enlisted  on  the  "  Warren,"  became  a  midshipman  in  the  new 
American  Navy,  and  entered  upon  the  plucky  career  of  which 
we  have  had  glimpses  in  the  preceding  pages. 

Springfield,  June  20,  1780,  Washington  wrote  to  the  Com 
mittee  Co-operation : — 

I  have  thought  proper  to  send  Brigadier  General  Parsons  to  the 
State  of  Connecticut.  My  orders  to  him  will  relate  to  collecting, 
arranging  and  forwarding  drafts  and  recruits  to  the  army. 

On  the  24th,  General  Parsons  wrote  General  Washington  that 
he  did  not  call  at  West  Point  because  it  was  important  to  be 
with  the  Assembly.  He  speaks  hopefully  of  the  prospect  of 
getting  troops  and  says  he  will  go  to  the  eastern  part  of  the 
State  and  be  in  Danbury  within  a  week.  The  same  day  he  wrote 
to  a  Committee  of  Congress,  as  follows: — 

HARTFORD,   June    24,    1780. 

GENTLEMEN. — On  my  arrival  at  this  place  I  waited  on  the  Gov 
ernor  and  Council  and  find  the  Assembly  have  ordered  fifteen  hun 
dred  men  for  the  Continental  Army  to  be  drafted  the  first  of  July, 
unless  sooner  engaged,  to  serve  to  the  first  of  January,  and  appor 
tioned  the  number  to  be  raised  to  the  several  towns ;  they  have  also 
ordered  twenty-five  hundred  militia  to  be  raised  by  the  15th  of  July, 
to  serve  three  months,  and  also  ordered  from  them  two  State  Regi 
ments,  supposed  to  consist  of  one  thousand  men,  to  join  the  Army. 
.  .  .  By  letters  of  the  second  of  June  and  one  subsequent 
on  this  head,  I  have  strongly  remonstrated  to  the  Council  and  en 
deavored  to  convince  them  of  the  necessity  of  filling  the  Army,  and 
have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  I  have  good  prospects  of  effecting 
an  alteration  so  far  as  to  add  one  thousand  to  the  number  voted  for 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      293 

the  Continental  Army.  The  Council  are  to  convene  next  Thursday 
on  this  subject  and  the  gentlemen  now  present  have  assured  me  of 
their  influences  to  effect  the  proposed  alteration.  As  I  pass  through 
the  towns  of  the  State,  I  have  endeavored  to  convince  every  person 
of  influence  I  have  seen  of  the  absolute  necessity  of  furnishing  their 
men  and  supplies  without  the  least  delay,  and  I  think  from  the  pres 
ent  appearances  there  is  very  great  reason  to  expect  most  of  the 
men  will  be  provided  in  season.  The  supplies  required  are  ordered, 
and  I  believe  will  be  furnished  as  the  circumstances  of  the  State  will 
admit.  I  shall  go  to-morrow  on  to  the  eastern  part  of  the  State,  and 
hope  to  be  able  to  give  you  as  flattering  prospects  from  thence  as 
I  can  from  those  parts  of  the  State  through  which  I  have  already 
passed. 

July  5,  1780,  General  Parsons  writes  by  his  Aid-de-Camp, 
Mr.  Lawrence  to  General  Howe  then  in  command  near  the 
Sound,  requesting  a  flag  that  he  may  interest  Governor  Franklin 
in  obtaining  a  release  of  his  nephew  whose  vessel  had  been  cap 
tured  by  an  Algerine  Corsair: — 

SIR. — The  bearer,  Mr.  Lawrence,  will  apply  to  you  for  a  flag  on 
a  subject  interesting  to  my  friends,  which  I  must  beg  you  to  favor 
me  with.  My  brother's  son  sailed  on  a  Privateer,  called  "  Civil 
Usage,"  from  Newburyport  in  June,  1778,  which  has  been  supposed 
to  be  lost  until  a  few  weeks  since.  He  has  received  a  letter  from  a 
gentleman  in  Liverpool  informing  him  that  an  American  Privateer 
of  that  description  was  taken  near  the  Strait's  mouth  in  the  summer 
of  that  year  by  an  Algerine  Corsair,  and  that  the  men  are  now  pris 
oners  in  Algiers.  He  has  given  me  a  letter  to  a  friend  of  his  in 
Gibralter,  which  I  wish  to  convey  to  New  York  and  also  to  interest 
Mr.  Franklin  to  redeem  my  nephew.  Under  these  circumstances  I 
desire  you  will  be  kind  enough  to  send  me  a  flag.  I  will  insert  the 
name  of  the  person  I  shall  procure  to  go.  I  am  uncertain  who  will 
go  down.  I  wish  to  procure  a  man  who  will  see  Mr.  Franklin;  as 
'tis  a  matter  of  so  much  concern,  I  am  unwilling  to  trust  my  letter 
to  the  ordinary  mode  of  delivering  to  the  Commanding  Officer  with 
out  some  special  attention  to  the  subject. 

A  Mr.  Williams,  a  midshipman,  deserted  from  the  Pacific,  whom 
I  have  sent  to  you.  His  motives  for  deserting  he  will  be  able  to 
explain.  He  is  known  to  sundry  gentlemen  of  my  acquaintance  on 
whose  fidelity  I  can  rely.  They  give  him  a  good  character.  A  letter 
sent  me  on  the  subject  I  enclose. 


294  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Mr.  Lawrence  will  attend  the  trial  of  Baldwin,  confined  for 
driving  cattle  to  the  enemy.  I  hope  you  will  be  pleased  to  order  his 
trial  at  as  early  an  hour  as  can  be  done  with  convenience,  that  Mr. 
Lawrence  may  return.  The  enemy  were  the  night  before  last  at  the 
Quaker  Meeting  House  in  considerable  force.  I  have  not  since  heard 
of  them.  If  anything  of  importance  has  occurred,  I  will  thank  you 
for  a  line,  if  you  can  find  leisure.  I  hope  to  be  able  to  forward  one 
thousand  recruits  within  four  or  five  days. 

I  am,  Dr.  Sir,  &c., 
To  General  Howe.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

July  -1,  Parsons  writes  General  Washington  from  Danbury 
that  he  has  been  through  most  of  the  eastern  towns  of  the  State, 
and  believes  the  troops  will  be  forwarded  as  required.  And 
again,  on  the  10th,  acknowledging  Washington's  letter  of  the 
29th  of  June,  states  that  he  has  ordered  the  drafts  from  the 
troops  of  horse  to  join  Sheldon's  regiment,  with  the  under 
standing  that  they  are  to  act  as  infantry  unless  the  service 
requires  more  mounted  men,  which  will  be  satisfactory  to  them 
if  the  dismounted  dragoons  are  ordered  to  the  same  kind  of 
service.  He  writes  that  he  has  made  these  concessions 

to  avoid  checking  that  spirit  which  has  appeared  for  the  preserva 
tion  of  our  country  at  this  time,  and  so  large  a  body  as  two  thou 
sand  men  from  various  parts  of  the  State  to  become  disgusted  at 
once,  would  have  been  very  detrimental  to  us,  and  the  constitution 
of  the  Cavalry  in  this  State  exempts  them  from  doing  duty  as  In 
fantry.  Some  unexpected  delays  have  prevented  the  arrival  of  the 
recruits  as  soon  as  I  expected,  and  I  have  sent  on  but  two  hundred, 
but  from  the  information  I  have  been  able  to  procure,  the  greater 
part  of  the  first  draft  of  fifteen  hundred  are  now  on  their  march  to 
this  place,  and  I  hope  by  the  last  of  this  week  will  be  in. 

In  May,  1780,  the  number  of  Continental  troops  north  of 
Virginia  did  not  exceed  seven  thousand;  and  in  the  first  week 
in  June,  those  under  Washington's  immediate  command,  present 
and  fit  for  duty,  numbered  only  thirty-seven  hundred  and  sixty. 
This,  certainly,  was  not  a  promising  condition  of  affairs.  To 
fill  the  ranks  by  voluntary  enlistment  had  been  found  impossible. 
The  zeal  and  activity  which  marked  the  beginning  of  the  con 
flict,  had,  to  an  alarming  degree,  given  place  to  apathy  and 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      295 

indifference ;  even  the  French  alliance  was  insufficient  to  arouse 
the  people.  A  draft  from  the  militia  had  plainly  become  the 
only  means  of  recruiting  the  army.  Since  Parsons  came  into 
the  State,  his  time  had  been  fully  occupied  in  urging  prompt 
action  on  the  part  of  the  Assembly  and  the  towns.  His  efforts, 
as  we  have  seen,  had  been  attended  with  considerable  success. 
The  new  levies,  raised  to  serve  until  the  following  January, 
were  now  rapidly  coming  in,  and  the  quota  of  Connecticut 
promised  to  be  filled  before  the  opening  of  the  campaign. 


CHAPTER  XX 

THE  SUMMER  OF  1780.  ARRIVAL  OF  TERNAY  AND  ROCHAMBEAU. 
ARNOLD  IN  COMMAND  AT  WEST  POINT.  His  TREASON.  HERON 
DELIVERS  TO  PARSONS  ARNOLD'S  LETTER  TO  ANDRE.  PARSONS' 
ILL  HEALTH. 

July — October,  1780 

ON  the  tenth  of  July,  1780,  a  powerful  French  fleet  under 
Admiral  Ternay  arrived  in  Newport  Harbor,  having  on  board 
some  six  thousand  troops  under  the  command  of  Count  de  Roch- 
ambeau.  The  expedition  had  been  secretly  fitted  out  at  the 
instance  of  Lafayette,  and  nothing  was  known  of  it  by  the  Amer 
icans  until  his  return  in  May.  On  the  17th,  Lafayette  left 
Headquarters  with  full  authority  to  arrange  plans  with  the 
French  Commanders  for  future  operations.  In  his  progress  to 
Newport,  he  called  upon  Governor  Trumbull,  General  Parsons, 
Mr.  Wadsworth,  the  Commissary  General,  and  other  persons 
in  Connecticut,  and  used  his  personal  efforts  to  engage  them  to 
raise  and  hasten  forward  their  quota  of  troops  and  get  together 
such  supplies  of  arms  and  ammunition  as  could  be  spared  from 
that  State. 

The  following  letter  from  General  Parsons  to  General  Wash 
ington  gives  an  account  of  Lafayette's  visit: — 

DANBURY,  July  21,  1780. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — The  Marquis  Lafayette  called  upon  me  this 
morning  on  his  route  eastward,  and  in  conversation  with  him  on  the 
subject  of  procuring  arms,  ammunition  and  other  supplies,  he 
thought  it  advisable  to  require  three  or  four  thousand  stands  of 
arms  to  be  collected  in  this  State,  lest  there  should  be  a  deficiency 
in  the  public  stores  to  arm  all  our  Lines,  and  also  to  request  the  Gov 
ernor  and  Council  to  furnish  all  the  powder  to  be  found  in  the  State. 
I  gave  it  as  my  opinion  to  the  Marquis  that  as  many  as  three  thousand 
stands  of  arms  could  be  taken  from  the  militia  without  affecting 
those  who  are  drafted  to  complete  the  number  required  of  this  State. 


At  the  same  time  it  will  be  attended  with  inconvenience  which  no 
person  would  choose  to  be  subjected  to  and  which  necessity  only 
would  induce  your  Excellency  to  direct.  From  the  best  accounts 
I  am  able  to  collect,  I  am  inclined  to  believe  we  shall  have  near  two 
thousand  troops  in  the  field  on  the  tenth  of  August,  exclusive  of  the 
militia.  I  hoped  before  this  time  to  have  had  more  than  twelve 
hundred,  but  many  to  me  unexpected  delays  have  happened  that  the 
levies  yet  sent  do  not  amount  to  one  thousand,  but  they  are  daily 
coming  in  and  I  believe  those  which  have  arrived  to-day  will  make  up 
one  thousand  in  the  whole. 

More  than  two  thousand  have  arrived  from  Massachusetts  Bay 
and  I  am  induced  to  believe  that  the  four  New  England  States  will 
have  added  six  thousand  levies  to  the  Continental  Battalions  by  the 
tenth  of  next  month.  If  the  inhabitants  of  the  State  were  certain 
that  New  York  would  become  the  object  of  attack  this  campaign, 
I  think  we  could  have  as  many  men  as  would  be  requested  of  the 
State.  A  number  of  gentlemen  have  proffered  bringing  volunteer 
companies  into  the  field  who  would  subject  themselves  to  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  army  and  engage  in  continued  service  until  the  city 
should  be  taken  or  the  siege  raised,  unless  sooner  dismissed.  I  wish 
to  know  your  Excellency's  opinion  of  my  encouraging  this  sort  of 
volunteering. 

The  Marquis  desires  your  Excellency  to  inform  me  whether  the 
arms  he  proposes  to  request  of  the  Governor  should  be  collected,  or 
whether  our  public  stores  will  afford  a  sufficiency  without  them.  I 
believe  I  shall  be  obliged  to  make  the  tour  of  the  State  once  more 
before  the  recruits  are  all  collected.  I  find  they  want  to  be  often 
reminded  of  their  duty.  Nothing  on  my  part  shall  be  neglected  to 
forward  the  levies  as  expeditiously  as  possible. 

I  am  with  the  greatest  respect, 

Yr.  Excellency's  obt.  Servt., 
To  General  Washington.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

On  the  27th,  Parsons  reports  from  Redding  that  "  a  large 
fleet  is  gathering  at  Huntington  and  troops  are  being  collected 
for  embarkation."  These  were  the  transports  intended  to  con 
vey  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  troops  to  Newport.  When  on  the  18th 
of  July  Clinton  heard  of  the  arrival  of  the  French  fleet,  he,  deter 
mined  to  attack  without  delay ;  but  the  transports  did  not  arrive 
until  the  27th,  when  it  was  too  late  for  a  coup  de  main;  never 
theless  he  embarked,  but  hearing  that  the  French  were  fortifying 
Newport  and  the  militia  assembling,  and  finding  that  Washing- 


298  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

ton  was  rapidly  advancing  towards  New  York  with  the  intention 
of  attacking  the  moment  he  sailed,  he  abandoned  the  expedition 
and  crossing  the  Sound  to  Huntington  Bay,  on  the  31st  disem 
barked  his  troops. 

Clinton  having  apparently  relinquished  his  designs  against 
the  French,  Washington  early  in  August  recrossed  the  Hudson 
with  his  whole  force  and  moved  down  into  Bergen  County,  New 
Jersey,  with  the  intention  of  attacking  the  upper  part  of  New 
York  Island  should  the  opportunity  present  itself.  In  this 
movement,  the  Connecticut  Division  was  assigned  the  right  of 
the  second  line.  In  September,  the  army  fell  back  towards 
Tappan,  in  Rockland  County,  New  York.  At  this  place  Par 
sons  joined  his  Division  the  17th  or  18th  of  the  month,  upon 
his  return  from  Connecticut,  where  he  had  been  sent  by  Wash 
ington  in  June  to  "  collect,  arrange  and  forward  drafts  and 
recruits  for  the  army."  During  Washington's  absence  at  Hart 
ford  to  confer  with  Ternay  and  Rochambeau,  General  Greene 
was  left  in  command  at  Tappan,  and  he  was  still  in  command 
when  the  news  of  Arnold's  treason  and  flight  was  received. 

August  2,  General  Parsons  wrote  from  his  camp  at  Danbury, 
a  long  and  important  letter  to  Washington,  giving  the  disposi 
tion  of  the  troops  and  recruits,  and  adds  that  the  General 
Assembly  would  undoubtedly  at  its  next  session  furnish  addi 
tional  men.  He  also  reports  valuable  information  received  with 
regard  to  the  movements  of  the  enemy  on  Long  Island,  the  con 
dition  of  the  troops  and  the  places  where  the  transports  were 
taking  provisions. 

On  the  8th  Parsons  writes  to  Colonel  Alexander  Hamilton, 
then  acting  as  Aid-de-Camp  to  General  Washington,  acknowl 
edging  his  letter  of  July  1,  asking  him  to  appoint  his  friend, 
Lieut.  William  Colefax  of  Washington's  Life  Guard  on  his  staff, 
and  says  that  he  should  be  happy  to  oblige  him,  but  Congress 
had  made  no  provision  for  an  aid  to  a  Brigadier,  and  it  is  only 
by  courtesy  that  he  has  one;  and  that  Mr.  Lawrence,  of  the 
artillery,  has  served  for  the  last  year  and  expects  to  continue 
in  his  family.  He  then  comments  in  a  sarcastic  way  upon  the 
conduct  of  Congress,  which 

after    having    removed    every    inducement    to    their    service    from 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      299 

pecuniary  motives,  seem  to  be  alarmed  lest  some  of  us  may  be  too 
much  attached  to  their  interest,  and  have  for  a  course  of  years 
taken  from  us  those  motives  from  which  honor  and  ambition  would 
prompt  us  to  continue  the  toils  of  a  military  life.  Other  nations 
have  considered  promotions  as  one  of  the  modes  of  attaching  per 
sons  to  their  service,  but  lest  a  doubt  should  remain  whether  the 
officers  of  our  Army  were  influenced  by  any  other  motives  than  pure 
disinterested  patriotism,  they  have  removed  all  hope  of  preferment 
so  that  we  now  serve  without  pay,  subsistence  or  hope  of  preferment 
or  reward.  I  last  year  commanded  the  Connecticut  Division  and 
shall  continue  this  campaign  to  serve  in  my  present  rank  with  the 
same  command  as  the  last,  in  the  sure  and  certain  expectation  of 
saving  the  Continent  about  forty  Continental  dollars  a  month  which 
they  would  be  subjected  to  if,  like  other  nations,  they  gave  a  rank 
equal  to  the  command,  but  since  Congress  (if  not  the  country)  are 
objects  of  charity  or  at  least  afford  great  room  for  the  exercise  of 
that  grace,  I  shall  acquiesce  until  this  campaign  closes. 

In  this  opinion  of  Congress,  Parsons  had  the  hearty  sym 
pathy  of  Hamilton  and  every  other  officer  in  the  army. 

Washington  having,  in  reply  to  Parsons'  letter  of  July  21, 
given  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  enlistment  of  volunteer  com 
panies  should  be  encouraged,  and  requested  him  to  accept  the 
offer  of  such  when  made,  General  Parsons  wrote  to  Governor 
Trumbull,  Danbury,  August  9,  1780,  that  he  had  received  the 
General's  request  that  volunteer  companies  should  be  formed  to 
assist  him  in  his  operations  against  New  York,  not  to  be  called 
out  for  any  other  service ;  and  that  these  companies  be  officered 
as  other  troops  are,  viz: — a  captain,  lieutenant  and  ensign  to 
every  fifty-six  rank  and  file ;  that  he  has  no  doubt  of  the  hearty 
co-operation  of  his  Excellency  and  the  Council,  and  that,  "  if 
the  measure  succeeds,  it  will  prove  a  substitute  for  the  very 
great  deficiency  of  twenty -five  hundred  men  ordered  to  join  the 
Continental  Army."  He  suggests  "  that  the  Governor's  guards 
at  Hartford  and  New  Haven,  and  the  independent  companies 
in  Norwich,  Middletown,  Wallingford,  Pomfret  and  other  parts 
of  the  State,  be  ordered  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  assist 
in  these  operations  and  that  they  be  at  liberty  to  enlist  into  their 
companies  any  number  of  men  for  this  particular  service."  He 
finds  fault  with  the  remissness  of  the  Council  in  communicating 
the  orders  in  respect  to  forwarding  the  levies,  and  encloses 


300  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

returns  showing  the  backward  condition  of  the  recruiting  serv 
ice.  "  The  Newtown  Tories,"  he  adds,  "  have  lately  been  very 
insolent,  destroyed  the  grain,  fences  and  orchards  of  some  of  the 
Whigs,  and  fired  into  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Baldwin  in  the  night, 
one  of  the  balls  lodging  in  his  bed.  Some  of  them  are  joined 
by  deserters  and  are  said  to  be  concealed  in  a  part  of  that  town 
which  I  shall  endeavor  to  search  thoroughly  to-morrow,  and  will 
acquaint  you  with  the  issue."  Parsons  had  written  a  few  days 
before  to  Rev.  Mr.  Trumbull  of  North  Haven,  asking  him  to 
use  his  influence  in  raising  a  company  to  serve  during  the  siege 
of  New  York,  and  expresses  the  hope  "  that  the  spirit  of  our 
countrymen  will  be  manifested  in  a  cheerful  readiness  to  enter 
into  this  engagement,  that  the  heart  of  our  General  may  be 
cheered  and  the  enemies  of  our  country  convinced  that  their 
secret  machinations  are  as  fruitless  as  open  force,  to  compel  a 
submission  to  that  power  which  has  sought  our  destruction  in 
ways  which  would  make  a  savage  blush." 

August  10,  General  Parsons  writes  from  Redding  to  Gen 
eral  Howe,  requesting  a  flag  for  Captain  Benedict  to  go  to  New 
York.  On  the  14th,  he  writes  from  Redding  to  Colonel 
Eliphalet  Lockwood,  taking  him  to  task  for  intimating  in  a 
letter  to  the  Council  that  certain  boats  under  the  control  of 
himself  and  General  Howe,  have  been  engaged  in  illicit  trade, 
and  that  their  transactions  are  so  secret  that  no  man  can  find 
them  out,  and  then  goes  on  to  say : — 

I  wish  every  man  who  betrays  a  public  trust  was  punished,  but 
(to  use  your  expression),  where  a  matter  is  so  secretly  conducted 
that  it  cannot  be  found  out  or  detected,  it  is  a  mystery  to  me  to 
know  how  you  came  to  a  knowledge  of  the  facts.  I  am  morally 
certain  that  a  trade  is  carried  on  with  Long  Island,  and  that  from 
no  Post  in  the  State  in  so  great  a  degree  as  within  the  limits  of  your 
command,  and  have  reason  to  believe  it  is  under  the  countenance 
and  with  the  approbation  of  some  men  who  would  wish  to  be  thought 
endeavoring  to  break  up  the  practice.  I  know  the  boats  employed 
at  your  Post  are  generally  suspected,  and  by  your  mode  of  reason 
ing,  are  guilty.  The  persons  who  have  procured  commissions  from 
the  Governor  by  the  influence  and  recommendation  of  gentlemen  in 
authority  belonging  to  Nerwalk,  are  said  to  have  ever  been  inimical 
to  our  cause,  and  there  are  full  proofs  that  when  they  were  made 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      301 

prisoners,  they  were  discharged  on  bringing  full  evidence  that  they 
were  Tories  and  in  their  sphere  had  aided  Crown  measures.  .  .  . 
I  am  willing  every  suspected  boat  should  be  stopped,  which  would, 
I  believe,  stop  every  boat  and  annihilate  every  guard  on  the  Coast, 
for  I  believe  firmly  there's  not  a  guard  on  the  Coast  but 
is  taxed  with  being  concerned  in  the  trade.  I  don't  know  with 
what  truth.  I  wish  you  in  future  to  be  a  little  more  certain  before 
you  use  my  name  on  these  occasions,  which  will  prevent  the  neces 
sity  of  retracting.  I  am  very  sensible  many  gentlemen  would  wish 
the  facts  you  mentioned  were  true  as  to  me,  and  many  others  would 
wish  to  create  suspicions  of  the  conduct  of  other  people  to  serve  as 
a  screen  to  their  own  transgressions.  As  to  you  personally,  I  don't 
remember  to  have  heard  you  carried  on  this  trade,  but  your  guard 
is  as  publicly  accused  as  any  people  in  the  State. 

In  the  arrangement  of  the  army  published  in  general  orders, 
August  1,  the  command  of  the  left  wing  was  assigned  to 
Major  General  Arnold.  When  it  was  found  that  he  was  dis 
appointed  and  dissatisfied,  and  complaining  that  his  wound 
would  not  allow  him  to  act  in  the  field,  Washington  issued  the 
following  order  complying  with  his  request  to  be  stationed  at 
West  Point:— 

PEEKSKILL,  August  8,  1780. 

SIR. — You  are  to  proceed  to  West  Point  and  take  the  command 
of  that  Post  and  its  dependencies,  in  which  all  are  included  from 
Fishkill  to  King's  Ferry.  The  Corps  of  infantry  and  cavalry  ad 
vanced  towards  the  enemy's  lines  on  the  east  side  of  the  River,  will 
also  be  under  your  orders  and  will  take  directions  from  you;  and  you 
will  endeavor  to  obtain  every  intelligence  of  the  enemy's  motions. 
The  garrison  of  West  Point  is  to  consist  of  the  militia  of  New 
Hampshire  and  Massachusetts.  .  .  .  You  will  endeavor  to  have 
the  Works  at  West  Point  carried  on  as  expeditiously  as  possible 
under  the  direction  and  superintendence  of  the  Engineers. 

I   am   &c., 
To  General  Arnold. 

This  order  brought  General  Parsons  for  the  first  time  within 
Arnold's  military  jurisdiction.  At  the  moment,  however,  he 
was  on  special  duty  in  Connecticut  by  order  of  General 
Washington. 

On  the  15th,  Parsons  wrote  Arnold  from  Danbury  requesting 
that  Colonel  Canfield's  regiment  be  ordered  to  Horseneck  to 


302  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

take  the  place  of  that  of  Colonel  Welles,  whose  term  of  service 
had  expired.  On  the  20th,  he  writes  Washington  respecting 
the  disposition  of  the  Connecticut  troops  and  the  willingness 
of  the  Assembly  to  furnish  additional  men.  On  the  25th  he 
writes  Arnold  that  one  Walter,  a  seaman,  can  obtain  valuable 
information  with  regard  to  the  enemy  in  New  York  and  is 
trustworthy.  He  asks  for  orders  to  procure  a  boat  and  form  a 
regular  course  of  intelligence  by  way  of  Long  Island  to  New 
York,  by  which  he  may  get  weekly  news.  Walter  will  under 
take  this  for  "  some  certain  pay  in  Continental  money."  The 
next  day  he  reports  with  regard  to  Thomas  Osborne  who  had 
been  condemned  by  court-martial  as  a  spy  and  advises  that  he 
be  held  a  prisoner  at  West  Point  until  the  statements  he  has  made 
inculpating  many  persons  more  guilty  and  more  important  than 
himself  be  investigated.  On  the  28th  he  again  writes  Arnold 
respecting  a  writ  of  prohibition  which  had  been  issued  to  forbid 
action  by  the  court-martial  in  the  case  of  Thomas  Osborne,  and 
states  that  the  action  of  the  court  was  sustained. 

September  2,  1780,  Washington  writes  to  Arnold  from  his 
Headquarters  in  Bergen  County,  "  that  the  enemy  are  preparing 
for  some  important  movement  either  against  the  main  army  or 
the  Posts  in  the  Highlands,  and  desires  him  to  take  every  pre 
caution  and  put  the  Posts  in  the  best  state  of  defense ;  and  that 
orders  are  already  given  for  the  two  State  regiments  of  Connec 
ticut  to  form  a  junction  with  Colonel  Sheldon."  These  two 
regiments  had  been  stationed  at  Danbury  and  on  the  Sound 
under  the  command  of  General  Parsons. 

Danbury,  September  4,  Parsons  writes  General  Washington 
that  at  present  very  few  recruits  can  be  added  to  the  army,  and 
requests  permission  to  join  his  brigade.  He  asks  that  the  con 
duct  of  Captain  Sill  of  Colonel  Warner's  regiment  be  inquired 
into,  and  promises  to  have  his  troops  near  New  Castle  day  after 
to-morrow.  "  Just  as  I  was  closing  this  letter,"  he  says,  "  I 
received  your  Excellency's  letter  of  the  second  instant,  and 
shall  join  the  troops  near  New  Castle  the  day  after  to-morrow 
and  pursue  the  directions  your  Excellency  has  given  therein." 

September  5,  General  Parsons  writes  to  General  Arnold : — 

DEAR  GENERAL. — Yours  of  the  27th  and  31st  instant  I  duly  re- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      303 

ceived  with  the  resolution  of  Roger  Sherman  and  his  associates 
enclosed. 

I  remember  the  Act  of  Congress  you  refer  to  enabling  a  general 
officer  commanding  on  a  separate,  to  approve  sentences  of  Courts 
Martial,  but,  if  I  mistake  not,  this  act  is  repealed.  But  I  by  no 
means  consider  myself  under  the  description  of  these  resolutions, 
being  in  the  State  of  Connecticut  for  a  special  purpose  only,  and 
subject  to  your  control  as  commanding  east  of  the  Hudson  River; 
however,  as  I  believe  it  best  Mr.  Osborne  should  live  some  months, 
I  have  not  returned  the  proceedings  of  the  Court  Martial  in  expecta 
tion  I  shall  see  you  soon.  Some  good  has  resulted  from  his  im 
prisonment  (eight  of  the  inhabitants  of  New  Haven  being  sent  to 
Simsbury  Mines  and  a  number  more  being  candidates)  and  I  ex 
pect  more  will  arrive  by  detaining  him. 

I  have  just  received  his  Excellency's  orders  to  take  command 
of  the  troops  at  New  Castle  and  near  the  Lines,  subject  to  your 
orders,  and  shall  proceed  to  that  place  to-morrow  if  my  health  will 
permit,  being  now  much  unwell. 

The  resolutions  of  Congress  you  were  so  kind  to  transmit  me,  I 
have  carefully  examined.  I  think  I  have  made  great  demonstration 
of  patience  and  self-denial  and  sacrificed  my  time  in  giving  it  two 
or  three  readings  before  I  stamped  it  in  the  earth.  Some  degree 
of  invention  must  have  been  allowed  them  to  have  devised  measures 
so  much  to  insult  those  who  for  years  they  abused  in  an  unexampled 
manner.  The  cause  of  my  country  I  will  never  forsake;  'tis  a  just 
and  glorious  cause.  The  virtues  of  our  General  will  ever  attach  us 
to  his  fortunes.  But  the  wretches  who  have  crept  into  Congress 
are  almost  below  contempt.  Our  country  will  never  prosper  in  their 
hands.  They  will  starve  us  in  the  midst  of  plenty.  To  deny  us 
very  obvious  justice  and  to  insult  us  when  we  require  it,  is  left  only 
for  politicians  of  the  new  world.  My  hand  shall  be  added  to  any 
representation  my  brethren  agree  to  make.  I  think  the  insult  should 
not  be  passed  over  in  silence. 

This  language  concerning  Congress  was  fully  justified  by  its 
conduct.  Rent  by  faction  and  intrigue,  it  was  distrusted  even 
by  its  friends.  Its  relations  with  the  States  were  far  from  satis 
factory  and  with  the  army  were  decidedly  bad.  No  adequate 
provision  was  made  by  it  for  either  the  pay  or  supply  of  its 
troops.  In  August  it  threatened  such  an  exercise  of  its  power 
as  drew  from  Washington  the  warning  that  if  the  deed  were 
perpetrated,  he  questioned  much  "  if  there  was  an  officer  in  the 


304  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

whole  line  that  would  hold  a  commission  beyond  the  end  of  the 
campaign,  if  he  did  till  then.  Such  an  act,  even  in  the  most 
despotic  governments,  would  be  attended  with  loud  complaints." 
The  act  threatened,  to  which  Parsons  refers  in  the  foregoing 
letter,  was  the  suspension  of  General  Greene  from  his  command 
in  the  line  without  proper  trial.  As  to  it  Washington  goes  on 
to  say : — "  Can  it  be  supposed  that  men  under  these  circum 
stances,  who  can  derive  at  best,  if  the  contest  ends  happily,  only 
the  advantages  which  accrue  in  equal  proportions  to  others, 
will  sit  patient  under  such  a  precedent?  Surely  they  will  not; 
for  the  measure,  not  the  man,  will  be  the  subject  of  considera 
tion,  and  each  will  ask  himself  this  question :  If  Congress  by 
its  mere  fiat,  without  inquiry  and  without  trial,  will  suspend  an 
officer  to-day,  and  an  officer  of  such  high  rank,  may  it  not  be  my 
turn  to-morrow,  and  ought  I  to  put  it  in  the  power  of  any 
man  or  body  of  men  to  sport  with  my  commission  and  character, 
and  lay  me  under  the  necessity  of  tamely  acquiescing,  or,  by  an 
appeal  to  the  public,  exposing  matters  which  must  be  injurious 
to  its  interests." 

September  8th,  Parsons  writes  that  his  son's  return  from  a 
cruise  necessitates  his  remaining  a  few  days  longer  in  the 
country. 

On  the  14th  of  September,  Washington  wrote  to  General 
Arnold : — "  I  shall  be  at  Peekskill  on  Sunday  evening  on  my 
way  to  Hartford  to  meet  the  French  Admiral  and  General. 
You  will  be  pleased  to  send  down  a  guard  of  a  captain  and  fifty 
men  at  that  time,  and  direct  the  quartermaster  to  endeavor  to 
have  a  night's  forage  for  about  forty  horses.  You  will  keep 
this  to  yourself,  as  I  wish  to  make  my  journey  a  secret."  This 
was  Washington's  last  letter  to  Arnold. 

On  the  16th,  the  sloop  of  war,  "  Vulture,"  sailed  up  the  Hud 
son  and  came  to  anchor  within  easy  view  of  King's  Ferry.  On 
board  was  Beverly  Robinson,  whose  mission  was  to  aid  the 
negotiations  commenced  in  1779  between  Arnold  and  the  British 

CT 

Adjutant  General.  The  next  day,  while  dining  with  several 
persons  at  his  headquarters  opposite  West  Point,  once  Robin 
son's  beautiful  country  seat,  a  letter  from  Robinson  was  brought 
to  Arnold,  who,  carelessly  glancing  it  at,  mentioned  to  his 
guests  its  contents,  which  were  nominally  to  ask  an  interview. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      305 

Colonel  Lamb,  one  of  the  guests,  urged  him  to  refuse  the  request, 
lest  it  should  furnish  occasion  for  suspecting  improper  com 
munications  with  the  enemy,  and  exacted  a  promise  that  he 
would  first  submit  the  letter  to  General  Washington. 

On  the  evening  of  the  18th,  Arnold  met  Washington  at  King's 
Ferry,  and,  while  crossing  the  river,  showed  him  Robinson's 
letter.  The  "  Vulture,"  which  was  in  plain  sight  a  short  distance 
down  the  river,  Washington  examined  through  his  glass.  Sus 
pecting  nothing,  he  advised  Arnold  that,  being  Chief  Com 
mander  of  a  Post,  he  could  not  with  propriety  grant  Robinson's 
request  for  a  personal  interview.  Arnold  accompanied  Wash 
ington  as  far  as  Peekskill,  and  the  next  morning  they  parted 
forever. 

September  23,  1780,  occurred  the  most  startling  and  alarm 
ing  event  of  the  whole  war,  the  discovery  of  Arnold's  "  villainous 
perfidy,"  as  Washington  truly  characterized  it,  and  the  capture 
of  the  British  Adjutant  General,  Major  Andre.  The  con 
sternation  it  occasioned  cannot  be  described,  and  the  feeling  of 
doubt  and  uncertainty  to  which  it  gave  rise  was  not  quieted  until 
the  full  extent  of  the  conspiracy  was  known.  Arnold  intended 
to  deal  the  cause  of  Independence  a  crushing  blow,  and  would 
have  done  so  had  his  plans  not  miscarried.  Washington's  inten 
tions,  as  Clinton  understood  them,  were  to  advance  with  his  own 
army  upon  the  lines  at  Kingsbridge,  while  the  French  threatened 
New  York  from  Long  Island.  The  plan  of  the  conspirators 
was,  that  Arnold  should  surrender  the  forts  and  garrison  at 
West  Point  the  instant  the  siege  commenced.  This  would  have 
compelled  Washington  to  retire,  and  the  French,  left  unsup 
ported,  would  probably  have  fallen  an  easy  prey  to  the  enemy. 
The  consequences  can  easily  be  imagined. 

Major  Andre,  after  his  capture,  was  taken  to  North  Castle 
and  handed  over  to  Lieut.  Colonel  Jameson  of  Sheldon's 
Dragoons,  who  sent  him  under  guard  to  Headquarters  with  a 
note  to  Arnold  advising  him  of  what  had  been  done.  Had  he 
reached  his  destination,  both  he  and  Arnold  would  probably 
have  escaped,  but,  as  it  happened,  Major  Tallmadge  returning 
that  day  to  North  Castle,  learned  from  Jameson  the  circum 
stances  of  Andre's  arrest  and  coupling  them  with  the  contents 
of  a  letter  to  Colonel  Sheldon  from  "  John  Anderson,"  written 


306  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

on  the  7th  from  New  York,  became  convinced  that  Arnold  was 
playing  false  and  urged  Jameson  to  recall  his  note  and  order 
Andre  back  to  camp.  The  latter  he  consented  to  do,  but  deem 
ing  Arnold  innocent,  he  let  his  note  go  forward.  The  result 
was,  that  the  timely  warning  thus  given  enabled  the  traitor  to 
escape  to  the  "  Vulture,"  and  safety,  while  poor  Andre  was  left 
to  suffer  in  his  stead.  Andre  was  removed  to  West  Point  and 
thence  to  Tappan,  where  Washington  convened  a  Board  of  Gen 
eral  Officers  to  whom  he  issued  the  following  order: — 

HEADQUARTERS,  TAPPAN,  September  29,  1780. 
GENTLEMEN. — Major  Andre,  Adjutant  General  to  the  British 
Army  will  be  brought  before  you  for  your  examination.  He  came 
within  our  Lines  in  the  night  on  an  interview  with  Major  General 
Arnold,  and  in  an  assumed  character;  and  was  taken  within  our 
Lines,  in  a  disguised  habit,  with  a  pass  under  a  feigned  name,  and 
with  the  enclosed  papers  concealed  upon  him.  After  a  careful  ex 
amination,  you  will  be  pleased,  as  speedily  as  possible,  to  report  a 
precise  state  of  his  case,  together  with  your  opinion  of  the  light  in 
which  he  ought  to  be  considered  and  the  punishment  that  ought  to 
be  inflicted.  The  Judge  Advocate  will  attend  to  assist  in  the  ex 
amination,  who  has  sundry  other  papers  relative  to  this  matter, 
which  he  will  lay  before  the  Board.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Gen 
tlemen,  Your  most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 

The  board  consisted  of  Major  Generals  Greene,  Lord  Stir 
ling,  St.  Clair,  Lafayette,  Steuben  and  Howe,  and  Brigadier 
Generals  Parsons,  James  Clinton,  Glover,  Knox,  Stark,  Hand, 
Huntington  and  the  Judge  Advocate,  John  Lawrence,  all  men  of 
the  highest  character.  Upon  Andre's  frank  and  full  confession, 
and  .after  due  deliberation,  the  court,  although  most  anxious 
to  save  him,  unanimously  reported  that  "Major  Andre,  Adju 
tant  General  to  the  British  Army,  ought  to  be  considered  a  spy 
from  the  enemy,  and  that  agreeable  to  the  law  and  usage  of 
Nations,  it  is  their  opinion  he  ought  to  suffer  death."  The 
opinion  of  the  court  was  approved  by  Washington  on  the  30th, 
and  the  time  fixed  for  the  execution  was  five  o'clock  in  the  after 
noon  of  the  next  day.  At  the  request  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
however,  who  promised  to  present  "  a  true  state  of  facts,"  a 
short  respite  was  granted,  but  the  facts  presented  not  proving 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      307 

sufficient  to  alter  the  previous  determination,  the  execution  took 
place  at  noon  of  October  second. 

A  singular  circumstance  happened  in  connection  with  Arnold's 
negotiation  with  Clinton,  to  which,  so  far  as  I  know,  attention 
has  not  yet  been  called.  The  matter  is  fully  explained  in  the 
two  following  unpublished  letters  from  General  Parsons  to 
General  Washington,  the  one  dated  October  1,  1780  and  the 
other  undated,  but  probably  written  a  few  days  after,  to  be 
found  in  Vol.  113  of  Washington's  Manuscripts,  on  file  in  the 
State  Department,  pages  53  and  50. 

CAMP,  1st   Octr.,  1780. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  beg  you  to  excuse  my  not  waiting  on  you  with 
the  enclosed  letter.  I  am  so  exceedingly  unwell  as  to  be  unable  to 
go  from  my  quarters ;  if  I  should  recover  strength  enough  and  the 
weather  should  clear  off  serene,  I  will  ride  down  to-day.  The  en 
closed  letter  is  from  General  Arnold,  the  cover  and  seals  as  they 
came  to  me  except  their  being  broke.  You  may  still  see  the  inward 
seal  has  not  been  broken. 

I  am  Dr.  Sr.  Yr.  Obedt.  Servt., 

SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

This  -letter  is  endorsed,  "  Octo'r.  1st,  1780,  from  Genl.  Par 
sons  enclosing  an  intercepted  letter  from  Gustavus  (Arnold) 
to  Mr.  Anderson,  Merchant  in  New  York,  and  addressed  to 
"  His  Excellency  General  Washington;,  private." 

"  DEAR  GENERAL. — About  the  27th  of  August  last,  a  neighbor  of 
mine  showed  me  a  letter  which  he  received  from  a  friend  of  his  in 
New  York,  informing  him  that  he  had  received  the  money  on  a  debt 
due  to  my  informant  from  a  person  lately  dead,  and  that  if  he  could 
procure  a  flag  and  come  to  New  York,  he  would  pay  it  to  him. 
He  requested  my  assistance  in  procuring  a  flag  for  the  purpose. 
I  accordingly  wrote  to  General  Arnold  in  his  behalf,  informing  him 
that  I  knew  the  person  in  question  to  be  friendly  to  the  Country 
and  of  such  a  character  that  he  would  faithfully  perform  whatever 
engagements  he  made.  General  Arnold,  after  detaining  him  until 
the  30th  of  August  without  giving  him  any  reasons  for  his  detention, 
granted  him  a  flag,  and  then  brought  from  his  private  room  the 
letter  addressed  to  John  Anderson,  which  has  since  been  delivered 
to  your  Excellency.  He  informed  the  bearer  that  it  was  a  letter 


308  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

from  a  friend  of  his  which  he  had  inspected,  at  the  same  time  point 
ing  that  it  had  been  sealed  with  a  wafer  which  he  had  broke  and 
afterwards  sealed  with  wax.  This  he  desired  the  bearer  to  be 
careful  of  and  deliver  with  his  own  hand  if  he  went  into  New 
York,  or  to  the  commanding  officer  of  the  outpost  if  he  did  not. 
The  person  to  whom  it  was  committed  went  into  New  York  and 
effected  his  business ;  but  the  extraordinary  precaution  which 
Arnold  had  used  respecting  the  letter  excited  his  curiosity  to  ex 
amine  the  manner  in  which  it  was  sealed,  and  finding  the  wafer  had 
not  been  broken  as  Arnold  had  told  him,  he  said  he  expected  it  might 
contain  something  illicit,  and  upon  consulting  some  of  his  friends, 
there,  concluded  to  bring  it  back  again,  and  on  the  10th  of  Septem 
ber  brought  it  and  delivered  it  to  me.  It  should  have  been  forwarded 
earlier  to  your  Excellency,  but  as  I  supposed  it  to  refer  merely  to 
Commerce,  I  chose  rather  to  make  it  a  subject  of  private  conversa 
tion  than  of  letter.  On  my  arrival,  your  Excellency  was  just 
leaving  camp,  so  that  it  was  left  to  the  ripening  of  the  horrid  event 
to  detect  this  unsuspected  instrument. 

I  am  your  Excellency's  Obedt.  Servt., 

SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  his  Excellency,  General  Washington. 

The  following  is  the  letter  from  General  Parsons  to  General 
Arnold  above  referred  to: — 

REDDING,  August  28,  1780. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — The  bearer,  Wm.  Heron,  awaits  upon  you  to 
request  a  flag  for  the  purpose  of  securing  a  debt  due  him;  the 
probability  of  effecting  it  he  will  convince  you  of.  Mr.  Heron  is 
a  neighbor  of  mine  for  whose  integrity  and  firm  attachment  to  the 
cause  of  the  country  I  will  hold  myself  answerable.  If  it  will  con 
sist  with  the  present  circumstances  of  the  army,  I  shall  be  much 
obliged  to  you  to  grant  him  the  favor  he  requests.  I  am  certain  he 
will  conduct  with  strict  honor  every  matter  he  undertakes. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Arnold.  S.  H.  PARSONS. 

Arnold's  letter  to  "  John  Anderson,"  delivered  by  Heron  to 
Parsons  and  enclosed  by  him  to  Washington,  is  as  follows : — 

August  SO,  1780. 

"  SIR. — On  the  24th  inst.  I  received  a  note  from  you  without  date 
in  answer  to  mine  of  the  7th  of  July,  also  a  letter  from  your  house 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      309 

of  the  24-th  of  July,  in  answer  to  mine  of  the   15th,  with  a  note 

from  Mr.  B ,  of  the  30th  July;  with  an  extract  of  a  letter 

from  Mr.  J.  Osborn  of  the  24th.  I  have  paid  particular  attention 
to  the  contents  of  the  several  letters ;  had  they  arrived  earlier,  you 
should  have  had  my  answer  sooner.  A  variety  of  circumstances  has 
prevented  my  writing  you  before.  I  expect  to  do  it  very  fully  in  a  few 

days,  and  to  procure  you  an  interview  with  Mr.  M e,  when 

you  will  be  able  to  settle  your  commercial  plan,  I  hope,  agreeable 

to  all  parties.     Mr.  M e  assures  me  that  he  is  still  of  opinion 

that  his  first  proposal  is  by  no  means  unreasonable,  and  makes  no 
doubt,  when  he  has  had  a  conference  with  you,  that  you  will  close 
with  it.  He  expects,  when  you  meet,  that  you  will  be  fully  author 
ised  from  your  house ;  that  the  risks  and  profits  of  the  copartnership 
may  be  fully  and  clearly  understood. 

A  speculation  might  at  this  time  be  easily  made  to  some  advantage 
with  ready  money;  but  there  is  not  the  quantity  of  goods  at  market 
which  your  partner  seems  to  suppose,  and  the  number  of  speculators 
below,  I  think,  will  be  against  your  making  an  immediate  pur 
chase.  I  apprehend  goods  will  be  in  greater  plenty,  and  much 
cheaper,  in  the  course  of  the  season;  both  dry  and  wet  are  much 
wanted  and  in  demand  at  this  juncture;  some  quantities  are  ex 
pected  in  this  part  of  the  country  soon.  Mr.  M —  — e  flatters 
himself,  that  in  the  course  of  ten  days  he  will  have  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  you ;  he  requests  me  to  advise  you,  that  he  has  ordered  a  draft 

on  you  in  favor  of  our  mutual  friend  S y   for  300  pounds 

which  you  will  charge  on  account  of  tobacco.  I  am,  in  behalf  of 
Mr.  M—  — e  &  Co., 

Sir,  your  obedient  humble  servant, 

GUSTAVUS. 

MR.  JOHN  ANDERSON,  Merchant. 

To  the  care  of  James  Osborne,  to  be  left  at  the  Reverend  Mr. 
Odell's,  New  York." 

Washington  left  the  camp  at  Tappan  on  the  morning  of 
Monday,  the  18th  of  September,  for  the  purpose  of  conferring 
with  Rochambeau  and  Ternay  at  Hartford  as  to  plans  for  the 
campaign.  Parsons,  having  with  him  the  Arnold-Anderson 
letter  of  August  30  which  he  had  received  from  Heron  Septem 
ber  10,  arrived  from  Connecticut  just  as  Washington  was 
leaving  camp,  too  late  to  deliver  to  him  the  letter.  "  It  should 
have  been,"  he  wrote  to  Washington  in  October,  "  forwarded 
earlier  to  your  Excellenc}T,  but,  as  I  supposed  it  to  refer  merely 


310  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

to  commerce,  I  chose  to  make  it  a  subject  of  private  conversation 
than  of  letter.  On  my  arrival,  your  Excellency  was  just  leav 
ing  camp,  so  that  it  was  left  to  the  ripening  of  the  horrid  event 
to  detect  this  unsuspected  instrument."  What  the  result  would 
have  been  had  Washington  received  the  letter  before  he  left 
camp,  is  a  matter  of  conjecture,  but  it  is  far  from  probable 
that  any  suspicion  in  consequence  would  have  fallen  upon 
Arnold.  Such  letters  were  not  uncommon.  There  was  nothing 
in  this  one  which  could  lead  any  person  to  imagine  that  "  John 
Anderson,  Merchant,"  was  the  Adjutant  General  of  the  British 
Army,  or  that  "  Gustavus "  was  General  Arnold.  Supposing 
it  to  refer  "  merely  to  commerce,"  Parsons  did  not  regard  it  of 
sufficient  importance  to  warrant  a  formal  communication. 
Washington  would  doubtless  have  taken  the  same  view,  and  given 
it  as  little  consideration.  It  was  probably  not  until  after 
Andre's  trial  on  Friday  the  29th  that  the  real  character  of 
the  letter  became  apparent,  and  it  was  on  Sunday,  October  1, 
that  Parsons,  notwithstanding  his  illness,  enclosed  the  letter  in 
a  short  note  to  Washington.  A  few  days  after  he  wrote  him  at 
length  explaining  the  peculiar  circumstances  under  which  this 
"  unsuspected  instrument "  had  come  into  his  hands. 

Strangely  enough,  Arnold  himself  had  unwittingly  furnished 
the  clue  to  his  "  Gustavus  "  letter  of  August  30,  in  the  follow 
ing  letter  to  Colonel  Sheldon,  commanding  the  outposts  at 
Salem  and  North  Castle,  written  in  the  desperate  endeavor  to 
bring  about  a  meeting  between  himself  and  Major  Andre,  alias, 
"  John  Anderson,"  and  also  the  means  by  which  his  intended 
treason  would  almost  certainly  have  been  detected,  had  Parsons 
on  reaching  Sheldon's  quarters  on  his  way  to  camp,  been  shown 
this  letter  as  requested: — 

ROBINSON'S  HOUSE,  September  10,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  wrote  Mr.  Anderson  on  the  3d  instant,  requesting 
him  to  meet  me  at  your  Quarters,  and  informed  him  that  I  had 
hinted  the  matter  to  you,  and  that  you  would  send  any  letter  to  me, 
or  inform  me  of  his  arrival.  I  did  not  mention  his  name  in  my 
letter  to  you,  as  I  thought  it  unnecessary.  I  was  obliged  to  write 
with  great  caution  to  him.  My  letter  was  signed,  "  Gustavus,"  to 
prevent  any  discovery  in  case  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  .  . 

If  General  Parsons  has  arrived,  I  wish  you  to  show  him  my  letter, 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      311 

and  tell  him  that  my  request  is  to  have   Mr.   Anderson   escorted 
to  me."  I   am  &c., 

To  Colonel  Sheldon. 

Parsons  on  the  8th  was  still  at  Redding,  but  was  expected  to 
return  to  camp  within  a  few  days.  Arnold  knew  that  on  his 
way  he  would  stop  at  Sheldon's  quarters,  and  probably  reach 
there  the  llth,  by  which  time  his  letter  of  the  10th  would  have 
been  received.  He  believed  that  Parsons,  if  shown  his  letter, 
there  being  nothing  suspicious  or  unusual  about  it,  would  direct 
Colonel  Sheldon  to  send  Mr.  Anderson  with  an  escort  to  West 
Point.  But  unfortunately  for  Arnold's  scheme,  Parsons  was 
then  in  possession  of  the  letter  from  Arnold  to  "  John  Ander 
son,"  which,  suspecting  "  something  illicit,"  Heron  had  brought 
to  Parsons  unopened.  If  Sheldon  had  shown  him  Arnold's  letter 
as  requested,  Parsons  would  instantly  have  seen  that  "  Gus- 
tavus  "  was  none  other  than  Arnold  himself,  and  that  the  state 
ment  made  to  Heron  that  the  letter  was  written  by  a  friend  to 
the  country,  was  as  false  as  that  he  had  opened  and  re-sealed 
it.  The  case  would  have  been  still  clearer  had  Sheldon  brought 
out  Arnold's  letter  to  him  of  the  7th,  in  which  he  pretends  that 
he  is  trying  to  open  "  a  channel  of  intelligence "  through  a 
person  in  New  York ;  and  also  the  letter  of  the  same  date  which 
"  John  Anderson  "  wrote  him  from  New  York,  in  which  he  says 
"  he  will  endeavor  to  obtain  permission  to  go  out  with  a  flag 
which  will  be  sent  to  Dobb's  Ferry  the  llth,  and  that  the 
business  he  has  in  hand  is  of  so  private  a  nature  that  the  public 
on  neither  side  can  be  injured  by  it."  These  four  letters  collated 
furnished  such  convincing  proof  of  Arnold's  treachery,  that 
had  Sheldon  shown  those  he  had  received,  or  even  only  that  of 
the  10th,  Arnold's  arrest  and  exposure  must  have  immediately 
followed.  Why  he  did  not  show  that  of  the  10th,  at  least,  is 
not  apparent,  unless  he  was  absent  from  his  quarters  when 
Parsons  arrived  or,  not  having  heard  further  from  Anderson, 
thought  it  of  no  importance.  Though  Parsons  did  not  arrive 
until  the  16th,  having  been  detained  by  the  return  of  his  son 
from  a  cruise,  there  still  remained  sufficient  time  to  communicate 
with  Headquarters,  and  the  arrest  could  have  been  effected  while 
crossing  at  King's  Ferry  on  the  evening  of  the  18th,  if  not 
before. 


312  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Parsons  in  his  letter  to  Washington  does  not  disclose  the  name 
of  the  person  who  delivered  to  him  Arnold's  letter  to  Andre, 
probably  because  it  was  done  in  confidence,  but  from  a  letter  he 
wrote  to  the  General  in  1782  after  he  retired  from  the  army, 
and  a  dispatch  from  Governor  Robertson  to  Lord  George  Ger 
main,  the  first  published  very  recently  by  Dr.  Loring,  and  the 
latter  some  years  since  in  "  Documents  Relating  to  the  Colonial 
History  of  the  State  of  New  York,"  (Vol.  VIII.,  page  804)* 
we  now  know  that  this  persons  was  William  Heron  of  Redding, 
Connecticut,  of  whom  we  shall  have  occasion  to  speak  more  par 
ticularly  hereafter.  Believed  by  Parsons  to  be  "  friendly  to  the 
country,"  and  by  Arnold  too,  as  his  caution  proves,  a  man  of 
excellent  standing  in  his  State,  much  trusted  and  wholly  unsus 
pected,  the  Robertson  dispatch,  nevertheless,  on  its  face  convicts 
him  of  treasonable  correspondence  with  the  enemy  during  this 
visit  to  New  York, — on  its  face,  for  it  is  not  impossible  that  he 
was  merely  scheming  to  win  the  confidence  of  the  enemy  in  hopes 
of  obtaining  information  of  importance.  The  following  extracts 
from  the  dispatch  are  given  for  what  is  said  of  Parsons : — 

This  dispatch  is  entitled  "  Mr.  Heron's  Information  in  a  con 
versation  at  New  York,  Monday,  4th  September,  1780." 

He  lives  at  Redding  in  Connecticut;  came  in  with  a  flag — re 
turns  this  afternoon. 

He  had  every  opportunity  he  could  desire  to  be  acquainted  with 
the  public  affairs,  and  especially  of  that  Colony.  Till  April  last 
he  was  in  the  Assembly,  and  a  member  for  the  County  Correspond 
ence — is  now  in  office  respecting  the  public  accounts.  He  ever  was 
an  enemy  to  the  Declaration  of  Independency,  but  he  said  little, 
except  to  the  most  trusty  loyalists.  He  stands  well  with  the  officers 
of  the  Continental  Army — with  General  Parsons  he  is  intimate,  and 
is  not  suspected. 

He  was  at  the  interview  between  General  Parsons  and  Mr.  Izard, 
(Ralph  Izard,  of  South  Carolina)  who  arrived  in  Ternay's  fleet  and 
went  on  to  Philadelphia.  Izard  has  held  a  language  that  fills  the 
country  with  jealousies.  That  the  American  Agents  were  duped  by 
the  Cabinet  of  France,  Dr.  Franklin  superannuated,  and  all  their 
agents  unfaithful  and  despised,  except  the  Lees.  That  they  had 
given  to  France  the  Newfoundland  fishery,  and  to  Spain,  the 
Floridas  and  he  thought  Georgia  too.  Whatever  else  of  the  conti- 
n«nt  might  be  conquered,  is  to  belong  to  the  United  States.  He 


assured  Parsons  that  France  neither  could,  nor  would,  give  the  help 
requisite  to  establish  the  Independence  of  America.  No  further  aid 
than  what  Ternay  brought  was  coming.  Whoever  said  there  was 
deceived  them.  The  British  Navy  in  real  strength  was  superior  to 
the  fleets  both  of  France  and  Spain,  and  doubtless  would  continue 
so  during  the  war.  He  did  not  believe  they  would  be  able  to  join 
this  year,  and  the  French,  in  that  case,  would  be  blocked  up.  That 
Ternay  brought  about  5000  land  forces,  and  from  what  he  had  heard 
of  the  American  Army,  that  aid  would  do  little. 

General  Parsons  was  so  much  affected  by  this  conversation,  that 
immediately  after  Izard  was  gone,  he  wrote  to  General  Greene  at 
the  camp  in  Jersey,  beseeching  him  if  possible  to  check  Mr.  Izard, 
from  the  dangerous  tendency  of  his  information  upon  the  people 
at  large. 

General  Parsons  lives  at  Redding  and  his  particular  charge  is  to 
forward  on  the  eastern  recruits  to  Washington's  camp.  He  is 
greatly  discouraged  under  the  prevailing  disinclination  of  the  people 
to  the  prolongation  of  the  war.  Very  lately  he  told  Mr.  Heron 
that  but  800  men  of  the  2500  drafted  in  Connecticut  had  gone 
on.  .  .  .  The  people  everywhere  are  tired  of  the  war,  are  be 
come  beggared  and  distressed  and  suspicious  of  private  views  in 
all  who  are  for  continuing  it.  ... 

Washington's  army,  including  the  Highland  garrison,  all  the  three 
and  six  months'  militia,  was  between  ten  and  eleven  thousand  when 
he  crossed  the  Hudson  last  month  to  Croton's  River.  They  gave 
out  they  were  15,000,  but  Mr.  Heron  had  his  information  from 
officers  of  rank  in  a  confidential  way. 

There  was  a  general  talk  of  raising  men  enough  before  the  French 
arrived,  who  with  them  were  to  take  New  York.  It  died  away  upon 
the  smallness  of  the  French  force  and  the  difficulty  of  bringing  up 
the  drafted  militia.  Lately  Washington  conceived  hopes  from  his 
project  for  procuring  militia  volunteers.  He  recommended  sub 
scriptions  from  house  to  house  to  raise  bounties  of  hard  money,  to 
be  paid  to  such  as  would  take  the  field  for  the  campaign  in  the  re 
duction  of  New  York.  General  Parsons  employed  many  instru 
ments  to  give  it  success,  but  it  was  abortive.  Not  a  single  town 
would  come  into  it.  ...  [Heron  speaks  of  the  discontent  and 
bad  state  of  affairs  in  the  Highlands.]  He  dined  with  General 
Arnold,  who  commands  at  Col.  Beverly  Robinson's  house,  and  parted 
from  him  last  Wednesday.  (Aug.  30th.) 

Mr.  Heron  is  confident  the  whole  rebellion  must  fall  soon  from 
the  internal  weakness  of  the  country  in  general,  and  the  still  greater 
weakness  of  the  party  that  have  hitherto  fomented  the  troubles,  who 


314  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

lose  ground  every  day  and  divide  from  each  other.  All  subdi 
visions  are  for  peace  with  Great  Britain  on  the  old  founda 
tion.  .  .  .  [He  spoke  also  of  the  bad  state  of  the  finances  and 
sees  many  indications  of  a  collapse.]  From  his  intimate  knowledge 
of  Connecticut,  not  a  tenth  of  the  inhabitants  are  for  contending  for 
Independency  if  assured  that  the  Charter  shall  stand  good. 

He  hears  of  no  magazines  for  provisions  in  any  part  of  the  Con 
tinent.  It  was  impossible  to  form  any.  No  man  will  sell  upon 
credit.  All  private  contracts  are  made  in  bullion.  Congress  is  in 
solvent.  All  Departments  are  in  debt.  There  is  short  sowing  of 
the  fields  that  there  may  be  no  surplus  to  be  seized. 

Whether  Heron  asked  for  a  flag  under  a  false  pretence,  and 
whether,  having  detected  Arnold's  falsehood  as  to  the  seal  he 
gave  the  letter  to  Parsons  from  patriotic  motives  or  because  he 
was  apprehensive  of  trouble  for  himself  if  he  delivered  it  as 
agreed,  must  be  judged  of  in  the  light  of  his  conduct  in  New 
York  and  of  subsequent  developments. 

Parsons'  old  friend  and  Tory  classmate,  William  Walter, 
wrote  him  from  Lloyd's  Neck,  October  1,  inquiring 

after  the  health  of  my  old  friend  and  his  family,  and  to  acquaint 
you  that  the  household  of  Walter  are  all  well.  Long  before  this  I 
had  hoped  that  this  horrid  war  would  have  had  an  end  and  that  I 
should  have  been  able  to  meet  you  and  others  in  the  opposition  on 
the  ground  of  peace  and  friendliness,  but  this  happy  period  has  not 
yet  arrived.  When  it  will  is  uncertain,  and  till  it  does  I  am  con 
tented  to  remain  in  patience,  only  lamenting  the  sad  distresses  which 
accrue  to  individuals  and  the  public  from  the  continuance  of  it. 

Congress  in  September,  had  promoted  Brigadier  General 
Smallwood  of  Maryland  to  a  Major  Generalship,  superseding 
both  Generals  Parsons  and  James  Clinton.  The  manifest  fav 
oritism  and  injustice  of  this  appointment  naturally  created 
great  indignation.  It  was  not  that  Smallwood  was  promoted, 
but  that  his  advancement  was  at  the  expense  of  his  seniors  in 
rank  and  service.  In  writing  to  Washington  October  4, 
Parsons  did  not  object  to  Smallwood,  but  to  the  unfairness  of 
Congress,  and  complained  that  he  had  himself  been  unjustly 
neglected,  having  served  four  years  as  Brigadier  and  half  the 
time  commanded  a  division  of  the  army.  "  Had  the  same  prin- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      315 

ciples  actuated  the  councils  of  our  States  as  have  been  the  rules 
of  proceeding  in  other  nations,  I  should  have  had  the  rank  due 
to  the  command  long  since  conferred  upon  me."  Congress 
seems  finally  to  have  recognized  this,  for  when  during  the  month 
he  received  his  promotion,  Congress  restored  him  to  his  rank. 

The  indiscreet  appointments  to  the  army  by  Congress,  partic 
ularly  of  foreigners  who  were  often  mere  adventurers,  were 
responsible  for  much  of  the  jealousy  and  ill-feeling  which 
existed  among  the  officers ;  so  much  so  that  Washington  was  led 
to  say  that  he  wished  that  there  was  not  a  foreign  officer  in  the 
army  except  Lafayette,  who  was  different  from  all  the  others. 
After  the  removal  of  Gates  from  the  Southern  Army,  Small- 
wood  refused  to  serve  under  Baron  Steuben,  and  threatened  to 
resign  unless  Congress  antedated  his  commission  two  years.  The 
claim  was  too  absurd  to  be  allowed,  the  effect  of  which,  as 
Washington  wrote,  "  would  be,  not  only  to  supersede  the  officers 
now  in  question,  but  many  others,  and,  indeed,  to  derange  and 
throw  into  confusion  the  rank  of  the  whole  line  of  Major  Gen 
erals."  In  1777,  Congress  elected  five  Major  Generals,  Stir 
ling,  Mifflin,  St.  Clair,  Stephen,  and  Lincoln,  passing  over 
Arnold  who  was  their  senior  in  rank  and  immensely  their  superior 
in  military  ability  and  experience.  That  each  State  should  be 
allotted  general  officers  in  proportion  to  the  men  furnished, 
seemed  to  the  members  more  important  than  to  secure  competent 
officers  to  command.  Had  Arnold  been  treated  by  Congress 
with  the  consideration  and  kindness  he  received  from  Washing 
ton  who  knew  his  value  as  an  officer,  it  is  doubtful,  bad  as  he  was 
in  many  respects,  if  he  would  have  been  false  to  his  country. 

In  consequence  of  his  five  years  of  camp  life,  Parsons  had,  in 
a  great  degree,  lost  that  vigor  and  buoyancy  of  health  which 
he  had  enjoyed  up  to  the  time  he  entered  the  army,  and  his 
enfeebled  constitution  rendered  him  liable  to  very  severe  attacks 
of  malarial  fever.  The  sickness  he  refers  to  in  his  letter  to 
Washington  of  October  1,  was  of  this  character,  and  by  the 
4th  his  fever  had  so  increased  that  he  was  much  depressed  and 
very  uncertain  of  the  issue.  In  this  condition  he  writes  the  fol 
lowing  letter  to  his  wife: — 

TAPPAN,  October  4,  1780. 
MY  DEAR. — I  have  received  one  letter  from  you  which  gave  great 


316  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

satisfaction  to  me.  I  should  be  happy  in  having  it  in  my  power  to 
write  you  more  fully,  but  my  strength  will  only  permit  my  com 
mitting  to  paper  what  is  necessary.  "Pis  the  sixth  day  since  I  have 
been  badly  seized  with  a  Fever  which  has  from  the  first  been  in 
creasing,  that  I  am  now  in  Doubt  whether  I  could  get  home  if  the 
weather  should  be  good.  What  the  Issue  will  be,  Time  will  decide. 
When  the  period  arrives  when  we  must  bid  a  final  Adieu,  I  wish  it 
may  be  our  Lot  to  meet  our  Fate  with  Christian  Fortitude.  I  know 
we  have  a  Mediator  with  the  Father  who  is  constantly  making  In 
tercessions  for  the  Sins  of  Those  who  believe,  and  on  His  Interces 
sion  I  depend  for  Safety.  However  of  this  I  am  certain,  that  I 
shall  be  disposed  of  in  a  Manner  which  was  designed  best  to  Answer 
my  Place  in  the  great  Scale.  Give  yourself  no  Concern  for  me, 
but  take  care  of  yourself  and  our  dear  children.  Let  them  be 
brought  up  in  the  belief  of  revealed  religion  and  the  practice  of  every 
moral  Virtue,  without  which  no  man  can  support  an  honest  character 
here  or  expect  future  happiness. 

As  to  the  disposition  of  our  children  (if  we  should  now  be 
separated),  perhaps  it  will  be  best  to  know  of  my  sisters  whether 
they  will  take  one  or  two  of  the  girls  till  they  have  gained  their 
education.  Enoch  I  should  wish  to  be  bound  to  your  brother  or  my 
brother,  Lane,  until  twenty-one  years  of  age.  Billy  and  Lucia  must 
add  their  help  to  assist  you  to  live  and  take  care  of  the  younger 
children.  I  am  uncertain  in  my  own  mind  what  to  do  with  the 
little  I  have.  [After  suggesting  what  seemed  under  all  circumstances 
to  be  the  best  disposition  of  his  affairs  in  case  of  his  death,  he  con 
tinues:]  My  strength  fails  me  and  I  must  return  to  the  bed.  My 
most  cordial  and  affectionate  love  for  you  has  continued  without 
abating  to  this  time.  Give  my  blessing  to  all  my  children  and  accept 
this  as  a  Testimony  of  unabating  love  to  you. 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

On  the  6th  Parsons  wrote  to  General  Washington  from  the 
camp  at  Tappan,  asking  leave  to  return  home  to  his  family  in 
Redding  on  account  of  his  severe  sickness,  and  suggests  that  on 
his  return  to  the  army,  he  be  appointed  "  to  the  command  of  the 
troops  near  New  Castle  and  Horseneck  until  their  service  shall 
expire,  which  I  imagine  will  nearly  end  my  own."  Washington 
appears  to  have  granted  his  request  for  a  leave  of  absence.  In 
the  latter  part  of  November,  he  was  again  prostrated  by  a  recur 
rence  of  the  fever,  and  was  unable  to  return  to  camp  until  late 
in  December. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

PARSONS'  PROMOTION  AS  MAJOR  GENERAL.  MUTINY  OF  THE  PENN 
SYLVANIA  AND  JERSEY  LINES.  MORRISANIA  EXPEDITION.  RE 
CEIVES  THANKS  OF  CONGRESS.  FAIRFIELD  INVESTIGATION.  His 
DANGEROUS  ILLNESS.  YALE  AND  HARVARD  CONFER  ON  HIM 
A  MASTER'S  DEGREE. 

October,   1780— May,   1781 

Ox  the  23d  of  October,  1780,  General  Parsons  received  from 
Congress  his  well-deserved  and  long-delayed  promotion  as  Major 
General  in  the  Continental  Army.  He  had  served  as  Colonel 
from  the  Lexington  Alarm  until  August  9,  1776,  when  he  was 
made  Brigadier  General,  as  Division  Commander  since  Putnam's 
disability  in  1779  and  during  the  greater  part  of  the  previous 
eighteen  months,  and  was  justly  entitled  to  the  rank  due  to  his 
command.  Wooster  dead,  Spencer  resigned,  Putnam  inca 
pacitated  and  Arnold  a  deserter,  Parsons  had  become  the  highest 
officer  of  the  line  in  the  State,  and  there  was  no  further  excuse 
for  delaying  his  advancement.  November  llth,  while  at  his 
home  in  Redding  on  sick  leave,  he  writes  Washington  thanking 
him  for  his  promotion  and  proposing  to  adjust  his  private  affairs 
so  that  he  can  soon  again  join  the  army;  and  encloses  an  act  of 
the  Connecticut  Legislature  for  filling  the  State's  quota,  "  which 
if  executed  with  spirit,  I  hope  will  have  the  desired  succcess." 

On    the    20th,    while    still    at    Redding,    he    again  writes    to 
Headquarters : — 

DEAR  GENERAL. — Your  favor  of  the  l6th,  I  received  yesterday, 
and  should  have  returned  to  the  Army  very  soon,  but  I  have  a  return 
of  the  Ague-Fever  to-day  too  violently  to  admit  my  entertaining 
any  thoughts  of  doing  duty  in  my  present  state.  I  shall  so  soon 
as  my  health  is  confirmed,  immediately  return  to  camp. 
I  am  with  respect  and  esteem, 

Yr.  Excellency's  obt.  servt., 

S.  H.  PARSONS. 

317 


318  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Towards  the  end  of  November,  the  army  went  into  winter 
quarters ;  the  Pennsylvania  line  near  Morristown,  the  New  Jer 
sey  regiments  at  Pompton,  and  the  Eastern  troops  in  the  High 
lands.  Washington's  Headquarters,  his  "  dreary  quarters,"  as 
he  called  them,  were  at  New  Windsor.  The  French  remained 
at  Newport,  except  the  Duke  of  Lauzun's  Legion,  which  was 
cantoned  at  Lebanon  in  Connecticut.  The  quarters  of  Parsons' 
Division  were  opposite  West  Point,  just  back  of  Constitution 
Island,  about  one  and  a  half  miles  from  the  river  and  not  far 
from  the  main  road.  It  is  described  as  advantageously  situated 
between  "  two  high  mountains  " — "  a  primitive  spot  quite  out 
of  the  world." 

Congress  in  October,  1780,  had  provided  for  a  reorganization 
of  the  army  to  take  effect  the  1st  of  January,  1781.  The  plan 
was  to  consolidate  the  smaller  regiments,  thus  reducing  the  num 
ber  of  regiments  without  decreasing  the  force  in  the  field.  The 
officers  for  the  new  regiments  were  to  be  selected  from  those  of 
the  old  who  desired  to  continue  in  the  service,  preference  being 
given  according  to  seniority.  The  retiring  officers  were  to  have 
half  pay  for  life.  The  duty  of  reorganizing  the  Connecticut 
line  devolved  upon  General  Parsons,  who  had  now  returned  to 
camp.  The  number  of  regiments  composing  the  Division,  was 
to  be  reduced  from  eight  to  five.  Under  Parsons'  directions,  the 
Third  and  Fourth  Regiments  were  consolidated  as  the  First ;  the 
Fifth  and  Seventh  as  the  Second;  the  Second  and  Ninth  as  the 
Third;  the  First,  and  Eighth  as  the  Fifth  and  the  Sixth  was 
retained  as  the  Fourth.  Pursuant  to  the  provisions  of  the 
resolutions  of  Congress,  General  Parsons  called  upon  the  officers 
of  the  Connecticut  line  to  signify  in  writing  whether  it  was  their 
wish  to  remain  in  the  service  or  to  retire,  hoping  that  "  every 
officer  whose  age,  health  and  circumstances  will  allow  it,  will  be 
willing  to  continue  his  service  to  his  country."  Colonels  Wyllys, 
Bradley,  Starr  and  Meigs,  all  of  whom  had  done  excellent  serv 
ice,  retired.  Durkee  of  the  old  Fourth,  became  Colonel  of  the 
new  First ;  Swift  of  the  Seventh,  of  the  new  Second ;  Samuel  B. 
Webb  of  the  Ninth,  of  the  new  Third ;  Butler  of  the  Second,  of 
the  new  Fourth  and  Sherman  of  the  Eighth,  of  the  new  Fifth. 

December  2,  General  Parsons  issued  the  following  orders  as 
to  building  huts  for  his  men : — 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      319 

The  hutting  ground  is  to  be  laid  out  for  five  regiments,  to  be 
calculated  for  four  hundred  men  each.  Each  of  said  regiments  is 
to  appoint  an  officer  to  lay  out  the  ground  and  superintend  the 
building  of  the  huts  under  the  direction  of  a  field  officer  who  is  to 
supervise  the  whole.  As  great  uniformity  and  exactness  as  possible, 
is  to  be  observed  in  arranging  and  building  the  huts,  which  are  to 
be  carried  up  square,  not  less  than  six  feet  high,  with  rafters  nine 
feet  in  length  from  the  eaves  to  the  ridge  pole.  Lines  are  to  be  drawn 
within  which  each  regiment  is  to  get  timber  and  firewood. 

In  case  of  an  alarm,  the  Division  was  to  man  the  Works  on 
Constitution  Island  and  the  North  and  South  Redoubts. 

December  25,  General  Parsons  writes  from  Fishkill  to  the 
Commander-in-Chief,  asking  that  Lieutenants  Grant  and  Cook, 
who,  taken  prisoners  at  Fort  Washington,  had  now  been 
exchanged,  be  restored  to  their  rank  in  the  new  establishment  of 
the  army.  January  1,  he  wrote  to  Governor  Trumbull  as 
follows : 

CAMP  IN  HIGHLANDS,  January  1,  1781. 

SIR. — The  new  arrangement  of  the  army  taking  place  this  day, 
suggests  to  me  the  idea  of  proposing  to  your  Excellency  the  pro 
priety  of  sending  the  invalids  of  our  own  State  to  New  London  or 
such  parts  of  the  State  where  they  may  be  serviceable.  We  have 
in  the  Line  six  or  eight  officers  and  a  considerable  number  of 
soldiers,  who  must  soon  be  transferred  to  the  Corps  of  Invalids, 
capable  of  doing  garrison  duty,  but  unfit  for  marching  regiments. 
I  believe  much  expense  might  be  saved  the  State  if  they  were 
stationed  within  it;  nor  can  I  see  that  Philadelphia  wants  guards 
half  as  much  as  New  London  or  Simsbury,  and  I  must  believe  Con 
gress  would  admit  of  it,  (at  least  as  to  our  Line)  on  application. 
It  will  be  necessary  to  know  the  intention  of  the  Government  soon 
on  this  head,  as  we  had  rather  postpone  the  transfer  a  few  weeks 
than  the  State  should  lose  the  benefit  of  them  if  they  choose  to 
improve  them. 

I  find  the  soldiers  in  general  averse  to  receiving  the  lands  agree 
able  to  the  Act  of  the  Assembly.  Their  necessities  are  so  great  they 
cannot  think  it  reasonable  they  should  suffer  the  delay  and  probable 
loss  which  will  attend  the  sale  after  the  appraisal.  Some  of  the 
officers  will  consent  to  the  proposal  and  forward  their  power  to  the 
committee;  and  as  this  will  require  some  time,  they  desire  the  ap 
praisal  to  proceed.  If  their  notes  of  last  year  may  be  received  in 


320  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

payment,  many  more  would  be  glad  to  sign  a  power  to  receive  the 

I  am  with  esteem  yr.  obt.  servant, 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

Early  in  January,  the  Pennsylvania  Line,  encamped  near 
Morristown,  openly  mutinied  and  marched  toward  Philadelphia, 
where  Congress  was  in  session.  On  the  5th,  General  Heath,  then 
in  command  at  West  Point,  wrote  General  Parsons,  at  the  request 
of  General  Washington,  asking  him  to  communicate  the  facts  to 
the  troops  through  the  regimental  commanders,  as  it  would  be 
impossible  to  keep  the  matter  long  a  secret,  and  to  do  it  in  such 
a  way  as  to  produce  in  them  a  consciousness  of  superior  virtue 
under  equal  if  not  greater  trials,  and  to  ascertain  from  the 
officers  if  there  were  any  indications  of  trouble  in  the  Connecticut 
Line.  At  a  council  of  General  Officers  held  a  few  days  after 
wards,  it  was  determined  to  form  a  provisional  detachment  of 
New  England  troops  for  quelling  any  mutiny  which  might 
arise.  The  command  of  this  detachment  was  sought  by  Par 
sons,  and  he  offered  to  go  as  a  volunteer  if  he  could  not  have 
the  command.  But  General  Howe  claimed  it  as  his  right  on  the 
grounds  of  seniority.  On  the  12th,  Washington  wrote  Heath 
that  "  in  point  of  right  Howe  ought  to  have  it,  but  in  point  of 
policy  it  might  be  better  to  give  it  either  to  General  Parsons  or 
General  Glover,  and  this  I  told  him."  On  the  13th,  Heath 
wrote  to  Parsons :  "  You  may  depend  in  case  General  Howe 
does  not  march  with  the  detachment,  that  you  will  command  it. 
It  belongs  to  Howe  of  right,  but  at  this  time  when  the  whole 
detachment  is  composed  of  Eastern  troops,  in  a  view  of  policy, 
I  wish  you  would  have  the  command;"  and  again  on  the  16th: 
"I  assure  that  I  have  with  you  many  anxious  thoughts  respect 
ing  the  defection  in  the  Pennsylvania  Line,  but  by  a  letter  I 
received  from  his  Excellency,  General  Washington,  the  last 
evening,  it  seems  the  matter  is  in  a  train  of  accommodation. 
The  General,  however,  wishes  the  detachment  still  to  be  held  in 
readiness  to  march.  I  am  pleased  with  your  ardent  desire  of 
going  with  the  troops  in  case  they  march,  but  I  think  you  can 
not  with  propriety  go  as  a  volunteer.  You  already  know  my 
sentiments  with  respect  to  the  other."  On  the  14th,  General 
Parsons  wrote  to  Colonel  Jeremiah  Wadsworth  at  Hartford: — 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      321 

January  14,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR. — The  news  of  the  revolt  of  the  Pennsylvanians  will 
have  reached  you  before  you  will  have  received  this ;  their  subsequent 
conduct  and  the  present  state  of  the  affair,  the  effect  produced  in 
the  other  Lines  by  this  event  and  the  general  circumstances  of  the 
troops  are  matters  you  ought  to  be  informed  of.  This  defection 
seems  to  be  a  systematical  affair;  the  mutineers  have  appointed  their 
officers  and  observe  the  greatest  order  and  strictest  discipline.  Gen 
eral  Wayne  and  Colonel  Butler  are  permitted  by  them  to  remain  in 
Princeton  without  command.  General  St.  Clair  and  Marquis  De 
Lafayette  were  ordered  to  leave  the  town  in  an  hour  and  a  half  on 
pain  of  being  made  prisoners.  A  committee  of  Congress  is  at 
Trenton  and  requested  the  troops  to  move  to  that  place,  but  were 
informed  that  Princeton  afforded  good  quarters  for  any  gentlemen 
who  had  business  to  transact  with  them.  They  demand  a  discharge 
of  all  soldiers  enlisted  in  76  and  77;  and  those  in  78  to  be  discharged 
at  the  expiration  of  three  years ;  those  enlisted  for  the  war  since  that 
time  to  serve  according  to  the  tenor  of  their  engagements ;  immediate 
payment  of  their  wages  and  arrears  of  clothing  and  ample  satis 
faction  for  past  depreciation. 

The  militia  of  Jersey  decline  reducing  them,  because,  they  say, 
they  have  real  grievances  which  ought  to  be  redressed.  In  the 
Jersey  Line  there  appears  so  much  uneasiness  as  not  to  make  it 
expedient  to  improve  them  against  the  insurgents,  and  Parr's  Rifle 
men  have  joined  them.  The  Committee  of  Congress  are  making 
overtures  on  one  side,  and  Sir  Harry  Clinton  on  the  other;  these, 
however,  they  did  not  appear  to  incline  to  listen  to,  as  they  immedi 
ately  confined  the  emissary  and  his  guide.  Under  these  circum 
stances,  to  the  honor  of  the  New  England  Lines,  the  soldiers  in 
general  highly  condemn  their  conduct  and  are  forming  a  detach 
ment  to  reduce  them  by  force.  I  never  saw  them  so  spirited;  fur- 
loughed  men  refused  to  go  out  of  camp;  our  servants  begged  to  be 
armed  and  sent  with  the  detachment,  and  men  without  coats  and 
without  shirts,  insisted  they  were  able  and  willing  to  be  ordered  on 
the  command.  I  own  I  did  not  see  a  great  prospect  of  their  re 
turning  to  their  duty  by  the  last  accounts  unless  compelled  by  force, 
though  General  Sullivan  says  he  thinks  he  shall  come  to  an  honorable 
capitulation  with  them,  but  I  am  unable  to  see  what  terms  can  be 
honorably  made  with  them  with  arms  in  their  hands.  Our  detach 
ment  is  still  ready  to  march,  but  no  orders  have  arrived  to  move. 

Although  on  this  occasion  our  troops  have  shown  a  proper  spirit, 
yet  I  fear  we  are  not  long  to  expect  it.  We  have  six  hundred  men 
unfit  for  duty  for  want  of  proper  clothing;  most  of  them  have  no 


322  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

coat  of  any  kind;  they  have  received  no  money  for  near  twelve 
months,  and  some  are  fifteen  months  in  arrears  of  pay.  This  obliged 
them  to  sell  their  depreciated  notes  at  whatever  price  any  man  will 
give  for  them;  add  to  this  the  danger  of  our  being  wholly  destitute 
of  bread  within  a  week,  and  no  rum  has  found  its  way  to  camp  for 
a  long  time  past.  On  these  unexaggerated  facts,  I  leave  you  to 
draw  consequences.  For  my  own  part,  unless  we  receive  some 
money  and  clothing  immediately,  and  supplies  of  provisions  are 
regularly  made,  and  our  army  is  completed  before  the  campaign 
opens,  I  see  no  great  success  to  be  expected  from  our  faint  and 
half-made  resistance.  I  believe  I  have  as  much  money  as  any 
officer  in  camp,  and  to  clearly  show  you  our  condition,  I  have 
counted  every  farthing  of  cash  I  possess  in  the  world,  and  it 
amounts  to  eight  Continental  dollars  and  two-thirds  of  a  dollar, 
and  where  or  when  shall  I  add  another,  I  know  no  more  than  a  child 
yet  unborn.  I  am,  Dr.  Sir,  Yr.  obr.  servant, 

SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Colonel  Jeremiah  Wadsrvorth,  Hartford. 

Colonel  Wadsworth  replied: — 

HARTFORD,  February  12,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR. —  .  .  .  The  patience  and  fortitude  of  the  Con 
necticut  troops,  their  good  conduct  and  eagerness  to  reduce  the  re 
volting  troops  would  command  relief  from  anybody  but  us,  and  I 
did  hope  the  Council  would  have  called  on  the  towns  immediately 
whilst  their  fears  were  up,  for  a  sum  in  hard  cash,  as  I  should  ex 
pect  more  from  their  fears  than  their  justice.  The  Assembly  is  to 
be  together  on  the  21st  instant,  but  what  can  they  do,  or  rather  what 
will  they  do?  Already  we  are  told  that  the  people  will  not  or  can 
not  pay  their  taxes,  and  we  are  certain  the  emissaries  from  the  enemy 
never  were  more  successful  in  their  schemes  than  at  present.  We 
have  evidently  many  people  here  who  are  become  cool  to  the  cause, 
and  many  others  who  would  sacrifice  everything  to  their  avarice. 
Those  who  boldly  and  freely  demand  justice  for  the  Army  are 
avoided  and  every  effort  is  making  to  prevent  their  success.  The 
next  choice  of  Representatives  will  be  entirely  new,  so  much  as  to 
change  our  politics  for  the  worse;  this  is  the  dark  side  of  the  pic 
ture.  The  people  in  general  are  disposed  to  have  a  vigorous  cam 
paign,  a  good  Army  and  to  do  them  justice,  but  the  cunning,  the 
weak,  wicked  and  avaricious  are,  (though  by  no  means  a  majority) 
ever  busy  and  are  more  than  a  match  for  the  honest  part  of  the 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      323 

community,  but  the  fears  of  the  rascally  part  of  the  community  will, 
I  hope,  keep  them  down. 

Yours  sincerely, 
To  Major  General  Parsons.  J.  WADSWORTH. 

In  answer  to  the  request  that  he  should  ascertain  the  senti 
ments  of  the  Line  under  his  command,  about  which  there  was 
some  uneasiness,  General  Parsons  wrote  to  General  Washington 
the  following  letter,  which  must  have  afforded  him  great, 
relief : — 

CAMP  HIGHLANDS,  January  12,  1781. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — The  instances  of  firmness  in  the  Connecticut 
Line  exhibited  amongst  the  privates  since  I  had  the  honor  of  seeing 
you,  fully  convinces  me  of  the  justice  of  my  observations  yesterday 
on  that  subject,  and  I  believe  the  same  spirit  pervades  the  whole 
line.  In  two  instances  application  was  made  this  morning  for  fur 
loughs  by  privates  who  had  been  three  years  absent.  The  men  were 
informed  that  the  defection  in  the  Pennsylvania  Line  would  prob 
ably  require  their  attention  to  reduce  them  to  their  duty.  They 
answered  without  hesitation,  they  had  rather  never  see  home  than 
the  cause  of  the  Country  should  suffer  by  such  unjustifiable  con 
duct,  or  that  your  Excellency  should  be  in  danger  from  that  or  any 
other  misconduct.  They  went  back  with  great  cheerfulness  and 
said  they  would  never  apply  again  until  they  were  brought  back 
to  their  duty.  And  in  many  instances  the  officers'  servants  have 
begged  to  be  armed  and  permitted  to  go  on  this  duty.  From  these 
circumstances  and  other  observations,  I  am  convinced  the  fullest 
confidence  may  in  this  instance,  be  placed  in  the  Connecticut  troops. 

I  am,  Dr.  General,  Your  Obedt.  Servt., 
To  General  Washington.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  trouble  in  the  Pennsylvania  Line  was  ended  by  a  substan 
tial  compliance  with  the  demands  of  the  insurgents,  but  the 
leniency  shown  them  only  encouraged  a  revolt  among  the  New 
Jersey  troops.  Prompt  action  had  now  become  necessary,  and 
on  the  22d,  General  Howe  was  directed  to  take  command  of 
the  detachment  of  Eastern  troops  and  put  down  the  mutiny, 
which  he  did  in  an  effectual  manner.  The  result  was  disappoint 
ing,  as  appears  from  the  following  letter  from  Parsons  to 
Trumbull :— 


324  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

CONNECTICUT  HUTS,  January  31,  1781 

SIR. — In  my  last  I  informed  you  of  the  revolt  of  the  Jersey  Line, 
since  which  they  have  been  surprised  by  the  New  England  troops, 
laid  down  their  arms  and  returned  to  their  duty,  and  their  leaders 
tried,  condemned  and  shot  on  the  parade  within  half  an  hour  after 
they  were  delivered  up.  I  hoped  this  would  have  ended  our  troubles 
of  this  kind,  but  the  flame  has  caught  and  the  New  York  troops 
refuse  to  do  their  duty  till  they  are  paid  and  clothed.  How  much 
farther  they  will  proceed,  time  will  unfold.  I  think  it  my  duty  to 
give  you  this  early  information  and  to  assure  you  that  I  fear  that 
nothing  short  of  a  sum  of  money  very  speedily  furnished  them  will 
keep  the  New  England  Lines  from  following  their  example. 

I   am  &c., 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

Norwich,  January  24,  1781,  General  Jedidiah  Huntington 
wrote  to  General  Parsons : — 

I  am  happy  in  hearing  the  scene  which  opened  at  Morris  and 
changed  to  Princeton,  has  had  an  issue  much  better  than  one's  fears. 
Our  State  is  slow  in  recruiting;  they  seem,  however,  determined  to 
procure  the  men  called  for,  from  a  conviction  of  the  absolute  neces 
sity  of  the  measure.  Upon  the  tidings  brought  by  General  Knox 
respecting  the  Pennsylvania  Line,  it  was  moved  in  the  Governor's 
Council  to  send  our  old  soldiers  a  gratuity  of  twenty  dollars  each; 
but  objectors  arose  and  nothing  has  been  done  as  yet.  When  they 
know  what  Massachusetts  has  done  in  the  matter,  I  am  in  hopes  we 
shall  follow  the  example.  T' would  have  been  more  honorable  to 
have  been  foremost. 

I  am  dear  Sir,  Your  obedient  servant, 
To  Major  General  Parsons.  J.  HUNTINGTON. 

General  Knox  had  gone  to  Massachusetts  in  the  interest  of 
the  Massachusetts  Line  and  was  now  bringing  back  with  him 
funds  for  paying  off  the  troops.  Knowing  this,  and  apprehend 
ing  serious  trouble  in  the  Connecticut  Line  unless  the  State 
made  provisions  for  her  troops  before  his  return,  General  Par 
sons  wrote  the  following  urgent  letter  to  Governor  Trumbull : — 

HIGHLANDS,  February  5,  1781. 

SIR. — I  was  honored  with  your  Excellency's  letter  of  the  31st 
ult.  General  Knox's  return  before  any  decisive  measures  have  been 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      325 

taken  by  Connecticut  will  be  attended  with  unhappy  effects, 
especially  as  he  brings  solid  coin  for  paying  the  Massachusetts 
troops.  You  may,  however,  rest  assured,  that  every  effort  will  be 
used  to  quiet  the  troops  which  is  within  the  compass  of  the  remain 
ing  influence  of  the  officers  of  every  rank.  But  Sir,  I  ought  to 
assure  you  of  a  truth  in  its  consequences  very  interesting  to  the 
weal  of  the  State,  which  is  that  our  influence  with  the  troops  is  daily 
lessening,  and  without  the  aid  of  the  State  will  soon  be  reduced  to 
nothing.  It  is  a  truth  equally  clear  that  the  army  has  hitherto  been 
kept  together  more  by  the  joint  influence  of  the  officers,  than  from 
any  other  consideration,  though  by  many,  and  I  fear  by  some  in 
power,  they  have  been  considered  as  the  fomentors  of  disturbances 
and  requited  with  sentiments  and  language  injurious  to  their  feel 
ings  as  well  as  repugnant  to  facts.  This  notwithstanding,  they  will 
continue  to  use  every  measure  in  their  power  to  preserve  order  and 
harmony  in  the  Line;  but  if  the  State  does  nothing  to  enable  them 
to  preserve  an  influence  over  the  soldiery,  I  freely  own  that  'tis  my 
opinion  very  little  more  can  be  expected  from  it.  The  soldiers  tell 
them  plainly,  "  we  have  no  doubt  of  your  good  intentions  and  that 
you  are  using  every  exertion  in  your  power  to  see  justice  done  us 
and  make  our  situation  comfortable,  but  we  know  your  influence  in 
the  State  is  at  an  end,  and  we  constantly  hear  you  traduced  and 
treated  with  the  greatest  disrespect  in  the  country,  and  have,  there 
fore,  little  to  hope  from  your  exertions."  Under  these  circumstances, 
I  ought  not  to  forbear  informing  the  Council  that  unless  some  money 
is  soon  sent  on,  both  to  officers  and  soldiers,  I  believe  it  will  not  be 
in  the  power  of  the  officers  to  preserve  the  order  of  the  camp.  I 
think  it  will  be  of  good  consequence  to  send  some  respectable  mem 
bers  of  the  Council  to  the  Line  that  their  influence  may  be  jointly 
exerted  with  the  officers  on  this  occasion.  If  this  measure  should  be 
adopted,  I  believe  the  good  purposes  of  sending  them  will  be  better 
answered  by  appointing  to  that  business  some  gentlemen  of 
acknowledged  abilities  who  have  not  been  generally  considered  so 
friendly  to  the  feelings  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  as  some  others. 
Colonel  Elderkin  or  Mr.  Wales  I  believe  would  answer  better  pur 
poses  than  Colonel  Wadsworth,  Mr.  Huntington  or  some  other  gen 
tlemen.  I  have  not  a  distrust  of  their  friendship,  but  the  country 
wants  as  much  conviction  as  the  Army.  We  will  unite  our  influence 
with  theirs,  and  their  report  to  the  country  will  have  more  weight 
than  from  those  who  are  supposed  to  go  full  lengths  with  the 
claims  of  the  Army.  .  .  .  The  New  England  troops  are  yet 
quiet,  but  I  have  not  a  moment's  peace  lest  they  should  be  induced 
to  tarnish  their  honor  which  they  have  so  justly  acquired  by  a  delay 


326  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

in  the  State  to  do  them  some  justice  and  relieve  their  present  dis 
tresses. 

I   am  &c., 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

That  part  of  Pennsylvania  known  as  the  Wyoming  District, 
which  had  been  largely  settled  by  New  England  people,  being 
claimed  both  by  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania  under  their  re 
spective  charters,  the  owners  of  the  conflicting  grants  of  the  two 
States  naturally  resolved  themselves  into  two  parties,  each  try 
ing  to  oust  the  other.  Parsons  in  177-1,  had  been  one  of  a  com 
mittee  with  Roger  Sherman,  Governor  Griswold  and  others,  to 
aid  Governor  Trumbull  in  prosecuting  the  claims  of  Connecticut 
and  in  preparing  the  papers  necessary  for  submitting  the  dispute 
to  the  Courts  of  Great  Britain  for  settlement.  He  had  thus 
become  thoroughly  familiar  with,  as  well  as  much  interested  in, 
the  matter.  Knowing  the  jealousy  which  existed  between  the 
contending  parties,  and  realizing  the  impolicy  of  stationing 
troops  in  the  Valley  whose  interests  would  lead  them  to  take 
sides  with  one  or  the  other  of  them,  thereby  creating  disturb 
ances  which  must  prove  injurious  in  the  present  critical  period 
of  the  Revolution,  General  Parsons,  in  the  interest  of  peace, 
wrote  General  Washington  as  follows : — 

CAMP  IN  HIGHLANDS,  January  10,  1781. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — On  my  return  to  camp  I  was  favored  with  the 
Act  of  Congress  for  relieving  the  garrison  of  Wyoming,  and  would 
beg  leave  to  inform  your  Excellency  that  many  of  the  inhabitants 
of  New  Jersey  are  interested  in  the  lands  on  the  Susquehanna 
under  the  claims  of  Pennsylvania,  and  at  different  times  have 
assisted  the  Pennsylvanians  in  their  attempts  to  remove  the  New 
England  settlers.  This  being  a  matter  which  will  exceedingly  affect 
the  contending  States,  I  am  persuaded  your  Excellency  would  wish 
to  place  in  that  garrison  officers  and  soldiers  who  will  least  alarm 
the  jealousies  of  the  contending  parties.  The  New  England  settlers 
will  have  no  objection  to  any  troops  from  Virginia,  Maryland,  New 
York,  Rhode  Island,  Massachusetts  Bay  or  New  Hampshire,  or  from 
Colonel  Hazen's  regiment,  not  being  citizens  of  Connecticut  or 
Pennsylvania.  Indeed,  the  last  mentioned  regiment  has  about 
twenty  men  of  Schott's  Corps  which  are  at  Wyoming  and  will  be 
annexed  to  that  regiment.  Perhaps  a  command  from  Colonel  Hazen's 


regiment  will  be  as  unexceptionable  as  from  any  corps  in  the  Army. 
I  have  an  opportunity  of  sending  to  Wyoming,  and  could  I  be  able 
to  inform  them  that  the  garrison  is  to  be  relieved  from  the  Jersey 
troops,  their  fears  will  be  quieted.  The  bearer  will  wait  an  answer 
if  your  Excellency  pleases  to  favor  me  with  one. 

I  am  with  the  greatest  respect  Yr.  obt.  servt., 
To  General  Washington.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

In  January,  1781,  General  Washington,  in  order  to  protect 
the  defenseless  inhabitants  between  Greenwich  and  New  York 
and  at  the  same  time  strike  a  blow  which  would  arouse  a  better 
spirit  in  the  Army,  directed  General  Parsons  to  take  command 
of  a  detachment  of  four  battalions,  including  the  guards  upon 
the  lines,  and,  marching  with  secrecy  and  rapidity,  to  beat  up 
the  quarters  and  destroy  the  barracks  and  forage  of  DeLan- 
cey's  Refugee  Corps  at  Morrisania  and  Throg's  Neck.  Three 
battalions  under  Colonels  Hazen,  Scammel  and  Sherman, 
marched  from  the  Highlands  by  Golden's  Bridge,  through  Bed 
ford  to  Kingstreet,  while  Lt.  Col.  Hull  with  the  fourth  battalion 
marched  from  the  outpost  at  Pine's  Bridge  on  the  Croton  River 
where  he  commanded  to  Youngs,  both  columns  reaching  these 
points  on  Sunday  evening,  the  21st.  The  column  commanded 
by  Hull,  which  was  to  make  the  attack,  pushed  on  towards 
Kingsbridge,  passing  Fort  Independence  at  one  o'clock  and 
halting  opposite  Fort  Washington  where  a  pontoon  bridge 
crossed  the  Harlem  River.  Here  Colonel  Hull  first  acquainted 
his  men  with  the  object  of  the  expedition.  Leaving  Major 
Maxwell  to  destroy  the  pontoon  and  prevent  the  enemy  from 
crossing  except  by  a  long  detour  via  Kingsbridge,  he  continued 
his  march  along  the  east  bank  of  the  Harlem,  placing  guards  at 
Williams'  and  DeLancey's  bridges  over  the  Bronx,  and  sending 
a  detachment  under  Captain  Pritchard  to  attack  Throg's  Neck. 
The  column  under  General  Parsons,  after  resting  a  few  hours 
at  Kingsbridge,  marched  by  White  Plains  to  East  Chester, 
where  it  was  in  position  to  observe  the  enemy  and  cover  Hull's 
retreat.  The  expectation  was  to  take  the  enemy  by  surprise, 
but  a  small  creek  near  DeLancey's  quarters  was  so  swollen  by 
the  recent  rains  that  the  passage  could  be  effected  only  by 
mounting  the  infantry  behind  horsemen,  and  the  noise  made  in 
crossing  alarmed  the  Post.  The  assault,  however,  was  so  rapid 


328  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

and  vigorous  that  it  was  entirely  successful  in  its  main  object. 
All  the  barracks  and  a  great  quantity  of  forage  gathered  for  use 
in  New  York  were  destroyed.  Fifty-four  prisoners  were  taken, 
a  number  of  cattle  and  about  sixty  horses.  After  collecting  the 
prisoners,  horses  and  cattle,  the  retreat  commenced. 

Hull  was  now  eight  miles  inside  the  enemy's  lines  and  Fort 
Independence  was  only  four  miles  from  East  Chester  where 
Parsons  was.  Half  of  the  British  Army  was  in  his  rear.  The 
noise  of  the  musketry  and  the  light  of  the  burning  barracks  had 
aroused  the  neighboring  garrisons.  Alarm  guns  were  fired  and 
rockets  sent  up  in  quick  succession  from  all  the  Posts.  It  would 
be  a  miracle  almost  should  his  small  force,  tired  out  by  its  night 
march,  escape  the  fresh  and  ever  increasing  foe  assailing  its 
rear  and  flanks.  Crossing  DeLancey's  Bridge  under  the  enemy's 
fire,  thus  putting  the  Bronx  as  well  as  the  Harlem  between  his 
corps  and  the  Forts,  Hull  marched  without  much  interruption 
until  he  reached  a  stone  church  and  jail.  The  enemy  firing  upon 
him  from  the  windows  of  these  buildings  he  attacked  with  the 
bayonet  and  released  thirty-two  American  prisoners  confined 
there.  Here  he  was  joined  by  Captain  Pritchard  who  had  been 
completely  successful  at  Throg's  Neck.  For  the  last  two  miles 
of  his  retreat  the  skirmishing  was  sharp  and  the  firing  constant 
and  heavy.  Twice  Parsons  sent  word  that  a  large  body  of 
British  were  advancing  from  Kingsbridge  and  that  he  must 
hasten  his  march  lest  both  detachments  should  be  cut  off.  This 
force  he  directed  Sherman  to  oppose  until  Hull  should  come  up, 
and  in  order  to  relieve  Hull  he  sent  Hazen's  regiment  which, 
concealed  behind  a  stone  fence,  by  its  sudden  and  well-directed 
fire  checked  the  enemy's  pursuit.  A  junction  having  been 
formed  without  further  molestation,  the  General  gave  orders  for 
retiring  by  way  of  New  Rochelle  in  one  column,  the  enemy  con 
tinuing  a  scattered  fire  and  Colonel  Scammel  with  the  artillery 
covering  the  retreat.  With  a  force  not  exceeding  two  thousand 
men  under  his  command ;  more  than  thirty  miles  from  any  part 
of  the  main  army  or  other  support ;  both  officers  and  men  worn 
with  the  fatigues  and  hardships  already  encountered ;  a  large 
part  of  the  British  Army  within  five  or  six  miles  and  the  main 
objects  of  the  expedition  fully  accomplished,  General  Parsons 
did  not  deem  it  prudent  either  to  follow  up  the  advantage  secured 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      329 

by  Hazen's  regiment,  or  to  attack  the  column  advancing  from 
Kingsbridge.  Indeed  the  situation  was  so  critical  that  it  was 
unsafe  even  to  halt  for  refreshments,  and  he  continued  his  march 
through  a  severe  storm  of  hail  and  snow  until  twelve  o'clock 
that  night.  Stopping  one  day  at  Horseneck  to  rest  his  troops, 
he  marched  them  back  to  their  cantonments  in  the  Highlands. 
The  following  are  General  Parsons'  official  reports  of  the 
expedition,  made  to  Major  General  Heath,  the  Commander  of 
the  Department.  In  them  Parsons  gives  great  credit  to  Lieu 
tenant  Colonel  Hull  and  his  officers : — 

HORSENECK,  January  23,  1781. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — After  an  attempt  to  execute  your  orders,  which 
was  attended  with  as  much  success  as  an  expedition  which  involved 
so  many  complicated  movements  could  reasonably  promise,  we  re 
turned  to  Sawpits.  Though  in  some  parts  the  contest  was  warm 
and  severe,  we  have  been  able  to  carry  into  execution  the  principal 
part  of  the  plan.  We  have  burned  the  Huts,  cut  away  the  bridge, 
and  taken  some  prisoners  and  cattle.  We  have  lost  one,  Lieut. 
Thompson,  killed ;  Capt.  Dorrance  wounded  and  some  privates  killed 
and  wounded.  The  troops  are  so  exceedingly  fatigued  that  I  have 
ordered  them  to  take  this  route  as  I  could  on  no  other  road  cover 
the  troops  in  any  degree  comparably.  I  propose  to  move  them,  as 
soon  as  the  weather  will  possibly  permit,  to  Bedford,  where  I  wish 
to  halt  them  two  days  to  recover  a  little  from  their  fatigue  before 
they  march  to  their  Huts.  I  hope  it  will  not  exceed  Saturday  before 
we  arrive  at  our  Quarters.  As  it  is  not  possible  to  make  a  par 
ticular  report  of  the  transactions  at  this  time,  I  must  beg  your 
patience  for  a  few  days. 

I  am,  Sir,  with  respect  Yr.  obt.  servt., 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Major  General  Heath. 

BEDFORD,  January  24,  1781. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  received  your  favor  of  22d  at  Horseneck  this 
morning  at  ten  o'clock,  and  immediately  put  my  troops  in  march  for 
this  place  with  orders  to  reach  Crompond  to-morrow,  which  is  as 
much  as  is  possible  in  their  fatigued  situation;  and  set  out  myself 
with  an  intention  of  being  at  your  Quarters  to-night,  but  find  the 
snow  deepening  as  I  come  on,  which  renders  it  impossible  without 
fresh  horses,  and  have  therefore  sent  an  express  and  will  follow  as 
early  as  possible  to-morrow.  In  the  meantime  I  beg  you  to  send 
orders  to  halt  the  troops  at  Crompond  until  I  see  you.  I  am,  with  all 


330  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

the  field  officers,  decidedly  of  opinion  that  moving  our  troops  accord 
ing  to  your  present  order,  (from  the  delay  heretofore  made  by  the 
present  circumstances  of  the  troops),  will  be  our  infallible  ruin.  I 
would,  therefore,  beg  of  you  to  suspend  the  execution  till  I  see  you 
and  give  your  orders  accordingly.  I  hope  to  be  with  you  before 
to-morrow  noon.  We  are  in  good  spirits  and  the  little  success  we 
have  had  gives  good  animation  to  our  troops. 

Yr.  obt.  servt., 
To  Maj.  General  Heath.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

HIGHLANDS,  January  25th,  1781. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — In  obedience  to  your  order  I  marched  on  the 
19th  inst.  from  the  Highlands  with  the  battalions  under  my  com 
mand  to  destroy  the  Huts  in  Morrisania  which  covered  the  thieves 
assembled  there  under  the  direction  of  Col.  DeLancey,  and  on  the 
21st  I  arrived  in  Kings  Street,  and  Lieut.  Col.  Hull  with  one  bat 
talion  at  White  Plains,  nearly  at  the  same  time.  In  the  evening  of 
the  21st,  Lieut.  Col.  Hull  took  up  his  march  from  White  Plains,  and 
having  arrived  near  Kingsbridge,  detached  Capts.  Denner  and  Ben- 
ton  with  their  companies  to  William's  bridge  to  prevent  any  com 
munication  with  the  enemy  on  that  road ;  Capt.  White  to  DeLancey's 
bridge  to  occupy  that  pass  and  preserve  a  communication  with  the 
troops  posted  at  East  Chester  to  cover  his  operations  and  to  act 
against  the  enemy  at  West  Farms;  and  Capt.  Pritchard  with  his 
company  and  a  small  body  of  militia  under  Lieut.  Mosier,  to  possess 
himself  of  Throg's  Neck;  and  with  the  remaining  troops  marched 
towards  Morrisania  leaving  a  sufficient  number  of  troops  under  the 
command  of  Major  Maxwell,  Capt.  Dix  and  J.  Williams,  to  watch 
the  enemy  in  their  redoubt  No.  8,  and  to  destroy  a  pontoon  bridge 
over  Harlem  River  constructed  under  command  of  that  redoubt  to 
keep  up  an  easy  communication  with  the  troops  at  Fort  Washington. 

The  Huts,  (destroying  which  was  the  principal  object  in  view) 
were  almost  two  miles  below  the  redoubt  towards  the  point  of  Mor 
risania,  and  in  the  march  Col.  Hull  was  unexpectedly  obstructed  by 
the  destruction  of  a  bridge  over  a  creek  within  a  small  distance  of 
the  Huts  and  which  by  the  heavy  rains  the  preceding  day  had  been 
rendered  deep  and  very  difficult  in  passing;  but  Capt.  Honniwell 
having  on  this  occasion  collected  about  twenty  horsemen,  the  in 
fantry  under  Capts.  Fox,  S.  Williams  and  Dorrance,  were  passed 
over  the  creek  by  the  horsemen;  but  so  much  time  being  necessarily 
taken  up  in  this  matter,  they  were  discovered  before  they  had  passed 
and  most  of  the  enemy  fled.  The  troops  immediately  fired  all  the 
Huts  in  that  quarter  and  killed  and  took  all  the  men  who  had  not 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      331 

previously  escaped,  and  on  their  return  forded  the  creek  (the  horse 
men  not  being  collected  at  that  time). 

In  the  meantime  Major  Maxwell  succeeded  in  destroying  the 
bridge  and  executed  every  other  part  of  the  duty  assigned  him  with 
faithfulness  and  good  conduct.  The  several  detachments  to  Wil 
liam's  and  DeLancey's  bridges  and  on  Throg's  Xeck  succeeded 
according  to  my  expectations,  and  Col.  Hull  and  Major  Maxwell 
arrived  at  DeLancey's  bridge  in  season  to  disperse  the  enemy  who 
had  collected  to  seize  that  pass;  and  having  joined  the  detachments 
under  Capt.  White  at  the  bridge  and  that  under  Capt.  Pritchard  at 
West  Chester,  returned  with  his  prisoners,  cattle,  horses  &c.  on  the 
road  towards  East  Chester.  The  troops  under  my  immediate  com 
mand  having  arrived  at  the  village  of  East  Chester  about  half  an 
hour  after  six  in  the  morning,  I  immediately  sent  parties  of  observa 
tion  on  the  different  roads  leading  to  that  place  and  detached  some 
horsemen  on  the  road  to  West  Chester  and  William's  bridge  for 
intelligence  from  Col.  Hull,  and  soon  found  he  was  retiring  on 
the  road  from  Westchester  and  that  the  enemy  had  collected  and 
were  harrassing  him  in  his  march  on  his  flank  and  in  his  rear,  on 
which  I  detached  Col.  Hazen  with  one  hundred  men  with  orders  to 
Col.  Hull  to  retire  in  the  rear  of  Col.  Hazen's  command  and  gain 
the  village  of  East  Chester  with  as  much  expedition  as  the  very 
fatigued  state  of  his  men  would  admit.  Col.  Hazen  having  posted  his 
men  in  an  advantageous  and  concealed  place,  Col.  Hull  retired 
according  to  his  directions,  and  the  enemy  advanced  without  dis 
covering  Col.  Hazen  until  they  received  a  well  directed  fire  which 
immediately  scattered  and  dispersed  them.  At  this  instant  the  Brit 
ish  troops  appeared  in  force  on  the  road  from  William's  bridge 
within  a  mile  of  East  Chester.  This  obliged  me  to  advance  Col. 
Sherman  with  his  battalion  and  part  of  Col.  Scammel's  troops  on 
that  road ;  the  remaining  troops  with  Col.  Scammel  were  held  in 
reserve,  and  I  directed  Col.  Hazen  and  Lieut.  Col.  Hull  to  retire  to 
East  Chester  that  our  force  brought  together  there  be  united  if  the 
British  should  advance  (they  being  at  much  less  distance  from  that 
place  than  Col.  Hazen's  or  Lieut.  Col.  Hull's  detachments  were). 
But  on  Col.  Sherman  taking  post  on  the  hill  west  of  the  village,  the 
British  troops  halted  and  did  not  again  advance.  Col.  Hazen  retiring 
according  to  orders  drew  the  enemy  on  near  to  East  Chester  when 
Capt.  Kemper  opened  his  field  piece  upon  them  so  well  directed  as 
immediately  to  disperse  them.  Some  were  seen  to  fall  and  the  rest 
retreated  in  great  disorder  towards  West  Chester. 

Having  obtained  the  objects  I  had  in  command  agreeable  to  your 
directions,  I  returned  by  the  road  through  New  Rochelle. 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

In  the  course  of  this  transaction  the  enemy  suffered  very  con 
siderably,  nearly  thirty  being  killed  at  the  Huts  and  the  several 
guards  which  were  attacked  in  the  night,  and  many  were  seen  to  fall 
in  the  various  actions  in  the  morning  of  the  22d,  but  as  my  orders 
were  to  hazard  nothing  after  the  object  of  this  enterprise  was  ac 
complished,  tis  imposible  to  give  their  loss  with  certainty.  All  the 
Huts  and  a  considerable  part  of  the  forage  were  burned,  the  pon 
toon  bridge  destroyed,  about  120  cattle  and  horses  driven  up  from 
Morrisania  and  fifty-four  of  DeLancey's  Corps  made  prisoners. 

In  justice  to  Lieut.  Col.  Hull  and  his  officers  I  ought  to  say  that 
much  of  the  success  of  this  enterprise  is  owing  to  the  judicious 
arrangements  made  by  him,  and  the  fortitude  and  address  with  which 
they  were  executed  by  them;  and  in  the  state  of  excessive  fatigue 
of  his  men,  the  retiring  through  West  Chester  in  good  order  and 
bringing  off  his  prisoners  near  two  miles  under  the  enemy's  fire  until 
he  was  supported  by  Col.  Hazen,  does  him  great  honor.  Capt.  Hon- 
niwell,  who  on  this  occasion  had  collected  about  twenty  horsemen, 
was  particularly  serviceable. 

And  I  feel  under  great  obligations  to  Cols.  Hazen,  Scammel  and 
Sherman  for  the  great  assistance  I  received  from  them  in  making 
the  necessary  arrangements  and  the  cheerfulness  with  which  they  and 
the  troops  under  their  command  executed  the  several  parts  of  the 
duty  assigned  them. 

The  destruction  of  the  Huts  in  a  place  the  enemy  considered  as 
perfectly  secure  (from  the  protection  of  a  redoubt  and  the  distance 
being  much  greater  to  the  only  possible  way  of  retreat  than  the  ene 
my's  march  to  possess  the  same  pass)  I  hope  will  give  some  relief 
to  our  frontiers  which  have  suffered  so  much  from  the  incursions  of 
these  Banditti,  and  shall  be  happy  if  the  manner  in  which  it  was 
executed  should  meet  your  approbation. 

Col.  Hull's  report  and  the  returns  of  the  killed,  wounded  and 
missing  are  enclosed. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  Dear  General 

Yr.  obt.  servt., 
To  Major  General  Heath.  S.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  following  from  Major  Alden  to  Major  Tallmadge  is 
another  account  of  the  expedition : — 

DEAR  MAJOR. —  ...  A  detachment  consisting  of  four  bat 
talions  under  the  command  of  Major  General  Parsons,  including  the 
guards  upon  the  Lines,  was  formed  and  marched  from  camp  the  1 8th 
and  ipth  inst.  The  object  was  to  beat  up  and  destroy  the  Western 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      333 

Quarters  of  DeLancey's  Corps  at  Morrisania  and  Throg's  Neck. 
The  necessary  arrangements  being  made,  three  battalions  commanded 
by  Colonels  Hazen,  Scammel  and  Sherman,  under  the  immediate 
command  of  General  Parsons,  made  their  route  from  camp  by  Hait's 
over  Golden's  Bridge,  through  Bedford  to  Kingstreet,  while  Colonel 
Hull,  who  commanded  the  operating  party  consisting  of  the  other 
battalions,  was  marching  from  his  Quarters  near  Pine's  Bridge  to 
Young's.  Both  columns  having  arrived  at  these  points  on  Sunday 
evening  the  21st,  Colonel  Hull  proceeded  directly  on  his  march  to 
execute  his  orders,  passing  through  Mile  Square,  leaving  a  detach 
ment  to  secure  William's  Bridge,  another  to  watch  Fort  No.  8,  and 
destroy  the  pontoon  bridge  over  the  Harlem,  the  remainder  to  oper 
ate  against  Morrisania  and  Throg's  Neck,  while  the  other  column, 
after  refreshing  a  few  hours  at  Kingstreet,  marched  by  the  Plains 
to  East  Chester  in  order  to  secure  his  retreat  and  act  as  circum 
stances  might  require.  Colonel  Hull's  success  exceeded  our  expecta 
tions.  The  huts  were  destroyed,  a  number  of  prisoners  taken,  a 
considerable  quantity  of  forage  consumed,  and,  meeting  with  many 
unexpected  difficulties,  he  discovered  his  military  knowledge  and 
good  judgement  in  surmounting  them  and  began  his  retreat  over 
DeLancey's  Bridge  by  dawn  of  day.  General  Parsons  had  con 
ducted  his  march  with  so  much  secrecy  and  exactness  that  he  arrived 
at  the  very  moment  when  his  assistance  and  counsel  were  wanted. 
By  parties  which  he  had  sent  out  to  learn  Hull's  situation,  he  found 
the  enemy  were  pursuing  him  very  closely  with  considerable  force. 
Col.  Hazen  was  immediately  ordered  with  his  battalion  to  his  assist 
ance,  who  took  an  advantageous  position  and  by  a  fierce  fire  and 
unexpected,  checked  their  further  progress.  In  this  situation  the 
General,  who  was  exceedingly  attentive  to  his  duty  and  the  condition 
of  the  troops,  discovered  a  body  of  horse  and  foot  advancing  to 
wards  East  Chester  and  Fowler's  Hill  within  one  mile  of  the  church. 
Col.  Sherman  with  the  battalion  under  his  command  was  detached 
to  secure  that  road  and  oppose  the  enemy  till  Hazen  and  Hull 
should  have  joined  the  main  body  at  the  church.  These  difficulties 
prevented  the  further  advance  of  the  enemy  from  that  quarter,  the 
several  detachments  were  collected  immediately,  patrolling  parties 
ordered  upon  the  roads  leading  to  Williams  and  Kingsbridge  and 
the  object  of  the  enterprise  fully  accomplished,  the  General  gave 
orders  for  the  retiring  by  way  of  New  Rochelle  in  one  column,  the 
enemy  continuing  a  scattering  fire.  Col.  Scammel  with  the  artillery 
covered  the  retreat. 

The  plan  was  executed  with  so  much  judgement,  good  order  and 


334  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

exactness  that  great  credit  is  due  to  the  General  for  his  uniform 
and  military  conduct.  He  speaks  very  highly  of  the  officers  under 
his  command.  I  never  heard  the  militia  say  so  much  in  praise  of 
the  Continental  troops  for  their  good  order  and  steadiness  amidst 
so  warm  a  fire. 

The  General  was  exceedingly  pleased  with  the  conduct  of  the  Con 
tinental  troops  and  many  of  the  militia  in  this  service,  yet  with 
tears  he  lamented  the  distresses  of  those  unhappy  people  between 
the  lines  that  were  now  increased  by  the  promiscuous  plunder  of  a 
set  of  merciless  freebooters  governed  by  no  principle  but  avarice 
and  revenge,  who  in  all  movements  of  this  kind  are  followers  of  the 
army,  and  whom  it  is  impossible  to  restrain,  being  under  no  control. 
This  is  the  only  stain  upon  the  conduct  of  the  day  and  those  alone 
ought  to  bear  the  blame  who  can  be  guilty  of  actions  so  cruel  and 
inhuman.  Yours  &c., 

R.  ALDEN. 

January  25,  Washington  writing  to  General  Heath,  thank 
ing  him  for  his  account  of  the  success  of  the  expedition  against 
Morrisania,  advises,  "  since  the  troops  under  the  command  of 
General  Parsons  appear  to  be  so  much  fatigued,"  that  Howe's 
provisional  detachment  (that  organized  to  use  in  quelling  any 
mutiny  which  might  arise)  be  completed  from  other  troops, 
and  suggests  that  "  by  the  address  of  General  Parsons  some 
volunteers  may  be  obtained  from  the  brigades  on  the  east  side  of 
the  River,"  about  which  he  will  be  best  able  to  determine  when 
he  sees  General  Parsons. 

On  the  29th,  Washington  congratulated  the  Army  in  the 
following  very  complimentary  terms: — 

The  General  is  happy  in  congratulating  this  Army  on  the  suc 
cess  of  the  enterprise  against  the  enemy  at  Morrisania  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  22d  instant,  in  which,  besides  a  number  of  the  enemy 
who  were  killed,  upwards  of  fifty  were  made  prisoners,  the  huts 
and  forage  burned,  pontoon  bridge  cut  away  and  a  large  number 
of  cattle  driven  off.  The  address  and  gallantry  of  the  officers,  the 
fortitude  and  patience  of  the  troops,  exhibited  on  this  occasion, 
does  them  much  honor,  and  while  the  conduct  of  every  officer  has 
merited  the  General's  approbation,  he  feels  himself  under  particu 
lar  obligations  to  Major  General  Parsons  and  Lieut.  Colonel  Hull, 
to  whom  he  presents  his  particular  thanks. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      335 

On  the  31st,  he  wrote  to  the  President  of  Congress,  enclosing 
the  reports  of  Parsons  and  Hull,  and  says : 

General  Parsons  arrangements  were  judicious,  and  the  conduct 
of  the  officers  and  men  employed  on  the  occasion  is  entitled  to  the 
highest  praise.  The  position  of  the  Corps,  two  or  three  miles  within 
some  of  the  enemy's  redoubts,  required  address  and  courage  in  the 
execution  of  the  enterprise. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  Journals  of  Congress 
under  date  of  February  5,  1781. 

A  letter  from  General  Washington  of  January  31st,  1781,  en 
closing  a  letter  from  Major  General  Parsons  of  the  25th  of  January, 
was  received. 

Ordered.  That  the  letter  of  Major  General  Parsons,  with  the 
papers  enclosed,  relative  to  his  successful  expedition  against  the 
enemy's  Post  at  Morrisania,  with  so  much  of  the  General's  letter  as 
relates  thereto,  be  referred  to  the  Committee  of  Intelligence,  and 
that  the  Commander-in-Chief  return  the  thanks  of  Congress  to 
Major  General  Parsons,  and  the  officers  and  men  under  his  com 
mand,  and  to  inform  him  that  Congress  have  directed  this  publica 
tion  to  be  made  in  testimony  of  their  approbation  of  his  judicious 
arrangements,  and  of  the  spirit  and  military  conduct  displayed  by 
the  officers  and  men  under  him  on  this  occasion. 

In  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  dated  February  17, 
1781,  Washington  says:  "I  shall  not  fail  to  communicate  to 
Major  General  Parsons  and  the  officers  and  men  who  were  under 
his  command,  the  very  nattering  notice  which  Congress  has  been 
pleased  to  take  of  their  expedition  to  Morrisania." 

Huts,  31st  January,  1781,  General  Parsons  writes  to  his  wife 
now  living  at  Redding: — 

MY  DEAR. — I  have  not  heard  a  word  from  the  family  since  I 
wrote  by  Mr.  Wright.  I  wish  you  and  they  may  be  well.  I  thank 
you  for  your  offer  of  the  pigs — should  have  sent  for  them  before 
this,  but  the  expedition  which  I  commanded  below  prevented.  I 
intend  to  send  in  a  few  days.  I  have  two  or  three  barrels  of  flour 
which  I  only  wait  an  opportunity  of  sending  you.  I  wish  I  knew 
what  you  were  most  in  want  of  that  I  might  provide  and  send  it. 
The  Jersey  Line  having  revolted,  we  have  just  returned  from  reduc 
ing  them  to  obedience.  The  ringleaders  were  shot  and  the  rest  par- 


336  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

doned.  The  flame  has  caught  the  New  York  troops  who  now  refuse 
to  do  duty;  and  I  fear  our  own  will  follow  the  example  unless  some 
money  is  soon  sent  on.  I  have  not  had  a  farthing  this  month  nor  do 
I  expect  any.  I  have  subjoined  a  copy  of  the  General  Orders  (given 
above)  on  the  subject  of  our  late  enterprise.  We  lost  one  ensign, 
one  sergeant  and  ten  rank  and  file  killed;  one  captain  and  ten  rank 
and  file  wounded,  and  six  are  missing.  We  killed  about  thirty  and 
took  fifty-four  prisoners.  I  shall  be  happy  to  hear  of  your  welfare 
at  every  opportunity. 

Camp  Highlands,  January  30,  1781,  General  Parsons  writes 
to  Governor  Trumbull  as  to  his  authority  to  call  upon  the 
State  troops  at  Horseneck  in  case  of  necessity : — 

SIR. — As  we  may  have  frequent  occasion  to  call  on  the  troops  at 
Horseneck,  I  should  beg  your  Excellency  to  inform  me  how  far  we 
have  a  right  to  call  on  those  troops  when  needed.  I  am  induced  to 
make  this  request  from  the  conduct  of  Colonel  Mead  in  the  late 
enterprise  made  to  Morrisania.  I  ordered  him  with  the  troops  under 
his  command  to  take  post  at  Mamaroneck  bridge  the  morning  we 
made  the  attack  on  the  enemy,  that  in  case  we  had  failed  and  been 
under  the  necessity  of  retreating,  we  might  have  been  sure  of  a  body 
of  fresh  troops  at  this  important  pass  to  sustain  us.  This  pass  with 
eighty  or  one  hundred  fresh  men  might  have  been  defended  against 
a  much  superior  force  and  perhaps  saved  the  whole  detachment;  but 
Colonel  Mead  for  reasons  I  have  not  been  informed  of,  declined 
complying  with  the  order.  Although  we  were  in  no  want  of  his  aid 
as  events  happened,  yet  I  would  wish  to  know  whether  those  troops 
may  be  called  upon  on  similar  occasions,  as  their  aid  may  become 
important. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

Sunday  morning,  February  10th,  General  Parsons  wrote  to 
General  Heath: — 

DEAR  SIR. — Seven  recruits  for  the  war  and  three  years,  arrived 
from  Connecticut  last  night,  not  one  of  whom  is  fit  for  service.  As 
the  State  have  adopted  their  own  mode  of  mustering  their  levies,  I 
am  at  a  loss  what  to  do  with  them.  If  severe  measures  are  not  taken 
to  prevent  this  evil,  the  impositions  will  be  so  very  numerous  that 
little  good  will  result  from  an  attempt  to  fill  the  army.  As  these  are 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      337 

the  first  recruits  which  have  arrived,  and  the  Assembly  is  sitting  this 
week,  I  have  thought  of  sending  them  under  the  care  of  an  officer  to 
Hartford  to  the  Assembly  with  the  reasons  for  their  discharge  and 
procure  an  order  to  the  town  to  furnish  other  men.  I  wish  your 
directions  on  the  subject  and  am,  with  much  esteem, 

Yr.  Ob'dt.  Servt., 
To  Major  General  Heath.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

Upon  which  General  Heath  wrote  to  General  Washington : — 

CAMP,  February  18,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR. — Enclosed  is  a  letter  this  day  received  from  Major 
General  Parsons.  I  have  advised  sending  back  such  of  the  recruits 
mentioned  as  are  manifestly  unfit  for  service;  but  something  further 
seems  necessary  to  be  done  effectually  to  prevent  such  impositions 
in  the  future. 

In  reply  to  this  General  Washington  wrote  to  General 
Heath  :— 

SIR. — General  Parsons'  proposition  of  sending  the  recruits  imme 
diately  back  to  the  Assembly  now  sitting  at  Hartford,  I  think  a 
very  good  one,  because  it  will  serve  to  point  out  to  the  Legislature 
the  impositions  that  will  inevitably  be  put  upon  the  public  if  any 
but  military  men  are  to  be  judges  of  the  sufficiency  of  recruits.  But 
to  avoid  the  expense  and  trouble  of  bringing  such  trash  to  the  army 
and  sending  them  back,  I  think  it  highly  necessary  that  a  field  officer 
should  attend  each  place  of  rendezvous,  whose  business  it  shall  be 
to  inspect  each  recruit,  and  should  there  be  any  defect  in  him, 
return  him  immediately  to  the  town  from  whence  he  came.  General 
Parsons  will  know  who  are  convenient  to  the  rendezvous  and  he  may 
appoint  accordingly. 

Danbury,  February  22,  1781,  General  Parsons  wrote  to  Gov 
ernor  Trumbull: — 

SIR. —  .  .  .  The  names  of  the  recruits  sent  from  Lyme  and 
the  reasons  why  they  are  not  received,  are  enclosed  in  a  letter  to 
your  Excellency  of  the  19th  with  the  inspector's  representation; 
lest  that  should  not  arrive  in  time,  I  have  enclosed  another  and  shall 
send  the  field  officers  mentioned  in  his  Excellency's  direction  to  Gen 
eral  Heath  to  Wethersfield,  Norwich,  New  Haven,  Litchfield  and 


338  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Danbury,  unless  your  Excellency  shall  please  to  appoint  other  places 
of  rendezvous  and  notice  me  of  your  orders  on  that  head.  The 
recruiting  orders  his  Excellency,  the  General,  has  directed  forbid 
our  receiving  any  person  who  is  not  an  inhabitant  of  this  State;  all 
of  whose  attachment  to  the  cause  of  the  country  there  are  any 
reasons  to  doubt;  all  under  sixteen  or  over  fifty  years  of  age;  all 
lame  or  infirm  persons  and  all  whose  size  and  strength  do  not  appear 
sufficient  to  discharge  all  the  duties  of  a  soldier.  The  recruits  re 
jected  and  sent  back  will  wait  on  your  Excellency  under  the  conduct 
of  an  officer. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

Camp,  February  7,  1781,  Colonel  Samuel  B.  Webb  writes  to 
General  Parsons  as  to  the  condition  of  some  of  his  men : — 

DEAR  GENERAL. — Enclosed  you  have  a  list  of  eight  men  who  are 
naked  and  quite  a  burden  to  the  regiment.  I  mean,  if  I  have  your 
approbation,  to  discharge  them  to-morrow.  The  bearer,  Asa  Leon 
ard,  waits  on  you  in  his  Sunday-go-to-meeting  dress.  His  term  not 
expiring  till  the  7th  of  May,  I  cannot  discharge  him  without  your 
orders. 

If  you  will  be  so  obliging  as  to  lend  me  a  gallon  of  spirits  and  a 
few  potatoes,  I  will  see  to  repay  you  soon. 

I  am,  dear  General,  Aff.  yours, 

S."  B.  WEBB. 

[Endorsed.]  February  7,  1781. 

General  Parsons'  compliments  to  Colonel  Webb,  informing  him 
he  is  of  opinion  the  service  will  be  benefitted  by  discharging  all  the 
men  named  within,  the  bearer  included.  The  spirits  &c.  are  at  Colo 
nel  Webb's  service  when  he  sends  for  them. 

March  5,  1781,  General  Parsons  writes  to  H.  Bissell,  Esq.,  of 
Windham,  Conn. : — 

SIR. — I  am  honored  with  the  letter  of  the  recruiting  committee 
of  Windham  of  the  14th  ult.  and  in  answer  must  inform  that  Body 
that  we  have  no  representation  in  the  Legislature  and  therefore 
cannot  be  supposed  to  know  what  has  passed  in  that  assembly,  but 
from  their  letter  I  feared  some  delay  might  be  occasioned  in  furnish 
ing  the  quota  of  Windham  unless  an  examination  was  immediately 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      339 

made  of  the  matters  referred  to  in  their  letter.  I  have,  therefore, 
examined  the  case  of  all  the  names  mentioned  in  their  letter  and  the 
answers  you  will  find  against  their  names.  As  the  town  of  Windham 
has  always  vied  with  the  foremost  in  maintaining  the  war,  I  have 
not  hesitated  to  take  upon  me  to  remove  every  obstacle  in  their  way 
to  furnishing  their  full  quota  of  recruits,  that  they  may  not  forfeit 
the  character  they  have  assumed  of  being  behind  none  in  the  present 
contest.  I  am  obliged  to  say  many  towns  are  rather  desirous  of 
throwing  off  the  burthen  rather  than  performing  their  duty.  I  wish 
not  to  see  the  town  of  Windham  in  this  class. 

I  am  &c., 
To  H.  Bissell,  Windham.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  following  is  from  President  Dwight,  who  was  chaplain 
of  Parsons'  brigade,  when  he  commanded  at  West  Point  in 
1777:— 

NORTHAMPTON,  Feb  28,  1781. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  suspect  Parson  Baldwin  has  not  only  taken 
my  place  in  the  Army  but  in  your  affections ;  I  have  written  you 
several  letters  and  have  received  no  answer,  not  even  a  verbal  one: 

This  is  merely  to  beg  a  favor  of  you,  and  therefore  I  claim  no 
credit  for  it.  I  left  a  small  bundle  of  clothes  with  your  baggage 
which  I  have  since  heard  are  lodged  at  Redding.  If  without  any 
trouble  you  could  forward  them  by  a  safe  conveyance  to  Hartford 
to  Colonel  Wadsworth,  it  would  be  a  particular  obligation  to  me. 

I  remain  as  I  was,  only  grown  twenty  years  older  than  I  was  when 
I  left  you.  Toil  and  anxiety  bring  a  man  down  faster  than  his 
proportion. 

With  the  greatest  esteem  and  affection, 

Your  most  obedient  friend  &  servant, 
To  General  Parsons.  TIMOTHY  DWIGHT. 

Washington  having  been  informed  by  General  Parsons'  Aid- 
de-Camp,  Captain  Joseph  Walker,  whose  home  was  in  Strat 
ford,  Connecticut,  that  dangerous  plans  and  combinations  were 
being  formed  among  the  Tories  of  Fairfield  County,  wrote  to 
General  Parsons  as  follows : — 

HEADQUARTERS,  NEW  WINDSOR,  February  22,  1781. 
SIR. — Captain  Walker  has  communicated  to  me  some  discoveries 
made  of  a  plot  among  the  Tories  of  Stratford  and  Fairfield  County, 
of  which  I  have  directed  him  to  give  you  the  particulars.     It  seems 


340  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

a  clue  has  been  found  to  it,  which,  if  rightly  improved,  will  enable 
us  to  detect  the  affair  in  all  its  extent,  and  punish  the  principals  and 
their  accomplices.  I  need  not  observe  to  you  of  how  dangerous  a 
tendency  combinations  of  this  nature  are,  nor  of  how  much  impor 
tance  it  is  to  put  an  effectual  stop  to  them.  Your  knowledge  of  the 
country  and  characters  of  the  people  will  enable  you  best  to  conduct 
the  investigation;  and  as  you  live  in  one  of  the  counties  where  it 
seems  to  originate,  you  may  do  it  with  the  less  risk  of  suspicion. 

I  am  therefore  to  request,  that  you  will  undertake  the  affair  in 
the  manner  you  think  most  likely  to  succeed,  and  will  set  about  it 
immediately.  You  may  want  a  party  of  men  when  you  have  matured 
the  discovery,  to  seize  the  persons  concerned.  These  you  may  take 
from  the  Connecticut  Line,  as  a  guard  to  the  part  of  the  country 
where  they  will  be  necessary.  The  two  points  most  essential  will 
be,  to  detect  any  characters  of  importance  who  may  be  concerned  in 
it,  and  if  possible  to  get  into  our  hands  the  register  of  the  associa- 
tors'  names.  The  person  who  will  serve  you  as  a  spy,  must  be 
assured  of  some  generous  compensation,  such  as  will  be  an  object  to 
his  family  and  secure  his  fidelity.  This  I  leave  to  your  manage 
ment. 

I  am  with  great  regard,  Sir, 

Yr.  most  obt.  servt., 

To  Major  General  Parsons.  G.  WASHINGTON. 

Redding,   Conn. 

Two  days  after  upon  his  return  to  camp,  Parsons  wrote  Gen 
eral  Washington: — 

CONNECTICUT  HUTS,  February  24,  1781. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  left  my  hut  last  Tuesday  to  visit  the  Rhode 
Island  troops  and,  with  General  Heath's  permission,  to  make  a  small 
excursion  to  see  my  family,  which  was  twenty-five  miles  east  of  the 
line  of  troops,  on  condition  I  was  to  be  again  at  quarters  to-day.  I 
understood  on  my  return,  that  Captain  Walker  had  gone  eastward 
with  your  Excellency's  commands  for  me.  I  have  not  seen  him.  If 
anything  of  importance  to  be  immediately  executed  is  contained  in 
those  instructions,  I  shall  be  much  obliged  by  receiving  a  duplicate 
of  them  by  the  bearer. 

I  am  Sir  with  greatest  respect 

Yr.  Ob'dt.  Servt., 
To  General  Washington.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

To  this  Washington  replied : — 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      341 

HEADQUARTERS,  NEW  WINDSOR,  February  27,  1781. 
DEAR  SIR. — I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  24th.  Enclosed 
is  a  copy  of  my  letter  of  the  22d  by  Captain  Walker.  Should  you 
not  have  seen  him,  you  will  be  pleased  to  proceed  after  him,  that  no 
time  may  be  lost  in  the  investigation  of  the  important  matter  he  will 
communicate  to  you,  and  in  which  I  hope  you  may  have  the  fullest 
success. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Major  General  Parsons.  G.  WASHINGTON. 

Parsons   answering  the  same  day,   says : — 

CAMP,  February  27,  1781,  6  o'clock  P.  M. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  this  moment  received  your  favor  of  this  date. 
Capt.  Walker  has  not  returned,  nor  have  I  heard  from  him.  I  shall 
go  eastward  at  gun-firing  in  the  morning.  I  think  it  a  probable 
measure  to  effect  the  proposed  discovery,  to  send  a  person  of  address 
and  good  sense  as  well  as  art,  to  New  York,  to  propose  some  way  by 
which  friends  to  government  (as  they  call  the  Tories)  may  register 
their  names  without  exposing  themselves  to  danger  on  leaving  their 
estates.  It  may  be  best  he  should  take  a  list  of  names  who  would 
wish  to  be  reconciled  to  their  government.  This  may  be  going  on 
whilst  I  am  pursuing  other  measures  for  detecting  them.  At  present 
I  believe  I  shall  try  this  measure  unless  I  am  forbid  by  your  Ex 
cellency. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Washington.  SAM.  H.   PARSONS. 

Soon  after  reaching  Redding,  General  Parsons  writes  to  the 
Governor  as  follows : — 

REDDING,  March  3,  1781. 

SIR. — I  arrived  from  Camp  the  day  before  yesterday  by  special 
command  of  the  General.  I  am  happy  to  hear  there  is  some  proba 
bility  of  a  donation  to  our  old  soldiers  and  some  money  to  relieve  the 
present  wants  of  our  officers.  The  objects  of  my  command  from 
the  General  are  nearly  pointed  out  to  your  Excellency  in  a  letter 
from  the  Rev'd.  Mr.  Rexford  to  you,  which  you  have  undoubtedly 
received.  I  am  convinced  by  the  information  I  received  yesterday, 
that  the  association  of  the  disaffected  party  is  very  extensive  and  is 
daily  gathering  strength;  that  a  register  of  them  is  kept  in  the  State 
and  the  mode  of  conforming  to  the  British  Government  on  the  terms 
of  the  last  proclamation  is  also  directed  by  General  Clinton;  that 


342 

regular  channels  of  conveying  dispatches  through  the  States  and  to 
and  from  Canada  for  the  enemy,  are  settled  and  their  stages  as  cer 
tain  as  those  of  post-riders.  I  am  able  to  find  the  place  at  which  they 
are  delivered  on  the  shore  and  two  other  stages  at  which  they 
stop  and  are  again  forwarded  on.  What  I  most  wish  is  to  possess 
myself  of  the  register  and  seize  some  principal  characters,  who  do 
more  mischief  from  their  secret  advice  and  direction  than  others  by 
their  open  violation  of  the  law.  A  general  collection  of  provisions 
for  the  use  of  the  enemy  and  furnishing  them  under  various  pre 
tences,  purchasing  all  the  fat  cattle  in  their  power,  seems  to  be  part 
of  their  object;  discrediting  and  depreciating  the  currency  of  the 
country  by  counterfeiting  and  other  means ;  prohibiting  French  cur 
rency  in  New  York  and  coining  counterfeit  guineas  to  be  ushered 
into  the  country;  to  embarrass  and  perplex  our  affairs  by  intimidat 
ing  the  weak,  encouraging  the  wicked  and  enhancing  the  ideas  of 
expense  and  misapplications  of  moneys,  seem  to  be  a  system  the  dis 
affected  are  agents  for  carrying  into  execution.  Enlisting  troops 
for  the  enemy  under  Arnold's  proclamation  goes  on  with  considera 
ble  success,  and  I  believe  a  very  short  time  will  carry  off  a  great 
proportion  of  the  young  men  to  the  enemy.  I  know  considerable 
numbers  are  now  preparing  to  go  off.  A  Lieut.  Colonel  and  about 
twenty  men  were  last  night  within  about  three  miles  of  my  quarters, 
and  the  Tories  in  general  have  assurances  of  the  enemy's  making  a 
descent  to  favor  them  between  this  time  and  the  first  of  May,  at 
which  time  the  associators  are  to  take  arms  and  spread  desolation 
through  the  country,  and  furnish  the  supplies  of  provisions  on  hand 
and  join  the  enemy  in  their  operations.  These  are  the  firm  expecta 
tions  of  the  Tories.  Whether  any  such  design  exists  in  New  York 
or  whether  'tis  an  encouragement  to  their  greater  exertions  at  present 
and  to  cheer  their  spirits  until  they  can  draw  their  men  and  supplies 
to  New  York,  I  am  uncertain.  I  have  sent  into  New  York.  On  the 
return  of  my  messenger,  I  hope  to  be  more  satisfied.  The  spies 
upon  the  disaffected  and  who  are  fully  in  their  confidence,  can  by 
no  means  consent  to  be  discovered,  which  may  exceedingly  embarrass 
any  future  proceedings.  This  state  of  facts  without  a  comment,  will 
convince  your  Excellency  of  the  difficulties  attending  the  discovery, 
or  detecting  the  plot  in  its  extent  and  preventing  the  intended  execu 
tion  of  it.  To  inflict  pecuniary  penalties  and  suffer  the  criminals  to 
continue  near  our  lines,  serves  only  to  make  them  more  cautious  but 
not  less  mischievous.  To  apprehend  and  attempt  to  punish  by  civil 
process,  will  in  this  case  be  of  no  effect,  because  we  cannot  develop 
the  witnesses,  and  the  most  pernicious  characters  are  probably  those 
against  whom  no  direct  proof  can  be  had.  To  apprehend  indis- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      343 

criminately  by  military  force  all  those  concerned,  I  do  not  feel  my 
self  at  liberty  to  do  without  further  authority  than  I  have  at  present, 
especially  as  some  small  essay  of  that  kind  was  made  last  summer 
and  involved  me  in  the  most  illiberal  slander  of  men  of  different 
ranks,  from  the  magistrate  to  the  peasant.  To  attempt  to  procure  a 
law  of  the  kind  upon  the  present  exciting  emergency,  is  but  defeat 
ing  a  possibility  of  success  in  detecting  it What  then  is  to  be 

done?  Can  anything  more  be  done  than  to  become  spectators  of 
our  destruction  without  using  any  measures  to  prevent  it,  or  at  least 
any  which  will  promise  success.  I  have  written  this  for  your  Excel 
lency's  consideration.  I  shall  set  out  to  see  you  next  Tuesday  and 
by  Thursday  intend  to  be  at  Hartford,  when  I  hope  you  will  be  pre 
pared  to  give  me  your  directions,  as  I  cannot  make  any  long  stay  at 
that  place.  I  must  entreat  your  Excellency  not  to  develop  any  part 
of  this  information  to  your  Council  or  any  other  persons. 

I  am,  Sir,  with  great  esteem  and  respect 

Yr.  obt.  servt. 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

March  13,  1781,  General  Parsons  writes  to  Governor  Trum 
bull  in  respect  to  examinations  of  accused  persons,  taken  at  the 
direction  of  the  Council,  copies  of  which  he  incloses : — 

DEAR  SIR. — In  pursuance  of  the  directions  of  the  Council,  I  have 
taken  the  enclosed  examinations  by  which  you  will  have  some  little 
idea  of  the  extensiveness  of  those  concerned  in  supplying  the  enemy 
and  of  illicit  commerce.  I  find  it  convenient,  and  perhaps  as  neces 
sary,  to  extend  my  inquiries  to  the  commerce  by  water  as  by  land, 
and  to  both,  as  well  as  the  particular  object  of  your  recommendation, 
but  when  I  view  the  list  of  the  inhabitants  of  Greenwich,  Stamford 
and  Norwalk,  which  has  appeared  in  the  course  of  two  days  on  the 
examination  of  four  men,  to  be  concerned,  I  own  myself  alarmed. 
The  inclosed  list  contains  forty-seven  who  are  now  at  home,  who, 
by  the  accusations  of  the  examinants,  appear  to  be  concerned  in  these 
pernicious  practices.  How  many  more  will  appear  on  further 
examination  is  uncertain,  probably  a  great  number.  By  perusing 
the  examinations  you  will  find  some  are  accused  on  report  only,  some 
from  personal  knowledge.  Add  to  these  the  scene  which  I  expect 
will  open  at  New  Haven  (unless  the  escape  of  a  prisoner  now  taken 
should  prevent),  and  the  numbers  who  will  appear  in  pursuing  the 
particular  objects  of  my  inquiry,  and  it  gives  me  a  most  horrid 
prospect.  The  Act  of  Government  to  try  by  Court  Martial  I  have 


344  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

not  received.  I  must  entreat  your  Excellency  to  forward  that  Act, 
and  also  the  advice  of  your  Council  how  far  it  is  expedient  for  me 
to  proceed  in  apprehending  the  persons  named  in  the  inclosed  evi 
dence.  I  shall  impatiently  wait  your  answer,  as  the  end  may  be 
defeated  by  delay,  and  I  shall  be  unhappy  to  be  considered  the 
faulty  cause.  I  have  detained  the  examinant  until  I  have  your 
answer. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  inclosed  list  of  accused  contains  the  names  of  six  persons 
from  Norwalk,  eight  from  Stamford,  twelve  from  Stanwich, 
seventeen  from  Greenwich  besides  several  in  prison,  all  charged 
with  supplying  the  enemy  with  provisions  and  aiding  them  in 
their  incursions  into  the  country.  The  following  is  a  copy  of 
the  testimony  taken  March  10  at  Stamford,  upon  one  of  the 
examinations  inclosed  in  the  foregoing  letter,  and  furnishes  an 
interesting  exposition  of  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Fairfield 
County  inquired  into  by  General  Parsons : — 

Andrew  Bennett  of  Green's  Farms,  says;  he  was  taken  last 
Sunday  at  Green's  Farms  on  suspicion  of  corresponding  with  the 
enemy  and  carrying  on  treasonable  practices  &c.,  and  says  he  went 
the  latter  end  of  last  December  with  Captain  John  Friend  in  a  com 
missioned  boat  to  Lloyd's  Neck,  the  company,  John  Friend,  George 
Friend,  Abraham  Scrivener,  Jonathan  Scrivener,  Moses  Scrivener, 
Thomas  Taylor  and  himself. 

John  Friend  went  to  Colonel  Hewlet  or  Ludlow  and  got  per 
mission  to  bring  off  a  quantity  of  goods,  and  took  at  James 
Ketchum's  store  about  300  pounds  value,  and  brought  them  off  under 
permission.  No  man  went  on  shore  but  John  Friend.  The  goods 
were  landed  at  Saugatuck  River  in  the  bushes.  The  goods  belonged 
to  the  Friends,  Scriveners  and  Jabez  Adams. 

Phineas  Hanford,  Jun.  and  Nathan  Hanford,  in  January  last 
sent  fowls,  mutton,  beef,  turkies,  pigs  &c.  by  Friend's  boat  and 
other  boats  to  Long  Island  to  exchange  for  goods,  which  were 
brought  back  to  them.  George  Mosier  and  James  Cable  assisted 
in  taking  the  articles  on  board. 

Mat.  Sherwood,  Andrew  Morehouse,  Michael  Morehouse,  Albert 
Stewart,  in  February,  put  provisions  on  board  of  a  boat  for  Long 
Island,  which  was  taken  and  the  men  confined.  Jos.  Guire  of  Red 
ding,  has  had  a  quantity  of  goods  from  Long  Island,  which  he  had 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      345 

of  Gideon  Gray,  which  were  brought  to  Compo  in  a  British  boat 
for  Gray. 

Daniel  Dan,  who  married  Colonel  Webb's  daughter,  told  him  he 
had  put  150  barrels  of  flour  in  a  barn  near  the  water  in  Stamford, 
which  was  to  be  cleared  for  Newport  but  was  designed  for  Long 
Island.  The  flour  is  under  the  straw.  The  barn  is  on  the  east  side 
the  River.  Dan  has  since  joined  the  enemy. 

One  Reed  of  Canaan  secreted  Jos.  Hoyt  in  his  house  in  January 
last,  until  he  cut  out  a  sloop  from  Saugatuck  River.  One  Weed,  a 
shoemaker,  who  married  Fairweather's  daughter,  piloted  Hoyt 
from  Reeds  to  Saugatuck.  This  information  he  had  from  Reed  and 
Weed.  George  Friend  secreted  Osborn  and  Judson  last  February. 
John  Friend  concealed  Saml.  Osborn. 

One  Waring,  a  lame  man,  in  Stamford,  knows  who  carries  provi 
sions  and  who  brings  goods,  and  where  they  are  landed,  and  has  been 
himself  concerned  in  the  matter.  Ebenezer  Gorham  of  Green's 
Farms,  told  me  if  I  turned  evidence,  they  would  kill  me. 

Jonathan  Scrivener  informed  him  that  a  party  was  to  land  before 
Wm.  Raymond's  door  at  Little  Island  with  about  one  hundred  men 
and  designed  to  plunder  Captain  Nash  and  burn  his  house,  and  he 
expected  from  the  conversation  it  would  have  been  done  by  this 
time. 

And  so  on  implicating  many  parties. 

Hartford,  March  16,  1781,  Governor  Trumbull  replies  to 
General  Parsons'  letter  of  the  13th  in  reference  to  the  Acts  of 
the  Assembly  providing  for  Courts  Martial : — 

SIR. — Your  favor  of  the  13th  inst.  is  just  come  to  hand.  I 
immediately  convened  my  Council.  Colonel  Dyer  informs  me  he  had 
already  inclosed  to  you  the  two  Acts  of  Assembly  passed  this 
session. 

The  one  which  confines  the  jurisdiction  of  a  Court  Martial,  or 
(as  it  is  expressed)  the  exercise  of  their  jurisdiction,  to  the  town  of 
Greenwich,  which  includes  in  it  all  crimes  which  would  properly  be 
the  subject  of  your  inquiry. 

The  other  Act  which  gives  a  Court  Martial  an  extensive  jurisdic 
tion  through  the  State,  but  seems  to  confine  the  jurisdiction  to  a 
species  of  crimes  committed  by  persons  who  have  joined,  or  who 
shall  hereafter  join,  the  enemies  of  this  State  or  put  themselves 
under  the  power  and  protection  of  the  said  enemies  who  shall  come 
into  this  State  and  rob  and  plunder  &c.,  and  who  have  voluntarily 


346  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

put  themselves  under  the  power  and  protection  of  the  enemies  for  a 
day  or  an  hour  or  how  long  is  not  limited  by  the  law. 

Of  these  laws  and  the  subjects  of  them  will  be  for  you  to  judge 
and  determine,,  and  how  far  they  may  be  extended  for  the  public 
good  and  to  prevent  the  mischief  designed.  We  cannot  but  esteem 
ourselves  obliged  to  you  for  your  care  and  attention,  and  hope  you 
will  proceed  as  far  as  your  powers  and  the  public  good  will  induce 
and  permit,  and  you  may  depend  on  every  support  while  you  make 
them  your  object. 

I   am  with  esteem   and   regard,   Sir, 

Your  obedient  and  humble  servant 

JON'TH  TRUMBULL. 
Honorable  Maj.  General  Parsons. 

Redding  March  16,  1781,  General  Parsons  writes  to  Mr. 
Burr : — 

DEAR  SIR. — I  am  sorry  a  necessity  existed  to  apprehend  the  per 
sons  named  by  Bennett  at  this  particular  time,  as  this  information 
stands  so  nearly  connected  with  another  more  extensive  and  more 
important  transaction,  the  opening  which  to  view  I  fear  will  be 
impeded  by  it.  But  since  'tis  found  necessary,  I  should  wish  (if 
the  civil  magistrate  is  willing)  to  examine  them,  and  when  I  find 
they  are  apprehended  and  where  they  are  confined,  I  will  take 
measures  for  the  purpose. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Mr.  Burr.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

After  continuing  for  two  weeks  his  investigations  in  Fail-field 
County  and  disclosing  a  condition  of  affairs  most  unexpected 
and  alarming,  General  Parsons  reports  to  General  Washington 
the  situation  as  follows: — 

REDDING,  March  14,  1781. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — In  consequence  of  your  Excellency's  direc 
tions,  I  have  to  this  time  been  pursuing  the  obj  ect  of  the  inquiry  you 
have  ordered,  but  have  not  been  able  to  make  the  discoveries  wished 
for  or  with  a  sufficient  degree  of  precision  to  make  any  attempt  to 
seize  the  persons  concerned.  I  believe  it  is  certain  that  an  associa 
tion  is  formed  to  submit  to  the  British  Government  on  the  terms  of 
the  last  proclamation;  that  the  number  of  associators  is  daily 
increasing;  that  their  names  are  transmitted  to  New  York  as  often 
as  opportunity  presents;  that  a  register  of  them  was  kept  in  New- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      347 

town,,  but  'tis  not  certain  this  register  is  now  there  or  can  be  found 
if  there;  that  a  mode  of  conforming  different  from  that  pointed  out 
in  the  proclamation  is  adopted;  that  many  persons  are  engaged  in 
the  service  of  the  enemy  who  are  preparing  to  join  them;  about 
forty  have  made  attempts  since  I  have  been  there,  but  were  dis 
appointed;  persons  are  engaged  to  enlist  these  men  and  are  in  the 
pay  of  the  enemy  and  promised  commissions.  Regular  stages  of 
intelligence  are  established  from  the  shores  through  the  country  to 
Canada.  Dispatches  have  lately  gone  through  those  channels  to 
Vermont,  but  I  think  it  will  be  exceedingly  difficult  to  detect  the  plnn 
in  its  extent.  So  much  caution  is  used  by  them  that  my  prospects 
are  small  of  obtaining  the  register  or  exposing  to  punishment  any 
character  of  importance.  Some  of  their  recruiting  officers,  some 
of  the  recruits,  pilots,  concealers  of  the  enemy  and  conveyers  of 
dispatches  may  be  taken.  In  the  course  of  my  inquiries  I  have  been 
informed  of  a  great  number  in  Horseneck,  Stamford  and  Norwalk, 
who  are  suppliers  of  provisions  to  the  enemy,  who  conceal  them  when 
they  make  their  excursions  from  Morrisania  and  Long  Island,  and 
who  keep  up  a  correspondence  and  trade  with  the  Post  at  Lloyd's 
Neck.  About  forty  of  these  I  know  who  are  now  at  home  and  pur 
suing  the  same  courses  and  may  be  taken  up ;  and  I  believe  this  is 
not  a  quarter  part  of  those  who  are  concerned,  and,  upon  inquiry, 
may  be  exposed.  By  these  pernicious  practices  the  morals  of  most 
of  the  young  men  in  those  towns  have  been  dissipated  and  a  thirst 
for  plunder  and  money  has  induced  them  to  courses  which  have 
eventually  driven  many  of  them  to  the  enemy,  so  that  it  has  become 
difficult  to  know  what  is  best  to  be  done  in  those  towns.  To  make 
the  inquiry  thorough,  and  take  up  all  concerned,  will  drive  great 
numbers  to  the  enemy,  and  to  omit  it  will  put  the  few  well  affected, 
who  now  remain  there,  wholly  in  the  power  of  the  enemy,  notwith 
standing  every  effort  we  can  make  to  protect  them.  Whether  it  is 
best  to  apprehend  all  of  them,  or  let  them  all  remain,  or  to  select 
out  some  who  are  most  criminal  and  punish  them  in  the  most  exem 
plary  manner  without  disclosing  the  names  of  the  other  persons  con 
cerned,  and  try  what  effect  that  may  have,  are  doubts  which  I  am 
unable  to  resolve.  The  same  questions  will  arise  respecting  the 
associators,  pilots,  conveyors  of  intelligence  &c.  In  short,  the  evil 
has  taken  so  deep  root,  'tis  become  a  subject  of  a  very  delicate 
nature  and  difficult  to  know  how  far  'tis  best  to  extend  the  inquiries. 
The  State  has  passed  a  law  subjecting  those  persons  coming  into  the 
State  to  plunder,  and  those  who  aid,  assist  or  in  any  way  abet  their 
measures,  to  trial  by  Court  Martial,  declaring  those  people  not 
exchangeable  and  inflicting  capital  or  other  discretionary  punish- 


348  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

merit  upon  them.  I  must  request  your  Excellency's  particular  direc 
tions  how  far  I  shall  proceed  in  these  matters,  and  what  I  shall  do 
with  the  offenders  when  apprehended.  A  temporary  check  may  be 
given  to  the  intentions  of  the  disaffected  by  seizing  a  number  of  them 
at  present,  but  no  radical  remedy  is  yet  in  my  power. 

I  am  persuaded  they  expect  a  descent  on  the  coast  in  April  to 
favor  their  designs  of  joining  the  enemy  and  furnishing  supplies  to 
them.  What  probability  there  is  of  the  event  taking  place,  you  must 
be  much  better  informed  of.  The  spy  employed  amongst  them  has 
assurances  of  generous  pay  for  all  the  time  he  employs  and  expenses 
incurred  in  this  service;  of  a  handsome  gratuity  when  he  has  done 
what  he  can,  to  be  settled  in  some  more  secure  place;  if  he  is 
detected  and  obliged  to  fly  from  his  present  settlement,  (which  will 
be  the  case  if  he  is  discovered),  and  if  he  succeeds  in  discovering 
the  full  extent  of  the  plan  so  that  those  concerned  may  be  detected, 
and  it  shall  prove  to  be  as  extensive  as  is  supposed,  he  shall  be 
gratified  with  an  annuity  of  one  hundred  dollars  per  annum  for  life 
as  a  reward  for  his  services.  I  believe  him  faithful  and  industrious 
in  making  the  discoveries  necessary.  If  you  think  it  best  to  delay 
taking  up  any  of  those  concerned  until  further  discoveries  are 
made,  I  think  it  will  be  best  for  me  to  return  to  Camp,  leaving 
Captain  Walker  to  prosecute  the  inquiries,  lest  my  continuing  here 
should  occasion  jealousies.  I  can  return  again  when  everything  is 
prepared  for  execution. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Washington.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

There  are  good  reasons  for  supposing  that  the  spy  employed 
in  this  investigation  was  no  other  than  William  Heron  of  Red 
ding.  Parsons,  whose  home  was  there,  knew  him  well  and  often 
used  him  to  obtain  information  of  the  enemy's  plans  and  inten 
tions,  as  was  well  known.  On  the  evening  of  the  27th  of 
February,  the  day  he  received  his  orders  from  Washington  to 
proceed  to  Fairfield  County,  Parsons  wrote  the  General  that  it 
would  probably  assist  in  making  the  proposed  discoveries,  "  to 
send  a  person  of  address  and  good  sense,  as  well  as  art,  to  New 
York,  and  that  he  believed  he  should  try  this  measure  unless  for 
bidden  by  his  Excellency."  These  qualities,  as  we  shall  here 
after  see,  were  pre-eminently  characteristic  of  Heron,  so  much 
so  that  he  must  have  been  the  person  Parsons  had  in  mind  when 
he  wrote.  As  this  letter  was  written  during  the  evening  of  the 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      349 

27th,  and  Parsons  left  camp  at  gun-firing  the  next  morning, 
(the  28th,  and  that  year  the  last  day  of  the  month),  arriving 
at  Redding  March  1,  he  could  not  well  have  executed  his  pur 
pose  while  on  the  road,  but  must  have  done  so  that  day  or  the 
next  after  reaching  his  and  Heron's  home;  for  in  writing  to 
Governor  Trumbull  on  the  third,  after  speaking  of  the  expec 
tation  of  the  Tories  that  a  descent  in  their  favor  would  soon  be 
made  by  the  enemy  and  his  uncertainty  as  to  whether  any  such 
design  was  entertained  in  New  York,  he  said,  "  I  have  sent  into 
New  York.  On  the  return  of  my  messenger,  I  hope  to  be  more 
satisfied."  A  few  days  later  we  find  Heron  in  New  York.  The 
British  Secret  Service  Record  discloses  the  fact  that  he  was  there 
— a  pretended  loyalist — on  May  11,  where  he  had  been 
doubtless  for  some  days,  his  "  address,  good  sense  and  art " 
standing  him  in  great  stead.  These  facts  point  to  Heron  and 
to  no  one  else  and  raise  a  strong  presumption,  if  nothing 
more,  that  William  Heron  was  the  spy  Parsons  sent  to  New 
York. 

Thomas  Taylor  of  Norwalk,  charged  with  aiding  the  enemy, 
and  included  in  the  list  inclosed  in  Parsons'  letter  of  the  13th  to 
Trumbull,  had  been  arrested  and  ordered  to  appear  before  the 
General  at  Danbury  the  20th.  The  magistrates  and  selectmen 
of  Norwalk  and  twenty-six  citizens  vouched  for  by  them  as 
friends  of  Independence,  joined  in  a  letter  to  General  Parsons 
representing  that  Taylor  had  always  been  a  faithful  friend  of 
the  country  in  whom  they  had  the  greatest  confidence,  and  that 
he  could  not  have  been  guilty  of  the  offence  charged  unless  mis 
led  by  designing  persons,  and  asking  that  his  shortcomings,  if 
any,  be  overlooked ;  and  that,  "  if  he  should  be  otherwise  dealt 
with,  we  are  apprehensive  we  shall  in  some  measure  lose  his  assist 
ance,  and  can  assure  your  Honor  that  we  have  need  of  all  we 
can  save  to  ourselves,  as  friendly  men  hereabouts  are  very 
scarce." 

To  this  General  Parsons  replied  as  follows : — 

REDDING,  March  21, 1781. 

GENTLEMEN. — I  received  a  letter  addressed  to  me,  signed  by  the 
civil  authority  and  selectmen  and  a  number  of  other  gentlemen  of 
Norwalk,  said  to  be  very  respectable  characters,  relating  to  Thomas 


350  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Taylor  who  was  taken  up  and  brought  to  me  for  practices  of  which 
he  is  accused  contrary  to  the  interest  of  the  country. 

I  ever  have  paid,  and  I  hope  I  shall  continue  to  pay,  a  respect  to 
every  character  in  office,  but  when  I  have  clear  and  convincing 
proof  against  a  man  that  he  has  repeatedly  been  guilty  of  offences 
highly  injurious  to  the  interests  of  the  country,  and  the  only  motive 
to  show  him  favor  is,  that  he  will  not  transgress  again,  I  cannot  see 
it  to  be  my  duty  to  pass  over  his  sins  in  silence,  unless  he  will  make 
amends  by  freely  disclosing  the  evil  practices  of  others,  perhaps  of 
more  consequence  than  himself;  nor  do  I  see  a  sufficient  reason  for 
a  true  friend  to  his  country  to  wish  this  knowledge  to  be  suppressed. 
I  will  never  accuse  any  man  of  being  guilty  of  transgressing  the  law 
in  so  secret  a  manner  that  no  person  can  detect  or  find  him  out, 
though  such  informations  have  been  made  with  great  assurance,  but 
I  certainly  will  use  every  method  in  my  power  to  bring  to  light  any 
practice  pernicious  to  the  country,  and  when  I  procure  evidence  I 
will  subject  the  accused  to  trial.  I  shall  be  happy  to  find  Mr. 
Taylor  disposed  to  free  himself  from  punishment,  but  if  he  chooses 
to  take  that  on  himself  which  he  ought  to  lay  upon  others,  he  must 
have  his  choice. 

I  am,  gentlemen  &c., 
To  the  Selectmen  of  Norwalk.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

Redding,  March  23,  1781,  General  Parsons  not  having 
received  a  reply  to  his  letter  of  the  14th,  again  writes  to  General 
Washington : — 

DEAR  SIR. — Agreeably  to  your  Excellency's  orders,  I  have 
attended  to  the  business  with  which  I  was  charged  and  have  been 
through  various  parts  of  the  State  where  I  judged  the  most  essen 
tial  service  might  be  rendered.  I  have  succeeded  in  some  measure, 
but  being  seized  a  few  days  ago  with  a  fever,  am  at  present  unable 
to  stir  abroad.  I  hope  in  a  short  time  to  be  able  to  attend  to  my 
duty  where  your  Excellency  shall  direct;  would  wish  it  may  be  at 
Camp  if  that  is  best.  Should  be  happy  to  know  your  Excellency's 
pleasure  on  this  head;  likewise  to  be  favored  with  an  answer  to  my 
long  letter  addressed  to  your  Excellency  when  absent  on  your  tour 
to  the  eastward. 

March  26,  1781.  P.  S.  After  writing  the  above,  I  received  your 
Excellency's  letter  of  the  23d  inst.,  observed  its  contents,  but  not 
able  to  answer  it  in  full.  I  have  matters  of  importance  to  com 
municate  to  your  Excellency,  which  I  will  do  as  soon  as  my  health 


will  admit.     At  present  I  am  not  able  to  stir  from  my  bed  without 

help.  I  am  &c., 

To  General  Washington.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

Redding,  March  26,  1781,  General  Parsons'  Aid-de-Camp, 
Oliver  Lawrence,  writes  to  Colonel  Gray  in  reference  to  the  dis 
position  of  flour  captured  by  his  troops,  and  says : — "  I  refer 
the  whole  matter  to  you  as  the  General  is  so  very  unwell,  and  is 
not  able  to  do  any  business  whatsoever." 

The  following  is  Washington's  reply  to  Parsons'  letter  of  the 
1-ith,  referred  to  in  the  postscript  to  the  preceding  letter: — 

HEADQUARTERS,  NEW  WINDSOR,  23rd  March,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR:-— Your  letter  of  the  14th,  instant  was  forwarded  to  me 
in  my  absence  from  this  place,  [he  was  absent  nineteen  days  having 
left  camp  for  Newport  the  2nd]  and  met  me  on  my  return,  since 
which  this  is  the  first  leisure  moment  that  I  have  had  to  attend  to 
its  contents. 

I  am  sorry  to  find  the  evil  so  deeply  rooted,  and  that  the  defection 
is  still  gaining  ground.  From  its  extensive  nature  and  pernicious 
tendency,  I  think  every  measure  which  policy  and  precaution  can 
dictate  ought  immediately  to  be  adopted  to  put  a  final  stop  to  this 
illicit  and  treasonable  intercourse.  For  this  purpose  it  will  be  well 
to  consult  the  Governor  on  the  subject,  who  himself,  or  his  Council, 
will  be  best  able  to  advise  (upon  your  representation)  whether  it  is 
expedient  to  apprehend  all  the  characters  you  mention,  or  let  them 
all  remain  for  the  present,  or  to  select  some  of  the  most  criminal 
and  punish  them  in  an  exemplary  manner,  without  disclosing  the 
names  of  the  other  persons  concerned.  In  the  meantime  the  joint 
efforts  of  the  civil  and  military  should  co-operate  and  harmonize  in 
defeating  the  machinations  of  the  enemy.  It  has  been  hinted  that 
agents  have  been  employed  for  these  purposes  by  your  government; 
if  so,  these  men  and  your  emissaries  might  give  and  receive  mutual 
aid;  at  least  they  must  be  prevented  from  thwarting  each  other. 
When  matters  are  ripe  for  execution,  I  would  yield  the  necessary 
military  assistance;  until  then  the  greatest  secrecy  will  be  necessary. 

If  the  man  employed  by  you  should  prosecute  his  discoveries  to 
effect  upon  as  large  a  scale  as  you  intimate,  he  will  be  entitled  to 
the  rewards  proposed.  It  will  be  at  your  option,  after  having  made 
the  proper  arrangements  in  this  affair,  to  return  to  the  army  when 
you  shall  judge  your  presence  in  the  State  not  absolutely  necessary. 

I  am  with  great  regard  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  G.  WASHINGTON. 


352  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Danbury,  March  30,  1781,  Captain  Joseph  Walker,  Aid-de- 
Camp  to  General  Parsons,  writes  to  General  Washington: — 

I  am  sorry  to  inform  you  that  Major  General  Parsons  is  so 
reduced  by  his  illness  and  at  times  so  far  deprived  of  his  reason,  as 
makes  it  impossible  for  him  to  transact  the  business  which  your 
Excellency  expected.  In  the  first  of  his  illness  he  referred  the  whole 
business  to  me  in  hopes  at  that  time  of  being  able  to  attend  himself 
in  a  few  days,  but  I  fear  he  will  not  this  several  weeks. 

A  number  of  persons  have  been  apprehended  since  the  General 
wrote  your  Excellency,  and  are  now  in  confinement  at  this  place,  some 
concerned  in  the  illicit  trade,  some  taken  at  Greenwich  coming  from 
the  enemy  plundering,  others  concerned  in  the  combination  which  is 
forming  in  this  County,  and  some  of  the  last  mentioned  characters 
are  capital  villains,  having  been  enlisting  men  for  the  British  serv 
ice,  secreting  persons  coming  from  and  going  to  the  enemy;  also 
conveying  dispatches  from  the  enemy  to  Canada  and  from  thence 
back  to  New  York,  all  which  I  hope  we  may  be  able  to  make  appear. 

The  person  employed  by  the  General  is  faithful  and  attentive, 
and  I  natter  myself  will  make  further  discoveries  of  importance;  at 
present  shall  extend  our  seizing  persons  no  farther  than  is  absolutely 
necessary  to  prevent  their  escape  and  prevent  any  delay  in  finding 
out  the  grand  plan.  I  would  wish  to  know  your  Excellency's 
pleasure  concerning  those  already  apprehended  and  what  is  best 
farther  to  be  done  upon  the  business. 

April  4,  Major  Wyllys  writes  to  Colonel  Webb,  "  that  Gen 
eral  Parsons  lies  on  a  sick-bed  at  Redding,  we  fear  dangerously 
ill,  which  is  very  unfortunate  for  us.  His  non-arrival  in  camp 
occasions  delay  in  the  work." 

Elisha  Rexf  ord,  the  same  person  mentioned  in  Parson's  letter 
of  March  3  to  Trumbull,  writes  to  the  Governor,  April  4,  in 
reference  to  the  investigation  being  made  of  the  conduct  of  the 
Tories : — 

NEW  HAVEN,  April  Jf.th,  1781. 

SIR. — Since  I  had  the  honor  of  writing  your  Excellency  Febru 
ary  25th,  I  have  given  every  attention  compatible  with  my  station 
in  life  (that  of  clergyman),  to  find  out  the  designs  of  the  Tories, 
their  combinations,  plots  &c.,  and  have  been  favored  with  some 
success,  and  if  affairs  can  be  conducted  upon  a  right  line,  apprehend 
much  greater  discoveries  might  be  made. 

General  Parsons  informed  me  that  he  had  obtained  ample  powers 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      353 

in  order  to  search,  apprehend,  try  and  punish,  which  opened  up  fine 
prospects,  but  Providence  has  frowned  in  the  General's  sickness 
and,  not  only  so,  but  I  have  been  much  disheartened  by  the  very 
narrow  limits  allowed  to  Courts  Martial  by  the  General  Assembly 
in  their  last  session.  If  anything  can  be  done  to  good  effect,  it  must 
be  done  by  martial  law;  so  much  is  evident  to  me  from  the  attention 
which  I  have  given  to  the  subject,  and  much  might  be  hoped  for  in 
this  way  with  proper  regulations.  If  affairs  must  now  be  taken  back 
to  be  conducted  in  a  Court  of  Civil  Law,  all  hope  is  at  an  end. 
I  give  up  all  further  discoveries  as  gone,  and  shall  not  think  it  worth 
while  to  take  any  more  pains  about  the  matter,  to  consume  time  or 
expose  life  for  nothing,  for  I  am  well  aware  of  the  resentment  of 
these  people,  espcially  by  information  from  Mr.  M. 

The  apprehending  of  some  few  of  the  Tories  to  be  tried  by 
martial  law  has  much  deranged  their  affairs.  One  Tory  said  to  Mr. 
M.  that  if  matters  were  rightly  managed  by  the  Whigs,  all  would 
come  out  and  their  whole  scheme  broken  up  and  frustrated.  They 
dread  to  have  examinations  of  individuals  take  place,  especially  by 
General  Parsons  or  a  Court  Martial.  Whig  people  our  way  highly 
approve  of  what  General  Parsons  has  done,  and  say  this  is  the  way 
to  manage  the  disaffected  to  frustrate  their  schemes  and  save  the 
country. 

The  Tories  wish  to  have  all  these  matters  in  the  Civil  Law,  and 
make  their  boast  that  there  is  but  little  danger  there.  'Tis  very 
observable  that  conscious  guilt  has  much  appeared  since  a  few  have 
been  taken  into  custody.  Mr.  M.  tells  me  of  some  that  have  left 
their  houses  and  lurked  about  two,  three  and  four  days,  or,  if  at 
home,  have  kept  a  good  lookout.  He  has  been  advised  to  take  care 
of  himself  and  be  ready  to  push  off. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  ELISHA  REXFORD. 

P.  S.  Captain  Walker  can  inform  your  Excellency  in  many  par 
ticulars  respecting  these  matters,  and  has  some  minutes  of  the  con 
duct  of  some  particular  Tories,  which  were  obtained  from  Mr.  M. 

A  General  Court  Martial  is  ordered  to  be  held  at  Danbury  the 
9th  instant  to  try  Samuel  Hoit  and  such  other  persons  as  shall  be 
brought  before  them.  Colonel  Gray  will  collect  officers  for  that 
purpose.  The  senior  officers  will  preside. 

By  order  of  Major  General  Parsons, 

O.  LAWRENCE,  A.  D.  Camp. 
Given  at  Redding,  April  7,  1781. 


354  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Proceedings  of  a  General  Court-Martial  held  by  order  of  Major 
General  Parsons. 

DANBURY,  April  13,  1781. 

Samuel  Hoit,  an  inhabitant  of  the  town  of  Stamford  in  the  State 
of  Connecticut,  being  tried  by  a  General  Court  Martial  whereof 
Lieut.  Colonel  Gray  is  President,  on  a  charge  of  joining  the  enemy 
and  robbing  and  plundering  the  peaceable  inhabitants  of  the  State, 
is  found  guilty  of  the  charges  and  sentenced  by  the  Court  to  receive 
thirty-nine  lashes  on  the  naked  body  and  be  confined  in  Newgate 
Prison  during  the  present  war.  Major  General  Parsons  approves 
the  sentence  of  the  Court,  and  orders  it  put  in  execution  at  guard 
mounting  to-morrow  morning,  and  that  he  be  confined  until  he  can 
be  sent  to  Newgate. 

Richard  Wares,  a  soldier,  was  tried  by  the  same  Court  for  enlist 
ing  twice  and  taking  two  bounties,  and  was  sentenced  to  receive  one 
hundred  lashes.     The  sentence  of  the  Court  is  approved  and  ordered 
to  be  carried  into  execution  at  guard  mounting  to-morrow  morning. 
By  order  of  Major  General  Parsons, 

O.  LAWRENCE,  A.  D.  Camp. 

April  9,  Parsons  writes  to  his  correspondent,  "  please  to 
present  my  compliments  to  your  fellow  prisoners,  and  to  that 
obstinate  Tory,  Parson  Walter,  my  old  friend." 

Redding,  April  20,  1781,  General  Parsons  writes  to  General 
Washington  repecting  his  health  and  affairs  in  Connecticut,  and 
advises  an  expedition  against  Lloyd's  Neck,  which  he  would  wish 
to  command: — 

DEAR  GENERAL. — It  is  now  five  days  since  I  have  first  walked 
from  my  bed  to  the  fire.  I  have  recovered  as  fast  as  I  have  any 
right  to  expect  since  that  time,  but  still  continue  very  weak.  I  hope 
the  first  pleasant  day  to  go  abroad,  and  when  I  gain  strength  suffi 
cient  to  ride,  I  hope  a  journey  will  restore  my  strength  as  well  as 
health.  I  am  at  present  unable  to  attend  to  the  business  you  com 
mitted  to  my  charge.  Captain  Walker  will  take  charge  of  those 
matters  and  doubtless  communicate  to  your  Excellency  what  he  finds 
important.  I  can  only  say  that  the  steps  taken  in  that  affair,  seem 
to  have  brought  the  operations  of  the  disaffected  to  a  stand;  at 
present  they  seem  to  be  waiting  events.  I  cannot  but  wish  your 
Excellency,  in  the  absence  of  the  British  Fleet,  to  order  an  expedi 
tion  to  Lloyd's  Neck.  Two  frigates  would  be  sufficient  to  cover  the 
operations  and  five  hundred  men  will  be  quite  sufficient  to  render 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      355 

the  attempt  successful.  These  with  the  ships  can  perhaps  be  ordered 
from  Rhode  Island  where  no  jealousy  will  be  occasioned  by  the 
movements.  This  expedition,  if  successful,  will  give  peace  to  our 
coast  the  whole  summer,  and  in  that  point  of  light  will  be  important 
and  very  grateful  to  the  country.  If  your  Excellency  should  order 
this  expedition,  I  think  I  have  many  reasons  to  claim  to  command  it, 
and  must  beg  your  Excellency  not  to  deny  me;  but,  if  any  reasons 
should  induce  you  to  order  any  other  officer  to  command,  I  must  beg 
your  permission  to  go  with  the  expedition,  in  command  or  not,  as 
you  see  fit.  I  am  dear  General 

Your  obdt.  humble  servt. 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  His  Excellency  General  Washington,  Headquarters. 

To  this  General  Washington  replied : — 

HEADQUARTERS,  NEW  WINDSOR,  April  80,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR  . — I  have  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  letter  of  the 
20th  instant,  and  am  glad  to  find  by  it  that  you  are  in  a  fair  way 
of  recovering  your  health  again,  and  that  the  measures  you  had 
taken  previous  to  your  illness  have  been  attended  with  some  degree 
of  success.  As  soon  as  circumstances  will  possibly  admit,  I  wish 
the  detachment  of  Continental  troops  at  Danbury  may  be  sent  back 
to  the  Army.  The  Quartermaster  General  having  it  in  contem 
plation  to  have  a  considerable  quantity  of  provisions  brought  on  at 
once  from  Danbury  to  Peekskill,  it  will  be  well  to  make  use  of  these 
troops  as  an  escort  for  it,  and  to  give  the  commanding  officer 
directions  to  afford  his  aid  and  assistance  in  every  possible  way  to 
facilitate  the  transportation. 

There  are  insuperable  obstacles  which  will  at  present  prevent  an 
attempt  to  carry  into  execution  the  enterprise  you  have  suggested. 
It  may,  however,  be  expedient  to  keep  even  the  prospect  a  secret. 

I  am,  dear  Sir,  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  G.  WASHINGTON. 

Redding,  April  30,  1781,  General  Parsons  writes  to  Gen 
eral  Washington  as  to  his  health  and  the  condition  of  affairs  in 
Fairfield  County : — 

DEAR  GENERAL. — The  fever  by  which  I  have  been  confined  has 
left  me  exceedingly  weak  and  unable  to  attend  to  any  business  of 
importance,  nor  do  I  expect  to  recover  my  strength  soon  unless  a 


356  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

journey  to  which  I  am  advised,  shall  restore  me.  I  hope  to  be  able 
to  join  the  Army  by  the  forepart  of  June,  but  have  no  expectation 
of  being  sooner  able  to  do  my  duty  there.  Two  severe  fevers  in  six 
months  are  very  forceable  proofs  of  a  ruined  constitution,  and 
reasons  of  great  weight  with  me  to  pay  more  attention  to  my  health 
than  a  camp  life  will  admit  of.  If  I  find  I  can  go  through  the 
fatigues  of  another  campaign,  which  I  most  ardently  desire,  I  shall 
join  the  Army;  but  should  the  state  of  my  health  prevent  my  joining 
before  the  campaign  opens,  I  must  resign. 

I  believe  very  little  more  progress  can  be  made  in  the  matters 
committed  to  my  conduct  at  present.  Capt.  Walker  will  be  able  to 
inform  you  on  the  subject.  A  considerable  check  is  put  to  the 
proceedings  of  the  disaffected  in  this  quarter,  but  no  radical  cure  is 
affected.  I  find  a  report  is  confidentially  circulated  among  them 
that  the  British  Government  have  given  assurances  to  Col.  Allen  that 
the  State  of  Vermont  shall  be  made  a  separate  province,  if  the  war 
terminates  in  their  favor,  and  that  he  shall  be  appointed  Governor 
of  the  new  province.  ...  I  do  not  wholly  despair  of  possess 
ing  myself  of  a  register  of  names  who  have  conformed  to  British 
Government.  I  have  proofs  of  the  existence  of  such  registers  by 
those  who  have  seen  one  of  them,  the  keeper  of  which  is  now  under 
guard,  but  the  register  was  not  to  be  found. 

I  herewith  transmit  you  the  proceedings  of  a  court  martial  on 
the  trial  of  Uriah  Rowland.  I  do  not  consider  myself  to  have  any 
authority  to  approve  a  sentence  in  a  capital  case;  I  do  not  suppose 
myself  a  General  Officer  commanding  in  this  State  within  the  mean 
ing  of  the  act  of  Congress,  being  here  for  a  special  purpose  only, 
and  without  troops  to  command,  and  I  believe  the  act  giving  power 
to  a  General  Officer  commanding  in  any  State  was  repealed  at  the 
time  when  Congress  reassumed  the  power  of  pardoning  offenders. 
There  is  also  a  relation  between  the  prisoners  family  and  mine  which 
is  a  prudential  reason  for  being  excused  if  I  have  a  right.  He  has 
served  three  or  four  years  in  the  army  as  a  non-commissioned  officer 
with  good  reputation ;  is  about  24  years  of  age,  as  brave  and  intrepid 
as  any  man ;  has  many  qualities  which  might  render  him  a  very  useful 
man.  Since  he  has  been  over  to  the  enemy,  he  has  been  very  active 
in  their  service  and  has  done  much  mischief.  He  says  he  was 
induced  to  bring  over  some  goods  from  Long  Island  which  he 
received  in  payment  of  a  debt  from  a  man  who  had  joined  them,  and 
being  discovered,  he  fled  to  the  enemy,  but  says  he  has  always 
retained  sentiments  friendly  to  the  country. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Washington.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      357 

May  2,  1781,  Parsons  writes  General  Washington  advising 
him  of  information  received  the  day  before,  believed  to  have 
been  brought  by  William  Heron  from  New  York,  where  he  was 
the  25th,  having  just  reached  his  home  in  Redding: — 

DEAR  GENERAL. — By  intelligence  from  New  York  as  late  as 
Saturday  (April  28th),  which  I  have  every  reason  to  believe,  General 
Arnold  was  every  day  expected  there  to  take  command  of 
an  expedition.  Admiral  Arbuthnot  is  going  to  England,  his  officers 
refusing  to  serve  with  him  since  the  action  with  the  French  fleet. 
His  baggage  was  landed.  Admiral  Graves,  who  commanded  the 
fleet,  was  in  New  York  on  Saturday,  but  expected  to  sail  in  a  few 
days.  Five  ships  of  the  line  were  in  the  East  River,  the  rest  in  the 
North  River  and  below.  The  fleet  with  the  provisions  had  arrived 
without  loss.  The  enemy  appear  in  high  spirits  and  say  all  the 
money  for  the  current  year  is  raised;  this  I  think  probable,  as 
Government  Bills  have  risen  there  from  ten  per  cent  discount  to  par. 
Two  regiments  of  foreigners  at  Jamaica  are  under  marching  orders 
and  were  paraded  on  Sunday  morning  to  march.  Your  Excellency's 
letter  to  some  person  to  the  southward,  wherein  you  mention  the 
state  of  our  Army,  arms  and  clothing,  gives  great  pleasure  to  those 
who  know  it  in  New  York.  Great  dependence  is  placed  upon  the 
defection  of  Vermont;  they  say  their  measures  are  fully  secured 
there,  and  that  an  army  may  be  expected  from  Canada  soon. 

I  have  desired  Captain  Walker  to  receive  the  money  due  on  my 
warrant  at  the  Pay  Office;  if  any  order  of  your  Excellency's  should 
be  necessary,  I  should  be  greatly  obliged  by  your  Excellency's  direc 
tion  to  have  it  paid.  I  have  received  nothing  for  eighteen  months, 
have  expended  all  my  own  moneys  and  cannot  even  redeem  my 
horses  which  the  Quartermaster  has  pledged  for  the  keeping  last 
winter.  I  am  with  great  esteem 

Your  Excellency's  obedt.  servt. 
To  General  Washington.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

To  the  two  preceding  letters  Washington  replied: — 

HEADQUARTERS,  NEW  WINDSOR,  May  3, 1781. 

DEAR  SIR  . — Your  letter  of  the  30th  of  April  and  2d  of  May, 
together  with  the  proceedings  of  the  Court  Martial  whereof  Colonel 
Gray  was  President,  have  been  handed  to  me  by  Captain  Walker. 

I  hope  the  journey  you  propose  will  have  a  happy  tendency 
towards  the  recovery  of  your  health,  and  that  you  will  soon  be 


358  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

enabled  to  join  the  Army  again,  after  your  return,  though  I  would 
not  wish  you  to  do  it  so  prematurely  as  to  endanger  a  relapse. 

Part  of  the  intelligence  you  have  been  so  obliging  to  communicate, 
I  had  received  through  another  channel,  but  not  the  whole.  The 
intercepted  letter  alluded  to,  said  to  be  written  by  me  to  a  gentle 
man  at  the  southward,  I  suppose  must  have  been  an  official  one 
addressed  to  the  Speaker  of  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  in  which  our 
situation  in  many  respects  was  pretty  plainly  delineated;  but  you 
may  be  assured  that  ideas  were  held  up  in  that  letter  which  were 
by  no  means  grateful  to  the  enemy,  which  have  embarrassed  them 
exceedingly  and  which  will  be  a  sufficient  reason  to  prevent  their 
publishing  the  contents  of  it  at  large  to  the  world. 

I  am  sorry  to  be  forced  to  inform  you  on  the  subject  of  your  pay, 
that  there  is  not  a  farthing  in  the  military  chest  except  some  moneys 
which  have  been  sent  on  by  particular  States  for  the  payment  of  the 
troops  of  their  Lines,  and  which  cannot  be  appropriated  to  any  other 
purpose.  I  am,  dear  Sir,  £c.. 

G.  WASHINGTON. 

P.  S.  The  sentence  of  the  Court  Martial  is  approved.  The 
Adjutant  General  will  transmit  the  warrant  for  execution.  Such 
of  the  culprits  at  Danbury  as  are  to  be  delivered  over  to  the  civil 
authority,  ought  to  be  transferred  immediately.  The  remainder  of 
the  prisoners  should  be  disposed  of  or  secured  in  the  best  and  most 
expeditious  manner,  that  the  detachment  of  Continental  troops  may 
be  marched  to  the  Army  without  delay,  agreeably  to  my  letter  of  the 
30th  ultimo. 
To  Major  General  Parsons. 

Redding,  May  4,  1781,  Parsons  replies  to  Washington's  letter 
of  April  30  :— 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  was  favored  yesterday  with  your  letter  of 
the  30th  of  April  and  shall  as  soon  as  possible  send  the  men  you 
direct. 

I  find  an  uneasiness  arises  among  the  officers  respecting  the 
appointment  of  several  field  officers  in  the  Light  Infantry  under 
the  command  of  the  Marquis,  (Lafayette).  If  there  shall  be  any 
alteration  in  that  command,  I  would  request  your  Excellency  to 
appoint  Lieut.  Colonel  Gray  of  the  Connecticut  Line,  to  the  com 
mand  of  the  Battalion  from  that  Line. 

Captain  Hunter  is  now  with  me  respecting  a  number  of  persons 
taken  when  I  had  a  command  to  Westchester  in  January,  who  are  not 
enlisted  with  the  enemy  and  whom  they  will  not  exchange,  six  of 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      359 

whom,  viz:  John  Shaeldon,  Elijah  Williams,  Edward  Bugbee, 
Abraham  Lent,  William  Ryer  and  Nath.  Conckling,  on  conversa 
tion  with  Captain  Hunter,  I  am  satisfied  it  will  be  best  to  parole 
home,  to  return  when  called  for.  If  your  Excellency  should  be  of 
that  opinion,  I  shall  wish  the  necessary  orders  to  be  given  for  the 
purpose. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Washington.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

Redding,  May  8,  1781,  Parsons  replies  to  Washington's 
letter  of  May  3: — 

DEAR  GENERAL  . — I  have  the  honor  of  your  Excellency's  letter 
by  Captain  Walker.  The  detachment  at  Danbury  shall  march  as 
soon  as  the  Quartermaster  has  provided  teams  for  transporting  the 
provisions  from  Danbury,  which  I  hope  will  not  exceed  two  or  three 
days ;  the  prisoners  which  cannot  be  tried  before  they  march  will  be 
sent  with  them  to  Fishkill. 

Inclosed  are  the  proceedings  of  a  Court  Martial  against  Beards- 
ley,  Collier  and  Towner,  the  two  former  as  fit  subjects  to  be  made 
public  examples  as  any  in  this  region,  and  the  other  a  bad  man  who 
I  fear  will  never  be  better.  I  shall  send  them  on  with  the  guard. 

I  shall  make  no  delay  in  joining  the  Army  on  my  return  from  the 
eastward.  I  hope  it  will  not  exceed  the  first  of  June  before  I  am 
at  Camp. 

I  am,  dear  General,  with  great  esteem 

Yr.  obt.  servt. 
To  General  Washington,  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

On  May  3,  Parsons  orders  the  seizure  of  one  Willard  by  a 
file  of  soldiers,  and  denounces  him  as  a  villain.  On  the  4th,  he 
orders  the  execution  of  one  Rowland  and  directs  the  prisoners 
to  attend  the  execution.  This  is  probably  the  Uriah  Rowland 
of  whom  he  speaks  in  his  letter  of  April  30  to  Washington, 
and  asks  to  be  excused  from  passing  upon  the  findings  of  the 
Court-Martial  because  his  family  and  that  of  the  prisoner  are 
connected;  if  so,  Parsons  does  not  appear  to  have  shrunk  from 
doing  his  duty  however  disagreeable  and  trying  to  his  feelings  it 
may  have  been. 

The  following  letter  to  Colonel  Webb  is  from  the  Emmet  Col 
lection  in  the  Lenox  Library: — 


360  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

REDDING,  May  7,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  had  forgot  to  send  the  enclosed  papers  found  on 
Baldwin;  as  they  tend  clearly  to  evince  a  design  to  take  off  either 
myself  or  some  other  inhabitant,  and  to  show  his  forwarding  the 
measures  of  the  enemy,  they  ought  to  lie  before  the  Court.  When 
they  have  done  with  them,  please  to  return  them  and  also  the  orig 
inal  letter  used  on  Collier's  trial,  to  me.  The  proceedings  of  the 
Court  must  be  sent  to-night  if  possible;  if  not,  carry  them  with  you. 
The  former  will  be  best,  because  whatever  sentence,  you  give  will 
need  an  approbation  and  execution. 

Yr.  Obedt.  Servt. 

To  Col.  Samuel  B.  Webb,  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

President  of  Court  Martial,  Danbury. 

In  May  of  this  year,  Yale  College,  in  recognition  of  distin 
guished  services,  conferred  honorary  degrees  on  both  General 
Washington  and  General  Parsons.  Harvard  College,  Parsons* 
Alma  Mater,  also  this  year  conferred  upon  Parsons  the  degree 
of  Master  of  Arts.  The  following  is  Washington's  acknowl 
edgment  of  the  degree  conferred  by  Yale: — 

NEW  WINDSOR,  May  15,  1781. 

SIR. — For  the  honor  conferred  upon  me  by  the  President  and 
Fellows  of  the  University  of  Yale  College  by  the  degree  of  Doctor 
ate  in  Laws,  my  warmest  thanks  are  offered;  and  the  polite  manner 
in  which  you  are  pleased  to  request  my  acceptance  of  this  distin 
guished  mark  of  their  favor,  demands  my  grateful  acknowledge 
ments.  That  the  College  in  which  you  preside  may  long  continue  a 
useful  Seminary  of  Learning,  and  that  you  may  be  the  happy  instru 
ment  in  the  hand  of  Providence  for  raising  it  to  honor  and  dignity, 
and  making  it  advancive  of  the  happiness  of  mankind,  is  the  sincere 
wish  of 

Sir,  Your  most  obedient  and  humble  servant 

G.  WASHINGTON. 
To  the  Rev'd.  Ezra  Stiles, 

President  of  Yale  College,  New  Haven. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

THE  MARCH  OF  THE  FRENCH  ARMY  THROUGH  CONNECTICUT. 
JUNCTION  OF  THE  Two  ARMIES  ON  THE  HUDSON.  FAILURE  OF 
THE  ATTEMPT  ON  NEW  YORK.  LETTERS  OF  WASHINGTON,  PAR 
SONS  AND  TRUMBULL.  RECONNAISANCE  IN  FORCE.  ABANDON 
MENT  OF  THE  SIEGE.  THE  ALLIES  MOVE  TO  VIRGINIA.  SUR 
RENDER  OF  CORNWALLIS. 

June — October,  1781 

WHILE  the  Army  was  yet  in  the  Highlands,  Washington  con 
vened  a  Board  of  General  Officers  at  his  Headquarters,  New 
Windsor,  at  which  were  present,  besides  the  Commander- 
in-Chief,  Major  Generals  Lord  Stirling,  Howe,  Parsons, 
McDougall,  and  Brigadiers  Knox,  Paterson,  Hand,  Hunting- 
ton  and  Duportail. 

The  Commander-in-Chief  informed  the  Board  that  the  prin 
cipal  reason  of  his  calling  them  together  was  to  make  them 
acquainted  with  the  plan  of  operations  concerted  between  His 
Excellency,  the  Count  de  Rochambeau  and  himself  at  their  late 
meeting  at  Wethersfield.  He  requested  that  they  would  at  all  times 
in  the  course  of  these  operations,  give  him  their  advice  and  opinions 
individually  without  invitation  or  reserve,  assuring  them  that  he 
should  ever  receive  them  with  thankfulness,  and  that,  although  cir 
cumstances  or  other  considerations  might  sometimes  lay  him  under 
the  necessity  of  taking  measures  different  from  what  might  be 
proposed,  he  hoped  that  would  be  no  impediment  to  their  still  con 
tinuing  to  communicate  to  him  their  ideas. 

The  Commander-in-Chief  urged  upon  the  Board  the  necessity 
of  economizing  provisions,  and  recommended  to  the  Generals,  par 
ticularly  the  Brigadiers,  the  necessity  of  inspecting  the  returns 
made  by  their  Commissaries  upon  every  drawing  day,  in  order  to 
see,  that  the  quantity  of  rations  drawn  did  not  exceed  the  number  to 
which  the  brigade  was  strictly  entitled,  assuring  them  that  he 
should  in  future  look  upon  them  as  answerable  for  any  irregulari 
ties  upon  this  head. 

361 


362  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

He  here  took  occasion  to  state  to  the  Board,  generally,  the  present 
system  of  the  Department  of  Commissaries  General  of  Purchases 
and  Issues,  and  showed  them  the  impossibility  of  their  being  upon 
their  present  plan,  a  check,  as  was  intended,  upon  each  other,  and 
wished  the  Board  to  take  the  measure  into  consideration  and  report 
any  method  which  appeared  to  them  more  likely  to  answer  the  end 
proposed.  He  also  desired  them  to  take  the  following  matters 
into  consideration  and  report  upon  them  accordingly. 

1.  A  Plan  for  the  regular  inspection  of  the  Magazines  of  Pro 
visions,  that  the  state  of  the  provisions  may  not  only  be  constantly 
known,  but  that  the  Commissaries  may  be  called  to  account  for  any 
damage  which  may  appear  owing  to  their  negligence. 

2.  Whether  the  number  of  issuing  Posts  to  the  northward  of  Vir 
ginia  (agreeable  to  the  return  which  will  be  laid  before  them  by  the 
Commissary  General),  appear  to  them  necessary.     If  they  do  not, 
pointing  out  which,  in  their  opinions,  ought  to  be  abolished. 

3.  A    plan    for    baking    for    the    Army    drawn    up    by    General 
Knox. 

4.  The  proportion  of  women  which  ought  to  be  allowed  to  any 
given  number  of  men,  and  to  whom  rations  shall  be  allowed. 

5.  What  officers  of  the  Staff  shall  be  allowed  to  draw  waiters 
from  the  Line  of  the  Army. 

6.  Whether   it  will   be   safe   during   our   advance   towards    New 
York  and  while  we  are  operating  against  that  place,  to  trust  the 
Posts   at  Kings   Ferry  and  West  Point  to  the  following  garrisons 
composed  of  the  weakliest  and  worst  men,  but  who  are  always  to 
remain  in  the  Works  assigned  them.     [Here  follows  a  statement  of 
the  garrison  of  each  Post,  making  a  total  of  five  hundred  men.] 

7.  How  soon  will  it  be  advisable  to  encamp  the  Army,  and  at 
what   place   will   it   be   best   to    draw   them   together   in   the    first 
instance. 

On  the  next  day  the  Board  made  a  report  signed  by  all  the 
General  Officers  present  at  the  Council,  in  which  they  say : — 

SIR. — We  feel  ourselves  much  obliged  to  your  Excellency  for 
having  communicated  to  us  the  plan  of  operations  concerted 
between  yourself  and  the  Count  de  Rochambeau  for  the  ensuing 
campaign,  and  in  compliance  with  your  Excellency's  request,  we 
shall,  you  may  be  assured,  through  the  whole  course  of  its  opera 
tions,  give  you  our  opinion  and  advice,  either  collectively  or  indi 
vidually,  with  that  freedom  and  candor  which  the  regard  and 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      363 

respect  we  bear  your  Excellency  and  a  sense  of  duty,  unite  to 
exact  of  us ;  nor  shall  we  be  discouraged  from  continuing  to  do 
this,  though  you  should  deviate  from  the  measures  we  may  happen 
to  recommend,  as  we  have  the  highest  confidence  that  you  will  be 
governed  in  this,  as  well  as  in  all  other  cases,  by  the  best  of 
reasons. 

As  to  the  several  matters  submitted  for  its  consideration,  the 
Board  reports,  that  while  the  present  system  exists,  it  is  unable 
to  recommend  any  measure  which  will  effectually  prevent  abuses 
in  the  Commissary  Department,  but  that,  perhaps,  the  waste  in 
provisions  might  be  diminished  by  a  rigid  supervision  of  trans 
portation  and  a  more  frequent  inspection  of  the  magazines ;  that 
it  highly  approves  the  scheme  of  General  Knox  for  supplying 
bread  to  the  troops,  but  doubts  the  advisability  of  attempting 
a  sudden  and  rigid  reform  at  present  in  the  matter  of  officers' 
servants ;  that  the  number  of  women  necessary  to  the  Army  is, 
in  our  opinion,  one  to  every  fifteen  men. 

The  very  capital  importance  of  West  Point  to  the  common 
cause;  the  value  of  the  stores  deposited  there,  must  make  it  a 
tempting  object  to  the  enemy,  and  will  probably  induce  them  to 
attempt  the  possession  of  it,  should  it  be  but  weakly  garrisoned. 
We,  therefore,  conceive  that  to  secure  that  Post  and  its  depen 
dencies,  not  less  than  twelve  hundred  men  should  be  appropriated 
to  it.  These  we  recommend  to  be  composed  of  Continentals  and 
Militia  in  such  proportion  as  to  your  Excellency  shall  appear 
proper. 

It  is  our  opinion  that  the  Army  should  take  the  field  as  imme 
diately  as  circumstances  will  admit,  and  that  the  first  position  it 
should  assume  be  somewhere  in  the  vicinity  of  Peekskill.  In  regard 
to  the  time  in  which  the  militia  demanded  of  the  New  England 
States  may  be  brought  in,  we  imagine  it  will  require  upon  an 
average  at  least  one  month. 

With  the  greatest  pleasure  we  have  obeyed  your  Excellency's 
commands  in  giving  our  opinion  on  the  subjects  referred  to  us; 
it  will  make  us  happy  if,  in  doing  this  we  should  meet  your 
approbation. 

We  are,  Sir,  with  the  greatest  respect,  yours  &c. 

To  the  Commander  in  Chief. 

Headquarters,  New  Windsor,  June  13,  1781. 


364  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

In  accordance  with  the  recommendation  of  the  Board  of  Gen 
eral  Officers,  the  Army  was  now  rapidly  concentrated  at  Peeks- 
kill,  where  much  time  was  devoted  to  perfecting  their  drill, 
discipline  and  soldierly  bearing,  in  which  they  were  instructed  to 
take  due  pride  in  order  to  present  a  creditable  appearance  upon 
meeting  the  fine  regiments  France  had  sent  to  their  aid.  In 
Parsons'  Division,  battalion  drills  were  held  every  afternoon 
from  four  to  six  o'clock.  In  the  mornings,  the  troops  were  "  to 
exercise  in  detail  and  practice  the  manual,  marching  and  wheel 
ing  in  the  different  times,  breaking  off  in  sections  and  marching, 
by  files." 

The  plan  concerted  between  the  Commanders  of  the  Allied 
Armies  at  their  meeting  in  Wethersfield  on  the  22d  of  May,  was 
that  the  Count  de  Rochambeau  should  march  from  Newport  as 
early  as  possible  and  form  a  junction  with  the  American  Army 
near  the  Hudson  River,  upon  which  the  two  Armies  would  move 
down  to  the  vicinity  of  New  York,  in  order  to  be  ready  to  take 
advantage  of  any  opportunity  afforded  by  the  weakness  of  the 
enemy. 

On  the  9th  of  June,  the  French  Army,  between  four  and  five 
thousand  strong,  was  ordered  to  rendezvous  at  Providence. 
After  a  halt  there  of  eight  days,  the  march  was  resumed,  the 
regiment  of  Bourbonnais  in  the  van,  followed  at  intervals  of  a 
day's  march  by  the  regiments  of  Deux  Fonts,  Soissonnais  and 
Saintonge,  encamping  at  Waterman's  Tavern,  Plainfield,  Wind- 
ham  and  Bolton  in  succession  and  arriving  at  Hartford  on  the 
fifth  day,  the  22d  of  June.  Breaking  camp  on  the  25th,  the 
same  order  of  march  was  followed,  the  troops  encamping  at 
Farmington,  Baron's  Tavern  and  Break-Neck,  reaching  New- 
town  on  the  28th.  The  left  flank  during  this  movement,  was 
covered  by  the  Duke  of  Lauzun,  who,  leaving  his  winter  quarters 
at  Lebanon,  kept  as  far  advanced  as  the  first  division  and  ten 
or  fifteen  miles  to  the  south,  marching  through  Middletown, 
Wallingford,  North  Haven,  Ripton  and  North  Stratford,  where 
he  arrived  the  28th  of  June.  The  march  of  the  French  from 
Providence  was  a  continuous  ovation,  the  country  people  crowd 
ing  around  the  troops,  hailing  them  as  allies  and  defenders, 
mingling  with  the  officers  and  soldiers  in  their  encampments,  lis 
tening  to  the  music  of  the  bands  and  bringing  offerings  of  the 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       365 

few  luxuries  which  their  little  farms  afforded.  But  it  was  very 
dispiriting  to  the  American  officers  to  see  the  inhabitants  so 
ready  to  accept  the  assistance  of  the  French  and  so  reluctant  to 
take  up  arms  and  fight  their  own  battles.  "The  French  will 
fight  it  out  for  us,  having  agreed  to  do  so,  and  there  is  no 
need  of  our  troubling  ourselves  about  more  men,"  was  the  view 
they  took  and  acted  on. 

When  Washington  learned  that  the  enemy  had  weakened  their 
Posts  on  the  upper  end  of  New  York  Island  by  detaching  a 
considerable  force  upon  a  foraging  expedition  into  New  Jer 
sey,  he  determined  to  attack  immediately  without  waiting  for  the 
proposed  junction  of  the  two  armies,  and,  in  the  following  letter, 
announced  his  change  in  plan  and  the  reason  therefor  to  Count 
de  Rochambeau: — 

HEADQUARTERS  NEAR  PEEKSKILL,  June  80,  1781. 

SIR: — The  enemy,  by  sending  a  detachment  into  Monmouth 
County  in  Jersey  to  collect  horses,  cattle  and  other  plunder,  have 
so  weakened  their  Posts  upon  the  north  end  of  New  York  Island, 
that  a  most  favorable  opportunity  seems  at  this  moment  to  present 
itself  of  possessing  them  by  a  coup-de-main,  which,  if  it  succeeds, 
will  be  of  the  utmost  consequence  to  our  future  operations.  I  have 
for  this  reason  determined  to  make  the  attempt  on  the  night  of  the 
second  of  July.  But  as  we  cannot  with  the  remainder  of  our  force 
maintain  the  advantage  should  we  gain  it,  I  must  entreat  your 
Excellency  to  put  your  First  Brigade  under  march  to-morrow 
morning,  the  remaining  troops  to  follow  as  quickly  as  possible,  and 
endeavor  to  reach  Bedford  by  the  evening  of  the  second  of  July; 
and  from  thence  to  proceed  immediately  towards  Kingsbridge, 
should  circumstances  render  it  necessary.  Your  magazine  having 
been  established  on  the  route  by  Crompond,  it  may  be  out  of  your 
power  to  make  any  deviation,  but  could  you  make  it  convenient,  you 
would  considerable  shorten  the  distance  by  marching  from  Ridge- 
bury  to  Salem  and  from  thence  to  Bedford,  leaving  Crompond  on 
your  right. 

There  is  another  matter  which  appears  to  me  exceedingly  prac 
ticable  upon  the  same  night  that  we  attempt  the  Works  on  York 
Island,  and  which  I  would  wish  to  commit  the  execution  of  to  the 
Duke  de  Lauzun,  provided  his  Corps  can  be  brought  to  a  certain 
point  in  time.  It  is  the  surprise  of  a  Corps  of  Light  Troops  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  DeLancey,  which  lies  at  Morrisam'a  with- 


366  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

out  being  covered  by  any  Works.  To  effect  this,  the  Duke  must 
be  at  Bedford  on  the  second  of  July  by  twelve  o'clock,  if  possible, 
where  he  will  be  joined  by  Colonel  Sheldon  with  two  hundred  horse 
and  foot,  and  on  his  march  from  thence  by  about  four  hundred 
infantry  (Waterbury's  Corps),  both  officers  and  men  perfectly 
acquainted  with  the  country.  ...  I  must  request  your  Excel 
lency  to  send  orders  to  the  Duke  this  evening  to  continue  his 
march  to-morrow  morning  and  to  reach  Bedford  by  the  evening  of 
the  second  of  July,  if  he  cannot  be  there  by  noon.  In  this  latter 
case  the  enterprise  against  DeLancey  must  probably  be  laid  aside 
and  the  Legion,  with  the  First  Brigade  of  your  Army  will  be  at 
hand  to  support  the  detachment  upon  York  Island,  should  they 
succeed.  I  shall  move  down  with  the  remainder  of  this  Army 
towards  Kingsbridge  and  shall  be  ready  to  form  a  junction  with 
your  Excellency  below  at  some  point  which  shall  be  hereafter 
agreed  upon 

I  am  &c., 
To  the  Count  de  Rochambeau.  G.  WASHINGTON. 


It  had  been  Rochambeau's  intention,  being  now  nearer  the 
enemy  and  in  the  midst  of  the  Tory  population  of  Fairfield 
County,  to  mass  his  troops  at  Newtown  and  proceed  in  close 
column  towards  the  Hudson  River,  but  in  consequence  of  this 
letter,  he  pressed  on  to  Bedford  where  he  was  j  oined  by  the  Duke 
de  Lauzun,  who  had  been  ordered  up  from  New  Stratford.  In 
accordance  with  his  instruction,  the  Duke,  with  Colonel  Sheldon, 
proceeded  to  Clapp's  in  Kingstreet  (about  two  miles  north  of 
Saw  Pits).  Here  they  were  joined  by  General  Waterbury,  who 
had  been  ordered  to  be  there  by  sunset  on  the  2d  with  all  the 
men  of  his  command  he  should  be  able  to  collect.  The  combined 
forces,  under  the  command  of  the  Duke  de  Lauzun,  made  a  night 
march  to  East  Chester,  where  they  arrived  on  the  morning  of 
the  3d. 

On  the  1st  of  July,  General  Lincoln,  with  a  detachment  of 
eight  hundred  men,  had  been  ordered  to  embark  in  boats  at 
Teller's  Point,  after  dark  on  the  evening  of  that  day,  and  having 
descended  the  Hudson,  on  the  next  day  to  reconnoiter  from  Fort 
Lee  the  enemy's  Works  on  the  Island,  and  if  the  prospect  seemed 
favorable,  he  was  to  attempt  to  take  them  by  surprise  the  follow 
ing  morning ;  if  not,  he  was  to  land  above  Spuyten  Duyvel  Creek, 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      367 

and  marching  to  the  high  grounds  in  front  of  Kingsbridge, 
conceal  his  men  and  await  Lauzun's  attack  and,  if  possible  cut 
off  DeLancey's  retreat. 

To  support  these  detached  troops,  Washington  broke  camp  at 
Peekskill  at  three  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  2d  and 
marched  with  his  whole  army  (making  short  rests  at  the  Croton 
River  and  Tarrytown),  reaching  Valentine's  Hill,  four  miles 
north  of  Kingsbridge,  on  the  morning  of  the  3d.  General 
Parsons,  commanding  the  right  of  the  first  line,  composed  of 
the  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  troops,  occupied  the  heights 
immediately  commanding  Kingsbridge,  where  he  was  in  posi 
tion  to  intercept  the  enemy  should  they  attempt  to  escape  in  that 
direction. 

General  Lincoln,  having  found  it  impracticable  to  surprise  the 
enemy's  Posts,  "landed  near  Philipse's  House  (now  Yonkers), 
before  daybreak  on  the  morning  of  the  third,  and  took  posses 
sion  of  the  ground  on  this  side  the  Harlem  River  near  where  Fort 
Independence  stood."  His  accidental  discovery  by  the  enemy 
brought  on  an  action  which  defeated  one  of  the  main  objects  of 
the  expedition.  It  happened  that  a  wagon  train  with  an  escort 
of  two  hundred  Yagers  and  thirty  horse  was  to  be  sent  out 
that  morning  from  the  British  Lines,  but  intelligence  having 
been  received  during  the  night  that  Washington's  Army  was  at 
Sing  Sing  on  the  2d,  it  was  determined  to  send  out  the  escort 
without  the  wagons  to  recall  an  advanced  guard  which  had 
marched  to  Yonkers  the  evening  before  under  Colonel  Emmerick. 
The  officer  in  command  not  deeming  it  prudent  to  "  pass  a  series 
of  defiles  before  he  had  reconnoitered  Fort  Independence,"  sent 
forward  his  advance  guard,  which  in  the  darkness  came  within 
ten  yards  of  Lincoln's  troops  drawn  up  in  line  of  battle,  before 
it  discovered  them.  A  sharp  skirmish  ensued  in  which  the  enemy 
were  forced  to  retreat. 

The  part  assigned  to  the  Duke  de  Lauzun  was  to  beat  up 
DeLancey's  Refugees  and  prevent  the  relief  of  the  Posts  if 
attacked;  but  upon  his  arrival  at  East  Chester  on  the  morning 
of  the  3d,  "  finding  by  the  firing,"  as  Washington  reports  on 
the  6th  from  his  Headquarters  at  Dobb's  Ferry,  "  that  General 
Lincoln  had  been  attacked  and  the  alarm  given,  he  desisted  from 
a  further  prosecution  of  his  plan  (which  could  only  have  been 


368  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

executed  to  any  effect  by  surprise),  and  marched  to  the  General's 
support,  who  continued  skirmishing  with  the  enemy  and 
endeavoring  to  draw  them  so  far  into  the  country  that  the  Duke 
might  turn  their  right  and  cut  them  off  from  their  Works  on 
the  east  side  of  the  Harlem  River,  and  also  prevent  their  passing 
the  river  in  boats.  General  Parsons  had  possessed  the  heights 
immediately  commanding  Kingsbridge  and  could  have  prevented 
their  escape  by  that  passage.  Every  endeavor  of  this  kind 
proved  fruitless,  for  I  found  upon  going  down  myself  to  recon- 
noiter  their  situation,  that  all  their  force,  except  very  small 
parties  of  observation,  had  retired  to  York  Island.  This 
afforded  General  Duportail  and  myself  the  most  favorable 
opportunity  of  perfectly  reconnoitering  the  Works  upon  the 
north  end  of  the  Island,  and  making  observations  which  may  be 
of  very  great  advantage  in  the  future." 

From  a  letter  of  Captain  Marquand's,  Aid-de-Camp  to  Gen 
eral  Knyphausen,  it  appears  that  during  the  day  General  Wash 
ington,  accompanied  by  General  Parsons,  was  at  the  Van  Cort- 
landt  Manor  House,  a  mile  and  a  half  above  Kingsbridge, 
and  probably  within  the  territory  occupied  by  Parsons' 
Division. 

Disappointed  in  the  result  of  the  expedition,  Washington,  the 
next  day,  took  position  about  twelve  miles  to  the  rear,  the  Army 
encamping  in  two  lines,  the  right  resting  on  the  Hudson  near 
Dobb's  Ferry,  and  the  left  on  the  Neperan  or  Saw  Mill  River. 
On  the  6th,  the  French  broke  camp  at  North  Castle,  to  which 
they  had  advanced  on  the  3d,  and  formed  a  junction  with 
the  main  body  of  the  American  Army  at  Philipsburg.  The 
place  chosen  by  Washington  for  their  camp  was  on  the  high 
rolling  ground  between  the  Neperan  and  the  Bronx,  about  four 
miles  west  of  White  Plains.  The  Legion  of  Lauzun  occupied 
Chatterton's  Hill.  Here  the  two  armies  remained  encamped 
until  the  19th  of  August. 

The  objective  of  the  campaign  was  understood  to  be  the  cap 
ture  of  New  York,  and  the  assurances  were  that  when  this  should 
become  the  object,  New  England  would  turn  out  almost  en 
masse.  Instead  of  this,  operations  were  delayed  for  more  than 
six  weeks  and  finally  abandoned  because  of  the  failure  of  the 
Eastern  States  to  forward  their  quotas  of  provisions  and  men. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      369 

This  condition  of  affairs  was  very  aggravating  to  both  Wash 
ington  and  Parsons,  and  especially  so  to  Parsons  upon  whom 
Washington  chiefly  depended  to  keep  Connecticut  up  to  her 
duty.  Both  displayed  not  a  little  impatience.  On  the  10th  of 
May  Washington  had  sent  a  circular  letter  to  the  several  New 
England  States,  in  which  he  wrote: — "I  have  already  made 
representations  to  the  States  of  the  want  of  provisions,  the 
distress  of  the  Army,  and  the  innumerable  embarrassments  we 
have  suffered  in  consequence;  not  merely  once  or  twice,  but 
have  reiterated  them  over  and  over  again.  I  have  struggled  to 
the  utmost  of  my  ability  to  keep  the  Army  together,  but  all 
will  be  vain  without  the  effectual  assistance  of  the  States."  On 
the  24th  and  again  on  the  2d  of  August,  he  wrote  urging 
upon  the  States  the  necessity  of  prompt  action  in  sending  for 
ward  their  quotas,  declaring  that  without  them  it  would  be 
imprudent  to  advance.  The  Connecticut  Legislature,  which,  in 
answer  to  the  circular  of  May  10,  presented  to  it  by  General 
Heath,  had  promised  to  send  immediately  one  hundred  and  sixty 
head  of  cattle,  had,  on  the  1st  of  July  wrote  Heath,  sent  but 
fifty-two.  On  that  date  Washington  wrote  to  Governor  Trum- 
bull  as  follows: 

PEEKSKILL,  July  1,  1781. 

MY  DEAR  SIR. — I  am  again  obliged  to  trouble  your  Excellency 
with  the  distress  we  are  in  for  want  of  provisions  to  feed  the  troops. 
By  a  return  from  the  Commissary  General  of  Issues,  we  have 
received  from  the  12th  of  May  to  this  date,  only  three  hundred 
and  twelve  head  of  cattle,  and  these  in  the  following  proportions: 
New  Hampshire,  thirty;  Massachusetts  Bay,  two  hundred  and 
thirty;  Connecticut,  fifty-two,  in  all  three  hundred  and  twelve. 
From  this  supply,  with  the  half  of  salted  provisions,  we  have 
barely  subsisted  from  hand  to  mouth.  .  .  .  Thus  circumstanced 
I  am  obliged  to  declare  that  unless  more  strenuous  exertions  are 
made  by  the  State  to  feed  its  troops  in  the  field,  we  shall  be  reduced 
to  the  necessity,  not  only  of  relinquishing  our  intended  operations 
against  New  York,  but  shall  be  absolutely  obliged  to  disband  for 
want  of  subsistence;  or,  which  is  almost  equally  to  be  lamented, 
the  troops  will  be  obliged  to  seek  it  for  themselves  wherever  it  is 
to  be  found.  Either  of  these  circumstances  taking  place  will  put 
us  into  a  most  distressing  situation  on  our  own  account,  and  at  the 
same  time  place  us  in  a  most  shameful  point  of  view  in  the  eyes  of 


370  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

our    French   Allies,    and   unhappily    reduce   them   to    a    most    dis 
agreeable  dilemma. 

I  have  the  honor  &c., 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  G.  WASHINGTON. 

P.S.  Mr.  Stevens  will  mention  the  necessity  of  rum  and  the 
deficiency  from  your  State  in  that  article. 

In  addition  to  their  sufferings  and  consequent  discontent  from 
the  lack  of  sufficient  food,  the  Connecticut  troops  were  becoming 
dangerously  disaffected  on  account  of  the  continued  neglect  of 
their  State  to  provide  for  their  arrears  of  pay.  The  Committee 
of  the  Line,  appointed  for  the  purpose,  having  failed  to  effect  a 
settlement  with  the  State,  asked  General  Parsons  to  explain  the 
reasons  to  the  troops.  After  consulting  General  Huntington,  it 
was  deemed  best  to  bring  the  matter  to  the  attention  of  General 
Washington,  which  Parsons  did  in  the  following  letter: — 

CAMP  PEEKSKILL,  June  26,  1781. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — The  Committee  from  the  Connecticut  Line, 
appointed  to  adjust  their  accounts  with  the  State,  have  returned 
without  effecting  a  settlement,  the  Lower  House  of  Assembly 
refusing  to  pay  any  part  of  the  subsistence  of  the  officers  before 
the  first  of  April  last,  and  from  that  time  no  more  than  eight  pence 
half  penny  per  ration,  the  resolution  of  Congress  notwithstanding. 
In  stating  the  accounts,  the  Committee  of  the  Assembly  charge 
many  articles  supplied  the  Army  at  fifty  per  cent  above  the  price 
agreed  to  by  the  Assembly,  which  the  Legislature  refuses  to  ratify. 
These  reasons  prevented  a  settlement,  the  gentlemen  from  the  Army 
not  thinking  it  consistent  with  their  trust  to  close  the  account  with 
the  total  loss  of  so  great  a  part  of  their  just  dues,  and  have  reported 
the  facts  to  me,  desiring  me  to  publish  the  matter  to  the  Line  in 
such  manner  as  I  judge  most  expedient. 

On  consulting  General  Huntington,  we  thought  it  proper  to 
inform  your  Excellency  of  our  apprehensions  of  the  fatal  con 
sequences  we  fear  on  the  refusal  of  the  State  to  close  the  accounts 
and  secure  the  subsistence,  as  well  as  the  pay,  of  the  Line,  and  to 
request  your  Excellency's  advice  and  direction.  The  officers  have 
now  served  from  the  first  of  January  1777,  and  have  received  very 
little  more  than  one  years  pay  for  their  services,  and  very  little 
prospect  appears  of  a  speedy  supply  of  money  and  no  expectation 
of  a  settlement  of  their  past  wages  and  subsistence.  Their  own 
estates  are  in  a  great  measure  expended  in  subsisting  themselves  in 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      371 

the  Army,  and  they  are  reduced  thereby  to  a  state  of  distress; 
and  the  conduct  of  Government  in  this  and  other  instances  con 
vinces  them  that  they  have  no  justice  to  hope  from  the  State  unless 
their  accounts  are  closed  and  their  wages  and  subsistence  secured 
before  the  period  arrives  in  which  they  have  no  further  occasion 
for  the  services  of  the  Army.  Under  these  impressions,  heightened 
by  their  real  wants,  I  fear  they  will  be  driven  from  service  on 
knowing  the  state  in  which  their  demands  on  Government  are  left; 
nor  can  I  hold  myself  answerable  for  their  conduct.  I  think  it 
highly  probable  a  very  great  proportion  of  officers  would  imme 
diately  resign  their  commissions  even  at  this  season,  the  con 
sequences  of  which  will  be  little  short  of  disbanding  the  Line.  I 
would,  therefore,  beg  your  Excellency's  direction  in  the  case,  and 
that  the  Line  may  once  more  be  aided  by  your  friendly  inter 
position  with  the  State  to  do  them  justice.  The  Governor  has 
always  exerted  himself  to  procure  that  justice  which  is  due  the 
Army.  A  letter  from  your  Excellency  to  him  on  the  subject  would 
at  least  quiet  the  minds  of  the  officers  whilst  the  matter  was  in  a 
train  of  adjustment,  and  I  believe  procure  that  justice  from  the 
State  which  nothing  else  will  effect. 

I  am  with  great  respect  &c., 
To  General  Washington.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

To  this  General  Washington  replied: — 

HEADQUARTERS,  PEEKSKILL,  June  27,  1781. 

SIR  . — I  have  received  your  favor  of  yesterday's  date  and  am 
very  sorry  to  observe  its  contents.  I  can  think  of  no  mode  more 
eligible  than  to  transmit  the  letter,  with  some  observations  on  the 
probable  consequences,  to  the  State  of  Connecticut.  This  mode  I 
shall  pursue,  and  hope  the  State,  on  further  consideration,  will  do 
all  the  justice  to  their  Line,  that  they  have  a  right  to  expect. 

I  am,  Sir,  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  G.  WASHINGTON. 

Washington  accordingly,  on  the  28th,  wrote  as  follows  to 
Governor  Trumbull,  and  enclosed  in  his  letter,  Parsons'  letter  to 
him  of  the  26th  :— 

HEADQUARTERS,  PEEKSKILL,  June  28,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR. — Enclosed  your  Excellency  will  receive  copy  of  a 
letter  addressed  to  me  from  General  Parsons,  representing  the 
situation  of  the  troops  of  your  Line  of  the  Army. 


372  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

I  feel  myself  so  distressed  at  this  representation,  not  only  as  it 
affects  the  troops  themselves,  but  from  the  apprehensions  I  have 
of  the  consequences  which  may,  from  their  feelings,  be  produced 
to  the  general  service,  that,  although  it  is  not  within  my  province 
to  interfere  with  the  internal  resolutions  or  determinations  of  the 
States,  I  did  not  think  it  amiss  to  transmit  this  letter  to  your 
Excellency  and  to  beg  the  most  serious  attention  of  the  State  to  its 
subj  ect. 

Permit  me,  Sir,  to  add,  that  policy  alone  in  our  present  circum 
stances  seems  to  demand  that  every  satisfaction  which  can  reason 
ably  be  requested  should  be  given  to  those  veteran  troops  who, 
through  almost  every  distress,  have  been  so  long  and  so  faithfully 
serving  the  State;  as,  from  every  representation,  I  have  but  too 
much  reason  to  suppose  that  the  most  fatal  consequences  to  your 
Line  will  ensue  upon  the  total  loss  of  any  further  expectations  than 
they  at  present  have,  of  relief  from  the  State;  and  how  serious 
will  be  the  consequences  to  our  present  meditated  operations,  should 
any  disturbance  arise  in  so  respectable  a  body  of  troops  composing 
this  Army,  as  that  from  the  State  of  Connecticut,  I  leave  the  State 
to  reflect.  For  myself,  I  lament  the  prospect  in  its  most  distant  idea. 

If  your  Legislature  should  not  be  sitting,  (as  I  suppose  they  are 
not),  I  leave  it  to  your  Excellency  to  determine  whether  it  is 
necessary  immediately  to  convene  them  on  this  subject.  I  have 
only  to  wish  that  it  may  have  as  early  a  consideration  as  may  be 
found  convenient,  or  consistent  with  other  circumstances  which 
must  be  best  known  to  your  Excellency. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  the  most  perfect  esteem  and  regard 
Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 
To   Governor  Trumbull. 

On  the  9th  of  July,  Trumbull  replied  to  General  Washington 
as  follows : — 

LEBANON,  July  9,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  am  honored  with  your  Excellency's  letter  of  28th 
June  last,  with  a  copy  of  one  addressed  to  you  from  General  Par 
sons,  enclosed.  Your  feelings  of  distress  excite  a  sympathy  in  my 
breast,  and  a  readiness  to  do  all  in  my  power  to  remove  the 
occasion.  That  the  Committee  from  the  Connecticut  Line  of  the 
Army  did  not  accomplish  a  full  settlement,  was  to  me  a  matter  of 
sorrow  and  fear  for  its  consequences.  The  veteran  troops  who 
faithfully  served,  and  bravely  endured  so  many  distresses  in 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      373 

defense  of  their  own  and  their  country's  righteous  cause,  in  the 
unhappy  contest  with  the  British  King  and  Ministry  and  continue 
therein  to  the  end,  will  be  rewarded,  acknowledged  and  remem 
bered  with  love  and  gratitude  by  this  and  future  generations. 
Surely  none  will  forsake  it  or  cause  disturbances  at  this  time,  when 
in  a  near  view  of  an  happy  issue.  Those  who  do  will  meet  with 
reproach  and  regret. 

The  country,  universally,  has  had  many,  very  many,  embar 
rassments  and  great  difficulties  to  encounter  and  struggle  through; 
enemies,  secret  as  well  as  open;  no  permanent  army  raised;  soldiers 
to  be  hired  into  the  service  for  short  periods  at  extravagantly  high 
prices ;  no  magazines  of  provisions ;  an  army  to  be  fed  from  hand 
to  mouth;  finances  deranged;  public  credit  abused  and  ruined;  a 
rapid  depreciation  of  the  currency;  the  army  not  paid  or  clothed; 
the  force  and  the  pernicious  policy  of  a  cruel  and  inveterate  enemy 
to  be  met  and  avoided ;  heavy  taxes ;  unreasonable  j  ealousies ;  with 
a  train  of  other  grievances  more  easily  conceived  than  expressed. 
Suffer  me  to  mention  one  more,  by  way  of  inquiry;  whether  it  is 
not  grievous  to  hear  our  officers  say,  that  "  they  have  no  justice  to 
hope  for  from  the  State,  unless  their  accounts  are  closed,  and  their 
wages  and  subsistence  secured,  before  the  period  arrives  in  which 
they  have  no  further  occasion  for  the  services  of  the  army."  I  do 
sincerely  wish  for  that  period,  and  will  then  and  ever  exert  myself 
to  obtain  justice  for  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  our  Line,  as  freely 
as  I  have  done  so,  to  bring  the  war  to  a  happy  close.  A  full 
settlement  was  agreed  on  for  the  pay  and  wages  of  our  Line;  the 
subsistence  of  the  officers  is  the  only  matter  unsettled.  It  was  pro 
posed  to  give  them  eight  pence  half  penny  per  ration,  not  from  the 
first  of  April  last,  as  mentioned  in  the  letter,  but  from  the  first  of 
April,  1780;  the  residue  to  lie  open  for  the  determination  of 
Congress. 

The  Legislature  of  this  State  is  not  sitting.  To  call  it  to  meet 
at  this  season,  when  every  other  business,  public  and  domestic,  calls 
for  the  attention  of  the  members,  will  cause  discontent  and  uneasi 
ness.  You  may  depend  on  my  giving  the  subject  as  early  con 
sideration  as  may  be  found  convenient  and  consistent  with  other 
circumstances.  A  sum  of  money  for  our  Line  of  the  Army,  as 
much  as  can  be  collected,  shall  be  forwarded  soon. 
•  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  sentiments  of  great  regard  and 
consideration,  Yours  &c., 

JONATHAN  TRUMBULL. 
To  General  Washington. 


374  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

On  the  same  day,  Trumbull  replying  to  Washington's  letter 
of  July  1st,  after  detailing  the  measures  taken  to  furnish  beef 
to  the  Army,  says: — 

I  intend  to  remain  home  till  the  troops  are  forwarded  from 
hence,  then  to  remove  to  Hartford  to  promote  the  hastening  on  of 
the  fresh  beef  and  other  supplies.  .  .  .  Mr.  Pomeroy  hath 
orders  to  send  on  twenty  hogsheads  of  rum,  sixty  barrels  of  powder 
and  more  will  be  ordered  as  soon  as  I  get  to  Hartford." 

On  the  10th,  General  Parsons,  at  the  request  of  Washington 
stated  to  him  in  writing,  the  claims  of  the  officers  to  have  their 
relative  rank  settled  by  a  Board  of  Officers,  as  follows;  on  the 
same  day,  and  again  on  the  12th,  he  wrote  as  follows  to  Gover 
nor  Trumbull: — 

CAMP,  July  10,  1781. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — According  to  your  Excellency's  directions,  I 
am  to  state  in  writing  the  claims  of  the  different  ranks  of  officers 
in  the  Connecticut  Line  to  a  Board  of  Officers  to  settle  their  rela 
tive  rank,  or  that  your  Excellency  would  decide  the  claims  without 
a  Board. 

Captains  Bulkley  and  Morris,  at  the  time  of  settling  the  rank 
of  captains,  were  prisoners  and  have  never  had  an  opportunity  to 
be  heard,  and  suppose  themselves  injured  in  the  settlement,  and 
under  the  resolution  of  Congress,  claim  to  be  restored  to  the  same 
rank  they  would  have  held  if  they  had  taken  their  regular  promo 
tion.  The  subalterns  suppose  that  the  captain-lieutenants  on  the 
former  establishment,  have  on  the  present  system  no  other  rank 
than  that  of  lieutenants,  no  captain-lieutenants  being  now  known  in 
the  Army,  and  being  subaltern  officers,  are  to  take  rank  according  to 
their  commissions  and  in  no  other  manner,  there  being  no  higher 
grade  of  subalterns  than  lieutenants.  The  lieutenants  commis 
sioned  as  second  lieutenants  before  the  first  of  June,  1778,  when 
the  new  arrangement  of  the  Army  took  place,  suppose  themselves 
much  injured  by  being  postponed  to  those  who  obtained  lieuten 
ancies  subsequent  to  that  point  by  regimental  promotion;  they 
say,  that  at  that  time  they  were  lieutenants  and  the  different 
grades  of  lieutenants  then  ceased,  therefore  they  are  entitled  to 
be  considered  as  lieutenants  from  that  date;  that  even  sergeants, 
by  regimental  promotions,  will  command  them  on  other  principles ; 
they  further  say  that  these  principles  were  adopted  in  the  Massa- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      375 

chusetts  Line  in  the  sixteen  additional  battalions  and  in  other 
Lines,  and  that  by  denying  them  the  same  consideration,  they  will 
become  an  exception  to  most  of  the  Lines  in  the  Army.  The 
various  claims  before  mentioned  have  become  so  interesting  to  the 
peace  of  the  Line  that  I  must  beg  your  Excellency  either  to  decide 
on  those  questions  yourself  or  appoint  a  Board  of  Officers  to  hear 
their  claims  and  determine  on  some  principles  by  which  they  may 
be  settled. 

I  am  with  much  respect  &cv 
To  General  Washington.  SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

CAMP  NEAR  DOBB'S  FERRY,  July  10th,  1781. 
SIR. — Your  Excellency's  letter  of  last  February  assuring  me  of 
a  very  speedy  supply  of  money  for  the  troops ;  similar  assurances 
given  by  the  Council  in  March  and  April,  and  your  Excellency's 
direction  to  promise  them  a  month's  pay  in  solid  coin  by  the  first 
of  this  month,  have  been  communicated  to  the  Line  from  time  to 
time,  but  to  this  time  promises  are  all  they  have  received  and  they 
believe  'tis  all  they  will  receive.  More  than  fifteen  months  have 
elapsed  without  their  receiving  a  farthing  of  pay  or  any  other 
satisfaction  for  their  services,  and  they  think  themselves  worse 
than  neglected.  I  have  reason  to  fear  very  unhappy  consequences 
will  speedily  result  from  this  neglect  and  the  refusal  of  the  Legis 
lature  to  adjust  their  accounts,  and  even  at  this  time  I  fully  believe 
nothing  retains  a  great  proportion  of  your  officers  but  an  expecta 
tion  of  a  very  speedy  answer  to  the  General's  letter  wrote  your 
Excellency  on  the  subject  of  the  denial  to  settle  with  the  Army. 
I  can  in  no  measure  hold  myself  answerable  for  the  fidelity  of 
your  troops  under  the  repeated  disappointments  they  have  met 
with.  Justice  to  my  country  and  myself  requires  me  to  be  explicit 
in  noticing  the  Council  of  the  probable  consequences  of  their 
neglect;  'tis  their  duty  to  present  the  fatal  effects  which  will 
probably  flow  from  a  denial  of  justice,  and  'tis  mine  to  be  impor 
tunate  to  procure  that  justice  which  your  Army  has  a  right  to 
expect  and  demand,  in  which  case  let  consequences  ever  so  fatal 
follow  their  neglect,  I  stand  justified.  Every  State  has  done  much 
towards  satisfying  the  just  demands  of  their  troops,  and  Con 
necticut,  the  best  of  any  State  in  the  Union,  has  done  nothing.  I 
must  entreat  your  Excellency  to  enable  me  to  give  them  some  satis 
faction.  As  to  further  promises  I  can  make  them  none.  The  very 
many  I  have  been  directed  by  the  Council  to  make,  have  already 
rendered  my  assurances  of  little  avail,  and  'tis  unjust  for  me  to 


376  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

make  another  essay  to  quiet  them  in  that  way.  I  shall  make  trial 
to  quiet  their  minds  until  there  is  time  to  have  an  answer  to  this 
letter,  at  which  period  without  money  or  an  answer,  I  must  submit 
to  whatever  effects  flow  from  the  neglect  of  the  State  to  do  justice. 

I  am  with  great  esteem 

Your  obt.  servant 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

CAMP,  July  12th,  1781, 

SIR. — It  is  my  duty  to  inform  your  Excellency  of  every  event 
by  which  your  troops  in  the  present  critical  state  may  be  affected. 
The  Rhode  Island  troops,  who  compose  part  of  my  Division,  have 
just  received  an  addition  of  two  months  pay  in  hard  money,  which 
makes  six  months  wages  received  by  them  since  the  first  of  January. 
Colonel  Olney  has  been  kind  enough  not  to  deliver  any  of  it  at 
present,  and  will  withhold  it  for  about  eight  days  longer  to  know 
if  Connecticut  will  pay  any  part  of  the  wages  due  to  its  soldiers 
and  officers.  The  vicinity  of  our  Allies  makes  the  case  more  dis 
tressing,  if  possible,  when  they  pay  every  attention  to  us,  and  the 
utmost  civility  is  shown  us;  'tis  mortifying  indeed  to  be  able  to 
return  none  of  the  civilities  we  receive,  when  other  Lines  are  paid 
so  as  to  enable  the  officers  and  men  to  appear  in  character. 

The  discontent  is  hourly  increasing  in  your  troops,  and  they 
have  so  little  confidence  in  the  State  that  any  promises  made  by  it 
would  heighten  their  resentment  until  some  of  the  many  promises 
the  State  has  made  are  fulfilled.  They  consider  the  neglect  and 
repeated  violations  of  promises  made  by  the  State  as  adding  insult 
to  injustice;  and  I  believe  any  longer  neglect  will  be  attended  with 
the  dissolution  of  the  Line,  nor  will  it  be  in  my  power  to  prevent  it. 
I  beg  to  hear  from  you  as  soon  as  possible,  that  I  may  know 
whether  anything  is  to  be  expected. 

I  hear  the  State  is  selling  its  lands  for  any  obligations  owing 
from  it.  I  wish  to  receive  my  pay  in  lands.  Mr.  Lee  will  wait  on 
you  and  take  any  estate  which  is  granted. 

I  am  with  esteem  &c., 

SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Governor  Trumbull. 

P.  S.  I  would  beg  your  Excellency  to  approve  the  appointment 
of  Joseph  Rogers,  Ensign  in  the  2d  Regt.  and  Phinehas  Beckwith, 
in  the  1st.  Regt.  They  are  doing  that  duty  and  officers  are  much 
wanted. 

To  Parsons'  letter  of  the  10th,  Governor  Trumbull,  replied: — 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      377 

LEBANON,  July  16,  1781. 

SIR. — Your  letter  of  the  10th  instant  is  before  me.  The  letter 
you  refer  to  from  General  Washington,  (June  28),  I  have  received 
and  answered.  (July  9)  You  doubtless  have  by  this  time,  or  very 
soon  will  be  favored  with  a  copy  of  that,  which  will  serve  in 
general  as  an  answer  to  yours  under  consideration.  Some  par 
ticular  remarks,  however,  may  be  both  necessary  and  useful  in  so 
critical  period  as  the  present.  In  your  letter  to  General  Washing 
ton  and  in  yours  to  me,  you  charge  the  Legislature  of  this  State 
with  refusing  to  settle  and  adjust  the  accounts  of  the  Army,  and 
with  denying  them  justice,  and  say  they  do  not  believe  they  shall 
ever  have  anything  from  the  public  but  promises,  and  that  you 
cannot  hold  yourself  answerable  for  the  fatal  consequences  that 
may  follow  from  the  conduct  of  our  Assembly.  The  Assembly  do 
not  consider  you  as  any  further  answerable  than  faithfully  to  per 
form  and  fufill  the  trust  reposed  in  you,  an  essential  part  of  which 
is  making  a  fair  and  just  representation  both  to  the  public  and  the 
Army,  in  all  matters  that  concern  your  office,  the  good  of  the 
public  and  the  peace  of  the  Army.  It  appears  to  me  and  to  my 
Council  that  you  are  too  severe  in  your  remarks,  and  that  a  candid 
attention  to  what  the  Assembly  have  done  and  are  doing  to  raise 
money  for  the  Army,  and  the  exertions  people  at  home  are  making 
for  that  purpose;  the  extreme  difficulty  of  collecting  hard  money 
just  when  the  people  are  called  on  to  recruit  the  Army  at  so 
great  an  expense;  and  further,  that  it  is  a  fact  that  the  Assembly 
have  complied  with  all  the  Army  requested  in  point  of  justice  in 
settlement,  excepting  actual  payment,  and  a  trifling  dispute  rela 
tive  to  the  detained  rations  of  some  of  the  officers,  in  which,  as 
such,  the  soldiery  have  no  interest;  for  which  rations  the  Assembly 
allowed  eight  and  one-half  pence,  except  for  the  time  Congress 
made  allowance  from  time  to  time  as  they  thought  fit,  subject  to 
further  allowance  as  may  appear  to  them  reasonable,  and  every 
thing  proper  for  the  Assembly  to  have  done  might  have  been 
settled,  had  not  the  officers  refused.  It  appears  to  me  if  you  attend 
to  these  facts,  you  will  see  that  your  complaints  are  not  well 
founded,  and  that  if  you  make  the  same  representations  to  the 
Army  as  you  do  to  us,  they  must  be  extremely  dangerous.  It  is 
not  necessary  to  make  any  more  promises,  as  I  have  no  doubt  the 
money  proposed  will  soon  be  sent  forward,  as  every  possible 
exertion  is  making  for  that  purpose.  I  am  also  persuaded  there 
is  no  just  ground  to  fear  but  the  Assembly  will  ever  be  disposed 
to  do  strict  justice  to  the  Army,  and,  all  circumstances  considered, 


378  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

it  is  undoubtedly  the  duty  of  every  officer  in  the  Army  to  exert 
himself  in  this  critical  situation  of  our  affairs  to  quiet  the  Army 
by  representing  to  them  that,  notwithstandng  the  many  hardships 
and  disappointments  they  have  met  with,  the  Assembly  and  people 
at  home  have  not  only  an  affecting  sense  of  these  distresses,  but 
are  exerting  themselves  to  their  utmost  to  provide  relief;  and  that, 
as  our  medium  is  now  likely  to  be  certain,  we  may  reasonably  hope 
that  our  public  affairs  will  soon  wear  a  better  face.  As  these  are 
undoubted  realities,  I  doubt  not  but  the  officers  will  endeavor  to 
make  the  whole  Army  realize  them.  We  are  all  embarked  in  the 
same  cause.  Our  interest  can  be  but  one,  and  I  doubt  not  but  that 
by  the  blessing  of  God  our  joint  exertions  will  soon  procure  a 
happy  peace. 

I  am  with  esteem  and  regard,  Sir, 

Your  obed't  hum'b  servant 
To  Major  General  Parsons.  JNO.  TRUMBULL. 

The  next  day,  Governor  Trumbull  wrote  to  Washington  com 
plaining  of  the  severe  strictures  on  the  Legislature  contained  in 
Parsons'  letter  of  the  10th,  to  him,  and  enclosed  a  copy  of  the 
letter,  with  his  answer,  to  the  General: — 

LEBANON,  July  17,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR. — Since  my  last  to  your  Excellency,  I  have  received 
a  letter  from  General  Parsons,  dated  the  tenth  instant,  filled  with 
severe  remarks  and  reflections  on  our  Legislature,  a  copy  thereof 
with  my  answer  is  enclosed. 

I  wish  to  do  the  things  that  make  for  peace  with  both  officers 
and  men  of  the  Connecticut  Line  of  the  Army,  consisting  of  our 
own  people  raised  for  defending  and  securing  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  whole,  embarked  in  the  same  common  cause,  and 
to  return  to  citizens  again  when  the  contest  with  the  British  King 
and  Ministry  is  ended;  to  prevent,  if  possible,  discord  and  division 
so  very  dangerous  in  our  situation  and  hazardous  to  our  present 
operations.  Surely  the  officers  do  not  desire  to  inflame  the  soldiery 
with  apprehensions  that  the  Assembly  deny  that  justice  which  was 
done  them  the  last  year,  with  which  they  were  satisfied,  when  the 
Committee  from  the  Line  know  the  whole  accounts  of  pay  and  wages 
were  gone  through  and  ready  to  be  closed  on  the  same  principles, 
and  that  nothing  remained  in  question  but  only  the  detained  rations 
of  the  officers.  This  was  not  agitated  till  it  became  time  for  the 
Committee  to  return  to  their  duty  and  when  there  was  scarcely 


time  for  the  members  of  so  numerous  a  body  to  deliberate  upon  the 
subject.  Eight  pence  half -penny  per  ration  was  offered  from  April 
first,  1780.  Many  were  of  the  opinion  that  by  the  time  of  payment 
that  rate  would  be  more  than  sufficient  for  the  same;  others  pro 
posed  to  secure  a  specific  payment.  As  to  what  was  due  before 
that  (April  first,  1780)  it  naturally  lay  open  for  the  direction  of 
the  Honorable  Congress.  In  the  midst  of  these  deliberations  the 
Committee  left  us  unexpectedly.  I  observed  no  design  to  deny 
justice  to  the  officers;  to  the  soldiery,  there  could  be  none.  The 
accounts  were  fully  agreed,  prepared  and  ready  to  be  closed.  I 
choose  to  forbear  any  recrimination,  yet  suffer  me  to  inquire,  why 
the  Committee  from  the  Line  did  not  bring  on  the  settlement  for 
detained  rations  earlier?  they  knew  it  must  require  time  for 
deliberations  when  they  well  knew  the  principles  for  settlement  of 
pay  and  wages  were  agreed  on  the  last  year.  Do  they  mean  to 
press  for  more  than  justice  from  the  necessity  of  their  present 
services  and  the  fear  of  fatal  consequences,  if  denied?  The  whole 
Line  knows,  and  ought  to  consider,  their  pay  and  wages  are  secured 
in  full  value,  while  depreciation  operates  as  a  heavy  tax  upon  the 
rest  of  the  people.  The  officers  may  likewise  consider  that  their 
pay  was  raised  by  Congress  fifty  per  cent  above  what  the  State 
agreed  with  them  for. 

The  maxim  adopted  by  the  enemy  is  that  old  one  of  "  divide 
et  impera."  Will  we  suffer  avarice  to  divide  and  ruin  us  and  our 
cause  and  give  them  opportunity  to  exult  and  triumph  over  us? 
Providence  hath  and  doth  smile  propitiously  upon  us  and  calls 
aloud  for  union,  vigorous  exertions,  patience  and  perseverance 
and  to  endure  hardships  as  good  soldiers,  that  the  end  may  be 
peace.  Justice  and  Peace  ride  together  in  the  same  chariot.  It 
will  be  my  constant  endeavor  that  peace  may  be  obtained  on  just 
and  honorable  terms,  and  that  justice  may  be  done  to  them  who 
jeopard  their  lives  in  the  high  places  of  the  field,  in  defence  and 
to  secure  the  blessings  of  freedom  for  ourselves  and  posterity. 

I  wrote  yesterday  the  Treasurer  to  inform  me  this  week  what 
sum  of  hard  money  is  and  can  be  immediately  collected  for  the 
Army,  which  shall  be  sent  forward  without  delay.  The  measures 
directed  and  orders  given  for  raising  and  marching  our  troops  to 
the  Army,  are  now  diligently  carrying  into  execution. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  every  sentiment  of  esteem  and 
consideration, 

Your  Excellency's  most  obdt.  humb.  servt. 

To  His  Excellency,  General  Washington.        JNO'TH-  TRUMBULL. 


380  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Trumbull's  letters  of  the  16th  and  17th  drew  from  General 
Parsons  the  following  scathing  and  indignant  response: — 

CAMP,  July  26,  1781. 

SIR. — Had  a  doubt  remained  in  my  mind,  your  Excellency's 
letter  to  the  Commander  in  Chief  and  the  one  addressed  to  me  of 
the  16th  inst.,  would  have  removed  a  possibility  of  doubting  that 
in  the  opinion  of  the  Council  no  truth  can  be  told  with  plainness 
but  is  unjust  and  injurious,  and  that  no  labor  and  pains  which  I 
take  to  satisfy  the  minds  of  the  Connecticut  Line  of  the  Army 
is  considered  in  any  other  light  than  unjustifiable  design,  mis 
representation  and  little  short  of  exciting  mutiny  and  disorder. 
This,  Sir,  is  a  treatment  that  I  less  deserved  than  expected.  I  know 
I  have  exerted  myself  to  preserve  the  peace  of  your  Line  in  every 
instance  since  I  have  had  the  honor  to  command  it,  for  which  I 
have  received  neither  gratitude  nor  good  words,  and  I  know  it  a 
veritable  fact  (to  use  your  expression),  that  the  existence  of  your 
Line  is  more  owing  to  the  unremitting  exertions  of  myself  and  the 
officers  of  the  Line  than  to  anything  the  State  has  done. 

You  tax  me,  Sir,  with  making  misrepresentations  to  the  army, 
and  that  in  consequence  of  those  misrepresentations  extreme 
danger  is  to  be  apprehended.  This  observation  is  founded  in  an 
entire  mistake,  which  the  gentleman,  in  whose  handwriting  I  believe 
your  letter  to  be,  well  knows,  as  we  have  not  been  accustomed  since 
1776,  nor  then  in  many  instances,  to  call  the  soldiers  together  to 
consult  on  grievances,  or  to  make  representations  to  them  of 
dangers  or  difficulties  which  attend  or  threaten  their  situation,  but 
have  uniformly  observed  a  different  line  of  conduct.  I  have  care 
fully  reviewed  the  letter  I  wrote  the  General  which  your  Council 
except  against,  and  am  not  able  to  find  a  tittle  of  misrepresenta 
tion  in  it.  That  letter  is  an  official  one  founded  on  the  report  of 
the  committee  (of  the  army)  ;  the  truth  of  their  report  I  am  not 
answerable  for.  I  have  no  reason  to  believe  it  contains  anything 
but  strict  and  literal  facts,  the  opinion  of  the  Council  notwith 
standing.  I  leave  them  to  justify  their  own  report,  and  have  no 
doubt  they  are  well  able  to  do  it.  I  agree  with  the  Council  "  that 
I  am  no  further  answerable  for  the  fidelity  of  the  troops  than  by 
a  faithful  performance  of  the  trust  reposed  in  me,  an  essential 
part  of  which  is  making  a  fair  and  just  representation  both  to  the 
public  and  the  army."  However  strongly  a  contrary  conduct  is 
implied  in  your  letter,  I  know  I  have  done  my  duty  with  upright 
ness,  and  have  never  made  any  unfair  or  unjust  representations  to 
the  army,  unless  promising  them  from  time  to  time  by  desire  of 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      381 

the  Council,  what  has  never  been  fulfilled,  may  be  considered  as 
such;  but  every  representation  I  have  made  to  the  Line  has  been 
that  which  tended  to  set  Government  in  the  fairest  light,  and 
which  was  most  likely  to  quiet  their  minds.  The  many  misrepresen 
tations  I  have  been  compelled  to  make  for  this  purpose,  if  the 
Council  did  me  justice,  they  would  place  to  their  own  account,  as  it 
originated  with  themselves.  If  this  has  been  a  crime  to  me,  I 
ought  to  ask  pardon  of  my  Maker  and  the  Army,  but  not  of  the 
State  by  whose  importunity  I  have  been  misled. 

As  to  representations  to  the  public,  'tis  not  the  custom  of  the 
army  to  make  them,  nor  do  we  make  that  appeal  but  in  cases  of  the 
greatest  urgency.  I  do  not,  as  you  suppose,  tax  the  State  with 
injustice.  I  but  represent  to  the  Commander  in  Chief,  as  is  my 
duty,  the  opinions  and  feelings  of  the  Line.  However  mistaken 
they  may  be,  I  am  not  culpable  for  their  opinions,  but  should  I 
omit  to  make  a  just  representation  of  them,  I  should  be  held 
criminal  by  every  impartial  man  should  ill  consequences  flow  from 
those  opinions;  the  facts  on  which  their  distrust  is  founded  they  are 
well  able  to  represent,  and  I  have  no  reason  to  believe  them  mis 
taken.  But  since  plainness  and  literal  truths  are  not  agreeable, 
I  will  omit  to  trouble  the  Council  in  future  on  the  subject,  as  I 
cannot  reconcile  my  mind  to  a  different  line  of  conduct. 

The  distinction  your  Council  make  between  the  interests  of  the 
officers  and  soldiers  I  am  convinced  is  popular  in  the  State,  which 
is  the  only  forcible  reason  I  can  see  for  its  being  adopted.  Their 
interests,  in  my  opinion,  are  inseparable,  and  there  are  but  few 
soldiers  who  can  be  induced  to  believe  that  that  man  or  body  of 
men  who  refuse  to  fulfil  a  contract  made  with  one  class  of  men, 
will  religiously  abide  those  made  with  another  class.  Nor  can  I 
see  the  dispute,  which  you  say  was  the  only  one,  is  so  trifling  as 
your  Council  seem  to  consider  it;  nor  was  that  the  only  dispute, 
if  the  committee  rightly  inform  me,  and,  as  they  say,  a  letter 
addressed  to  your  Excellency  at  Hartford  will  convince  the  world 
that  they  did  not  acquiesce  in  the  report  of  the  Assembly's  com 
mittee,  and  that  the  agreement  mentioned  in  your  letter  to  the 
General,  is  a  partial  one  made  by  the  Assembly's  committee  and 
objected  to  by  them.  Upon  the  whole,  Sir,  I  am  taxed  with  mis 
representation  for  stating  facts  which  I  have  every  reason  to 
believe  are  true.  It  would  be  exceedingly  improper  for  me  to 
retort  the  charge,  although  the  committee  of  the  army  are  not  con 
vinced  the  facts  stated  by  the  Council  are  a  just  representation  of 
the  transactions. 


382  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

The  expression  in  your  letter  I  am  most  affected  with,  is  that 
you  say  the  sentiments  contained  in  it  are  your  own  as  well  as  those 
of  your  Council.  This,  I  own,  I  should  not  have  expected,  and  I 
know  I  never  deserved  them  either  from  you  or  them,  and  had  a 
right  to  expect  a  very  different  treatment  from  you.  If  perfect 
silence  in  future  is  most  agreeable,  I  shall  not  trouble  your  Excel 
lency  or  the  Council  with  any  further  information,  and  only  add 
that  I  esteem  myself 

Your  Excellency's  much  abused  and  very  humble  servant 

S.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Governor  Trumbull. 

Among  the  Trumbull  Papers  are  two  letters,  both  dated  July 
26,  1781,  and  both  signed  by  officers  of  the  Connecticut  Line, 
from  which  it  is  evident  that  General  Parsons,  in  his  representa 
tions  to  the  Governor,  did  not  in  the  least  exaggerate  the  gravity 
of  the  situation.  The  first,  addressed  to  the  Governor,  is  as 
follows : — 

CAMP  PHILLIPSBOROUGH,  July  26,  1781. 

SIR: — We  have  been  favored  with  the  perusal  of  your  letter 
to  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  9th  of  July,  in  which  it  is 
observed,  "  a  full  settlement  was  agreed  upon  for  the  pay  and 
wages  of  our  Line,  the  subsistence  of  the  officers  being  the  only 
matter  unsettled."  From  our  personal  acquaintance  with  your 
Excellency,  we  are  led  to  conceive  you  have  entirely  misunderstood 
the  objections  made  by  the  Army's  Committee  in  the  letter  from 
them  delivered  you  by  Col.  Swift,  previous  to  our  departure  from 
Hartford.  After  being  fully  convinced  that  the  State  was  deter 
mined  not  to  do  us  justice  on  the  subject  of  retained  rations  which 
are  considered  a  very  essential  part  of  our  pay,  we  could  not  think 
ourselves  authorized  to  proceed  any  further  in  adjusting  the 
accounts,  and  entirely  objected  to  completing  a  settlement.  This 
we  stated  in  a  letter  directed  to  the  Assembly's  Committee  then 
at  Wethersfield,  upon  which  they  delivered  into  our  hands  all  the 
papers  on  which  a  settlement  could  be  grounded,  which  letter  was 
laid  before  the  House  of  Assembly  with  the  report  of  their  Com 
mittee.  That  polite  attention  and  treatment  we  had  invariably 
received  from  your  Excellency,  with  the  attachment  you  had  ever 
manifested  to  the  interests  of  the  Army,  and  that  our  conduct 
might  be  perfectly  reconciled  to  your  feelings,  we  gave  your 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      383 

Excellency  a  stating  of  the  whole  matter  at  large  in  which  we 
objected  to  certain  articles  being  charged  at  fifty  per  cent  higher 
than  the  price  affixed  by  the  Assembly  in  their  former  Resolves; 
the  injustice  done  a  number  of  officers  in  receiving  orders  for  cloth 
ing  which  were  not  paid  until  the  money  had  greatly  depreciated; 
the  inequality  of  the  sum  allowed  to  purchase  the  articles  of  provi 
sions  withheld  from  us  without  our  consent,  all  of  which  more  fully 
appear  by  the  said  letter,  were  the  principal  reasons  given  for  our 
departure  previous  to  completing  a  settlement.  How  'tis  possible 
your  Excellency  can  suppose  a  full  adjustment  was  agreed  upon 
for  pay  and  wages,  is  to  us  mysterious ;  if  so,  it  has  been  done  with 
out  the  knowledge  or  consent  of  the  Army  or  its  Committee.  The 
resolution  of  the  Assembly  appointing  a  Committee  to  settle  with 
the  Army  for  the  year  1780,  authorized  them  to  meet  such  Com 
mittee  as  the  Army  should  appoint  for  that  purpose,  by  which  it 
fully  appears  that  their  Committee  was  a  joint  one  with  the  Army 
Committee.  Without  their  mutual  consent,  we  cannot  conceive  it 
possible  the  business,  or  any  part  of  it,  could  be  completed.  The 
Assembly  must  be  vested  with  some  powers  never  before  mani 
fested,  if  their  approbation  of  an  ex  parte  report  of  two  com 
mittees,  can  establish  a  contract  never  made.  If  by  the  adjust 
ment  your  Excellency  speaks  of,  is  meant  an  agreement  between 
the  Assembly's  Committee  and  themselves,  we  can  have  no  objec 
tions  to  your  Excellency  representing  it  to  the  Commander-in- 
Chief,  so  long  as  the  only  knowledge  they  or  any  of  them  have  of 
it,  is  taken  from  your  Excellency's  letter.  It  appears  to  us  equally 
unreasonable  how  any  one  could  suppose  the  Army  was  settled  with 
when  no  payment  was  made  or  plan  of  payment  suggested;  if  this 
is  called  a  settlement  by  the  State,  we  must  confess  the  sentiments 
we  have  heretofore  entertained  of  their  honor  and  dignity  will  in 
future  want  support.  Conscious  to  themselves  that  no  adjustment 
had  taken  place  to  their  knowledge,  the  Committee  from  the  Army 
on  their  arrival  in  Camp,  reported  to  the  Line;  (which  report  was 
delivered  to  the  Commander-in-Chief),  that  no  settlement  with  the 
State  was  effected  for  the  year,  1780,  which  very  essentially 
differs  from  the  representation  made  to  him  by  your  Excellency 
and  immediately  calls  our  veracity  and  personal  credit  into  ques 
tion.  Your  Excellency  can  very  easily  judge  of  our  feelings  in 
consequence,  but  we  shall  have  the  consolation  of  believing  our 
report  founded  upon  truth  until  some  evidence  of  our  acquiescing 
in  a  settlement  is  produced. 


384  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

We  are  with  all  possible  respect  your  Excellency's  most  obed't. 
and  most  humble  servants 

Signed  COL.  HERMAN  SWIFT, 

LT.    EBEN    HUNTING-TON, 
MAJOR  DAVID  SMITH, 
CAPT.  RICHARD  SILL, 
LT.  HEZEKIAH  ROGERS. 
To  his  Excellency,  Governor  Trumbull. 

The  second  letter,  which  follows  in  full,  is  signed  by  sixty- 
seven  officers  of  the  Line — three  colonels ;  three  lieut.  colonels ; 
two  majors;  twenty  captains;  twenty-three  lieutenants;  thirteen 
ensigns  and  three  surgeons — is  without  address,  but  evidently, 
was  sent  to  Governor  Trumbull  to  be  presented  by  him  to  his 
Council  or  to  the  Assembly : — 

CAMP,  July  26,  1781. 

SIR: — We  have  attentively  perused  the  letter  from  his  Excel 
lency,  Governor  Trumbull  to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  of  the  9th 
of  July,  and  are  unhappy  that  the  conduct  of  the  State  is  such  as 
to  give  grounds  for  observations  which  injure  the  feelings  of  any 
of  its  members. 

His  Excellency  must  have  forgotten  he  could  be  severe,  when 
speaking  of  those  who  should  quit  the  Army,  he  says,  "  Surely 
none  will  forsake  it  or  cause  disturbances  at  this  time  when  in  a 
near  view  of  an  happy  issue;  those  who  do  will  meet  with  reproach 
and  regrets." 

After  continuing  in  service  almost  five  years,  being  compelled 
to  loan  three  years  pay  to  the  Government  without  obtaining  but  a 
small  proportion  of  the  interest,  and  not  able  as  yet  to  receive  but 
a  trifling  part  of  what  is  due  for  eighteen  months  last  past;  our 
families  reduced  to  the  verge  of  poverty,  our  little  private  for 
tunes  nearly  exhausted;  our  constitutions  emaciated  and  our  cloth 
ing  worn  to  rags,  we  never  once  suspected,  after  being  compelled 
to  quit  the  Army,  we  ought  to  meet  reproach  from  that  Country  to 
whose  inattention  the  compulsion  owes  its  origin. 

In  the  midst  of  our  distresses,  we  have  ever  indulged  the  pleasing 
reflection  that  our  Countrymen  at  home  in  ease  and  luxury,  at  least 
were  disposed  to  make  us  the  small  satisfaction  of  gratitude  and 
thanks  for  fatigues  and  hardships.  The  delusion  has  sweetened  our 
most  disagreeable  moments  and  smoothed  the  face  of  danger.  If 
what  we  have  already  done  procures  reproach,  we  may  at  the  close 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      385 

of  the  war  fully  expect  a  very  different  reward  from  the  love  and 
gratitude  promised  in  his  Excellency's  letter. 

His  Excellency  with  a  degree  of  anxiety  inquires,  "  Whether  it  is 
not  grievous  to  hear  our  officers  say,  '  they  have  no  justice  to  hope 
for  from  the  State  unless  their  accounts  are  closed  and  their  wages 
and  subsistence  secured  before  the  period  arrives  in  which  it  has  no 
further  occasion  for  the  service  of  the  Army.'  "  We  cannot  con 
ceive  the  observation  any  further  grievous  than  it  wants  support 
from  the  conduct  of  the  Government.  From  our  attention  to  man 
kind  and  their  actions,  we  are  taught  to  believe,  that  when  an  indi 
vidual  or  a  public  body  has  broken  over  the  rules  of  justice  and 
equity,  'tis  not  unreasonable  to  expect  them  to  pursue  in  similar 
circumstances  the  same  line  of  conduct.  By  the  resolve  of  the 
Assembly,  October,  1779,  for  liquidating  and  adjusting  the  accounts 
of  the  Army  to  the  first  of  January,  1780,  those,  who  through  the 
fatigues  of  three  campaigns  had  ruined  their  constitutions  or  whose 
particular  distresses  had  compelled  them  to  obtain  discharges,  were 
absolutely  excluded  from  the  benefit  of  the  resolves,  although,  in 
several  instances,  they  had  served  within  a  few  days  of  the  given 
time.  Their  petitions  and  remonstrances  to  the  General  Assembly 
on  the  subject  have  been  enumerated,  but  to  no  effect.  The  reason 
of  this  partiality  in  the  mind  of  every  disinterested  person  would 
be  grounded  upon  the  necessity  of  our  services  and  the  expiration 
of  theirs.  Were  we  silently  to  pass  over  the  many  instances  in  which 
the  public  faith  (as  his  Excellency  justly  observes)  has  been  abused 
and  ruined,  this  single  instance,  so  applicable  in  all  its  circumstances 
would  be  sufficient  to  justify  the  observation  to  the  world.  Either 
the  State  must  act  a  trifling,  inconsistent  part,  or  our  reward  depends 
upon  the  necessity  of  our  services  to  its  defense.  At  the  raising  of 
the  Army  in  1777,  a  certain  number  of  rations  were  promised  to 
each  rank  of  officers,  which  were  to  be  received  by  them  in  pro 
visions,  or  a  satisfactory  compensation  made  in  lieu  thereof.  The 
provision  has  been  withheld  from  us,  not  by  our  consent.  The  Assem 
bly  (who,  after  the  recommendation  of  Congress  to  the  several  States 
to  settle  with  their  respective  troops,  ought  to  make  such  compensa 
tion),  refuse  to  make  that  allowance  which  a  committee  from  their 
own  body  judged  was  our  due.  Government  has  not  punctually 
paid  the  interest  of  the  moneys  which,  from  their  holding  them  in 
their  own  hands,  they  have  compelled  us  to  loan  to  them,  except  in 
a  few  instances.  Money  for  wages  has  been  repeatedly  promised 
us  for  more  than  twelve  months  past  by  the  Governor  and  Com 
manding  Officer  of  the  Line,  [Parsons]  but  not  a  single  farthing 


386  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

has  arrived.  Whether  this  neglect  has  arisen  from  the  inability  of 
the  Government  to  execute  its  own  orders,  or  from  the  orders  them 
selves  not  being  sufficiently  extensive  to  answer  the  purpose  pro 
posed,  to  us  is  very  immaterial;  in  the  result  our  just  dues  are  with 
held  from  us.  While  our  opinion  is  the  necessary  consequence  of 
disagreeable  evidence,  we  cannot  conceive  how  it  can  fall  with  any 
grief  upon  those  who,  in  all  circumstances,  have  discharged  their 
duty.  Faith,  whether  moral  or  political,  is  equally  averse  to  com 
pulsion;  the  difficulty  of  creating  it  in  one  instance  is  the  same  as  in 
the  other,  both  must  depend  upon  the  evidence  of  truth  communi 
cated  to  the  mind.  To  believe  without  evidence  would  be  miraculous, 
and  to  disbelieve  with  it,  impossible.  Our  wishes  and  interests 
compel  us  to  faith  in  Government,  and  his  Excellency  may  depend 
upon  it,  solid  arguments  drawn  from  the  purses  of  those  we  defend, 
will  renew,  and  a  faithful  fulfillment  of  promises  support,  such  a 
faith  as  will  make  us  sound  political  believers,  without  which  noth 
ing  short  of  an  entire  alteration  of  the  original  plan  of  our  natures 
can  effect.  We  wish  you  to  communicate  these  our  sentiments  to  those 
who  censure  us  for  speaking  truths  we  cannot  avoid  believing. 

Headquarters,  Dobb's  Ferry,  August  3,  1781,  Washington 
wrote  to  Governor  Trumbull  as  follows: — 

SIR. — I  regret  being  obliged  to  inform  your  Excellency,  that  I 
find  myself  at  this  late  period  very  little  stronger  than  I  was  when 
the  Army  first  moved  out  of  its  Quarters.  I  leave  your  Excellency 
to  judge  of  the  delicate  and  embarrassed  situation  in  which  I  stand 
at  this  moment.  Unable  to  advance  with  prudence  beyond  my 
present  position,  while  perhaps  in  the  general  opinion  my  force  is 
equal  to  the  commencement  of  operations  against  New  York,  my 
conduct  must  appear,  if  not  blamable,  highly  mysterious  at  least. 
Our  Allies,  with  whom  a  junction  has  been  formed  upwards  of  three 
weeks,  and  who  were  made  to  expect  from  the  engagements  which 
I  entered  into  with  them  at  Wethersfield  in  May  last,  a  very  con 
siderable  augmentation  of  our  force  by  this  time,  instead  of  seeing 
a  prospect  of  advancing,  must  conjecture,  upon  good  grounds,  that 
the  campaign  will  waste  fruitlessly  away.  ...  I  cannot  yet 
but  persuade  myself,  and  I  do  not  cease  to  encourage  our  Allies 
with  the  hope,  that  our  force  will  still  be  sufficient  to  carry  our 
intended  operation  into  effect;  or,  if  we  cannot  fully  accomplish 
that,  to  oblige  the  enemy  to  withdraw  part  of  their  force  from  the 
southward  to  support  New  York,  which,  as  I  informed  you  in  my 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      387 

letter  from  Wethersfield,  was  part  of  our  plan.  Your  Excellency 
must  be  sensible,  that  the  fulfillment  of  my  engagements  must 
depend  upon  the  degree  of  vigor  with  which  the  executives  of  the 
several  States  exercise  the  powers  with  which  they  have  been  vested, 
and  enforce  the  laws  lately  passed  for  filling  up  and  supplying  the 
Army.  ...  I  have  the  honor  &c., 

G.  WASHINGTON. 

P.  S. — For  the  quiet  of  the  troops  of  your  Line,  I  am  anxious 
that  a  sum  of  money  to  the  amount  of  two  or  three  months  pay,  may 
come  on  immediately.     If  this  is  much  longer  delayed,  I  am  fearful 
what  may  be  the  consequences. 
To  Governor  Trumbull. 

The  Governor  would  seem  to  have  assented  to  the  method 
urged  by  Parsons  and  his  fellow  officers  and  endorsed  by  Wash 
ington,  of  renewing  and  supporting  his  soldiers'  faith  in  their 
State  and  converting  them  into  "  sound  political  believers,"  for, 
as  appears  from  his  reply  to  the  preceding  letter,  he  had  already 
commenced  drawing  "  solid  arguments  from  the  purses  of  those 
they  defend." 

HARTFORD,  August  8,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR. — Your  Excellency's  letter  of  the  third  instant  is  re 
ceived.  We  have  exerted  ourselves  to  obtain  money  for  the  Con 
necticut  Line  of  the  Army,  and  have  had  success  so  far  as  to  put 
up  thirty-five  thousand  pounds  lawful  money  in  solid  silver  and 
gold,  ready  to  be  conveyed  to  the  Army  for  pay  and  wages  of  our 
Line.  It  will  be  at  Danbury  by  the  fifteenth  instant.  Wish  for 
directions  relative  to  bringing  it  forward,  and  the  safety  thereof. 

I  have  given  renewed  orders  for  raising,  detaching  and  marching 
the  men  for  the  Continental  Army.  The  two  State  regiments  at 
Horseneck,  and  for  three  months  service,  to  march  to  West  Point, 
hoping  the  same  will  have  a  good  effect. 

I  expect  to-morrow  morning  to  set  out  on  my  journey  to  Dan- 
bury  and  shall  there  receive  your  letters  and  directions. 

I  am  with  every  sentiment  of  esteem,  yours  &c., 

JON'TH  TRUMBULL. 
To  his  Excellency,  General  Washington. 

The  preceding  correspondence  between  Washington,  Parsons 
and  the  Governor  and  Council  of  Connecticut  relative  to  the 
Connecticut  Line,  appears  to  have  been  effectual  in  stirring  up 


388  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

the  authorities  of  that  State  to  more  prompt  and  efficient  action, 
and  if  Parsons  did  let  loose  his  indignation  somewhat,  it  was  no 
more  than  his  State  deserved  for  its  apathy  at  this  most  critical 
period.  The  Governor  and  Council  must  have  been  satisfied 
upon  further  reflection  that  Parsons  was  in  the  right,  for  not 
long  after  they  honored  him  with  a  signal  mark  of  their  confi 
dence  by  requesting  him  to  take  under  his  command  the  State 
troops  and  Coast  Guard  raised  by  the  State  for  its  own  defense, 
together  with  such  militia  as  should  be  ordered  to  the  coast,  and 
dispose  them  in  such  manner  as  he  should  judge  necessary  to  pro 
tect  the  inhabitants  along  the  shore  from  the  incursions  of  the 
enemy.  The  following  is  the  full  text  of  the  order: — 

Resolved,  That  the  following  order  to  Major  General  Parsons  be, 
and  the  same  is,  approved,  and  his  Excellency,  the  Governor  is  de 
sired  to  sign  and  transmit  the  same  to  Major  General  Parsons 
accordingly. 

State  of  Connecticut,   by   the   Captain   General  to  Major   General 
Parsons. 

SIR. — The  desultory  expeditions  on  the  coast  of  this  State,  re 
quiring  the  immediate  attention  of  the  Council  of  Safety  to  oppose 
the  designs  of  the  enemy  and,  if  possible,  compel  them  to  desist 
from  their  present  system  of  carrying  on  the  war,  I  am  advised  by 
the  Council  to  desire  you  to  repair  to  the  western  part  of  this  State 
and  take  under  your  command  the  State  troops  and  Coast  Guards 
who  are  raised  for  the  protection  of  this  State,  and  such  of  the 
militia  as  shall  be  ordered  there,  and  such  force  from  the  Continental 
Army  as  may  be  sent  for  the  protection  of  this  State;  and  you  are 
hereby  empowered  and  authorized  to  dispose  this  force  in  such 
manner  as  you  judge  necessary  for  the  purposes  intended,  subject, 
however  to  such  orders  from  time  to  time  as  you  may  receive  from 
me  or  the  Council  of  Safety  of  this  State;  and  you  are  hereby 
authorized  and  empowered  to  call  forth  such  part  of  the  militia  of 
the  Second,  Fourth  and  Sixth  Brigades  within  the  State  as  you  may 
judge  necessary  to  repel  any  invasion  of  the  Coast  of  this  State; 
and  also  to  undertake  with  the  troops  of  this  State,  or  such  other 
force  as  you  shall  be  provided  with,  any  expedition  against  the 
enemy  in  any  Post  they  occupy.  And  for  this  purpose,  you  are 
authorized  and  empowered  to  seize  and  impress  any  vessels,  boats 
or  other  craft  for  transporting  men,  artillery  or  military  stores 
necessary  for  any  enterprise  you  may  undertake. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      389 

You  will  from  time  to  time  inform  me  of  the  state  of  the  enemy, 
their  designs  and  intentions  as  far  as  may  come  to  your  knowledge, 
and  of  such  military  preparations  as  may  be  made  in  the  western 
parts  of  this  State  in  consequence  of  this  order,  and  whatever  in  the 
course  of  executing  your  orders  may  occur  by  which  the  State  may 
be  affected. 

Given  with  the  advice  of  the  Council  at  Hartford,  September 
10th,  1781.  JNO'TH  TRUMBULL, 

Governor. 

Headquarters,  near  Dobb's  Ferry,  July  12,  1781,  General 
Washington  wrote  to  General  Parsons : — 

SIR. — I  have  sent  to  request  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  send  one 
of  your  Aids-de-Camp  to  give  orders  to  Brigadier  General  Water- 
bury  for  me,  to  put  the  whole  of  his  troops  in  motion  to-morrow 
morning  and  to  march  them  to  Mamaroneck  or  North  Street,  at  one 
of  which  places  he  will  receive  further  orders  respecting  the  posi 
tion  he  is  to  take. 

General  Waterbury  will  move  at  the  time  appointed  without  fail, 
and  give  orders  for  the  baggage  to  follow  as  soon  as  may  be;  as  the 
Corps  cannot  be  of  any  service  while  it  continues  at  such  a  distance 
as  it  is  at  present  from  the  Army. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  G.  WASHINGTON. 

On  the  21st  of  July,  a  reconnaisance  in  force  was  made  of  the 
defenses  on  the  upper  part  of  New  York  Island.  At  eight 
o'clock  in  the  evening  of  that  day,  about  five  thousand  troops 
marched  in  four  columns  by  as  many  different  roads.  The 
right,  consisting  of  the  Connecticut  Division,  twenty-five  of 
Sheldon's  Horse  and  two  pieces  of  artillery,  under  the  com 
mand  of  Major  General  Parsons,  marched  by  the  North  River 
road.  Two  Divisions  under  Major  Generals  Lincoln  and  Howe, 
with  the  Corps  of  Sappers  and  Miners  and  four  field  pieces, 
formed  the  next  column  and  advanced  by  the  Saw  Mill  River 
road.  On  the  left  of  the  Americans  was  the  French  right,  con 
sisting  of  the  brigade  of  Bourbonnais  with  the  battalion  of 
Grenadiers  and  Chasseurs,  two  field  pieces,  and  two  twelve- 
pounders.  Their  left  column  was  composed  of  Lauzun's 
Legion,  one  battalion  of  Grenadiers  and  Chasseurs,  the  Regiment 
of  Soissonnais,  two  field  pieces  and  two  howitzers.  General 


390  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Waterbury  with  the  militia  and  State  troops  of  Connecticut, 
was  to  march  on  the  East  Chester  road,  there  to  be  joined  by 
Sheldon's  cavalry  for  the  purpose  of  scouring  Throg's  Neck. 
Sheldon's  infantry  was  to  join  the  Duke  de  Lauzun  and  scour 
Morrisania,  being  covered  by  Scammell's  light  infantry,  who 
were  "  to  advance  through  the  fields,  waylay  the  roads,  stop  all 
communication  and  prevent  intelligence  from  getting  to  the 
enemy."  At  Valentine's  Hill  the  left  column  of  the  Americans 
and  the*  right  of  the  French  effected  a  junction.  The  whole 
army,  Parsons'  Division  in  the  lead,  arrived  at  Kingsbridge 
about  daylight,  and  formed  on  the  heights  back  of  Fort  Inde 
pendence,  extending  towards  DeLancey's  Mills ;  while  the  Legion 
of  Lauzun  and  Waterbury's  Corps  proceeded  to  scour  Morris 
ania  and  Throg's  Neck,  but  with  little  effect  as  most  of  the 
Refugees  had  fled.  A  few,  however,  were  caught  and  some 
horses  brought  off.  The  enemy  were  completely  surprised. 
After  spending  the  22d  and  23d  in  making  a  careful  and 
thorough  reconnaisance,  the  army  marched  back  about  six 
o'clock  by  the  same  routes,  but  in  the  reverse  order,  and  reached 
the  camp  at  Philipsburgh  about  midnight. 

Westchester  County,  during  the  Revolutionary  War,  was 
infested  with  marauding  bands  known  as  Cow-Boys  and  Skin 
ners.  The  former  were  cattle  thieves  and  made  up  of  Refugees 
and  Tories,  and  the  latter,  so  called  from  their  taking  everything 
they  could  find,  professed  to  be  on  the  American  side;  but  the 
two  sets  had  a  good  understanding  with  each  other  and  plundered 
patriots  and  loyalists  with  equal  impartiality.  To  repress  these 
bands  was  not  easy,  for  the  guerrilla  of  to-day  became  the 
peaceable  farmer  of  to-morrow,  but  Parsons  believed  their  depre 
dations  could  be  stopped,  and  on  the  28th  wrote  Washington  to 
that  effect,  suggesting  measures  to  accomplish  it. 

CAMP,  July  28,  1781. 

SIR. — From  the  intelligence  I  have  received  from  the  country  and 
my  own  observation,  I  am  convinced  that  the  inhabitants  in  the  rear 
of  the  Army  are  intimately  connected  with  the  Refugees  who  are  on 
the  roads  in  our  rear,  and  at  many  times  form  part  of  the  robbers 
who  are  constantly  distressing  the  inhabitants  and  rendering  it 
dangerous  to  pass  the  roads.  I  would,  therefore,  propose  as  a  further 
security,  that  no  persons  under  the  description  of  volunteers  be  per- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      391 

mitted  to  assemble  in  arms  in  the  rear  of  the  Camp,  unless  they  are 
put  under  the  command  of  such  officers  as  shall  be  appointed  by 
your  Excellency,  accountable  to  you,  and  that  where  there  is  reason 
to  believe  any  of  the  inhabitants  harbor  or  give  intelligence  to  the 
Refugees,  they  shall  be  removed.  A  further  regulation  appears  to 
be  necessary  to  prevent  plundering  the  inhabitants  in  our  rear,  and 
I  know  of  none  better  than  to  order  all  plunder  taken  to  be  de 
livered  to  the  Commissary  or  Quartermaster  General,  whether  taken 
by  the  regular  troops  or  volunteers  on  pain  of  imprisonment. 

I  am  &c., 
To  General  Washington.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  inhabitants  along  the  Sound  lived  in  constant  fear  of 
attacks  from  the  enemy  and  were  continually  urging  that  regular 
troops  be  stationed  there  for  their  defense.  August  tenth, 
Abraham  Davenport  wrote  from  Stamford,  a  place  as  much 
exposed  as  any  on  the  border,  asking  Washington  to  detach 
some  part  of  his  Army  as  a  guard,  a  request  he  would  hardly 
have  made  had  he  understood  the  situation  and  the  impossibility 
of  granting  it  at  this  most  critical  period: — 

STAMFORD,  August  10,  1781. 

SIR. — Your  Excellency  has  undoubtedly  been  informed  of  the 
exposed  situation  of  this  part  of  the  country  and  of  the  frequent 
incursions  of  the  enemy.  Several  inhabitants  have  been  killed 
and  wounded,  and  nearly  sixty  within  a  short  time  carried  into 
confinement  and  robbed  of  their  property,  and  unless  some  pro 
tection  is  afforded,  those  who  are  of  ability  and  inclination  will 
retire  into  the  country,  and  others  will  make  their  peace.  The 
ardor  of  the  people,  (which  is  to  be  lamented,)  has  abated  in  con 
sequence  of  their  distresses,  so  that  very  little  opposition  is  to  be 
expected  from  them.  If  it  be  consistent  with  the  general  good 
for  your  Excellency  to  detach  some  part  of  the  Army  as  Guards 
upon  this  representation,  I  have  no  doubt  it  will  be  done.  General 
Parsons  will  inform  your  Excellency  of  the  designs  of  the  enemy 
against  this  Town  and  can  give  you  any  other  information  you 
desire.  I  am  with  esteem,  Your  Excellency's 

most  obed't.   Serv't., 
To  General   Washington.  ABR'M.    DAVENPORT. 

Rochambeau,  at  the  Wethersfield  conference,  had  favored  a 
southern  campaign  in  preference  to  an  attempt  on  New  York, 


392  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

believing  it  impracticable  to  bring  the  large  French  ships  of 
the  Line  into  the  Harbor,  and  that,  without  the  assistance  of  the 
fleet,  the  city  could  not  be  successfully  attacked.  His  plan, 
while  not  wholly  abandoned,  had  beeen,  at  the  instance  of  Wash 
ington,  contingently  laid  aside  for  the  attempt  on  New  York. 
The  result  of  the  several  reconnaisances  must  have  raised  a 
doubt  in  Washington's  mind  as  to  whether  anything  more  could 
be  accomplished  by  the  present  expedition,  for  in  a  letter  to 
Lafayette  of  July  30,  he  says : — 

I  think  we  have  effected  one  part  of  the  plan  of  the  cam 
paign  settled  on  at  Wethersfield,  that  is,  giving  a  substantial  relief 
to  the  Southern  States  by  obliging  the  enemy  to  recall  a  considera 
ble  part  of  their  force  from  thence.  Our  view  must  now  be  turned 
towards  endeavoring  to  expel  them  totally  from  those  States,  if 
we  find  ourselves  incompetent  to  the  siege  of  New  York. 

Early  in  August  Washington  began  his  preparations  for  a 
possible  abandonment  of  New  York  for  the  South.  Indeed, 
events  were  now  rapidly  creating  a  state  of  affairs  which  left 
him  no  alternative.  "  The  feeble  compliance  of  the  States  with 
his  requisitions  for  men  hitherto,  and  the  little  prospect  of 
greater  exertions  in  the  future,"  forbade  the  hope  of  any 
material  increase  in  his  Army ;  three  thousand  Hessian  troops 
arriving  on  the  llth  of  August  had  raised  Clinton's  force  to 
eleven  thousand  men;  Cornwallis,  it  was  learned  on  the  15th, 
had  marched  down  the  Peninsula  to  Yorktown,  and  would  prob 
ably  weaken  his  force  by  sending  reinforcements  to  New  York, 
though  in  fact  none  were  sent,  their  departure  having  been 
prevented  by  the  arrival  of  the  French  fleet;  Count  de  Grasse 
had  sent  word  that  he  would  reach  the  Chesapeake  by  the  end 
of  August,  and  Lafayette's  troops  had  been  so  disposed  as  to 
prevent  the  enemy's  escape  through  the  Carolinas.  Matters 
thus  brought  to  a  crisis,  Washington  was  compelled  for  the 
time  to  abandon  his  designs  on  New  York  and  turn  his  attention 
to  the  more  promising  field  of  operations  on  the  Peninsula. 

On  the  19th  of  August,  both  armies  broke  camp,  the  Amer 
icans  crossing  the  Hudson  at  King's  Ferry  on  the  next  day,  and 
the  French  between  the  22d  and  25th.  Every  effort  was  made 
to  mislead  both  the  Army  and  Clinton,  as  to  the  objective  of  the 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      393 

march,  the  roads  being  repaired  towards  Kingsbridge  and  Staten 
Island  and  a  French  bakery  set  up  at  Chatham.  Misleading 
letters  were  also  written  to  fall  into  the  enemy's  hands.  March 
ing  to  the  head  of  the  Elk,  the  troops  were  embarked  on  sailing 
vessels  and  arrived  before  Yorktown  September  28.  The 
place  was  completely  invested  on  the  30th,  and  on  the  19th  of 
October,  four  years  and  two  days  after  Burgoyne's  surrender 
at  Saratoga,  Cornwallis  surrendered  to  the  allied  forces  the 
Posts  of  Yorktown  and  Gloucester,  with  about  seven  thousand 
British  troops,  together  with  his  shipping  and  seamen.  This 
event  caused  the  fall  of  North's  Ministry  and  virtually  ended  the 
war. 


CHAPTER    XXIII 

HEATH  COMMANDS  IN  THE  HIGHLANDS.  PARSONS  TAKES  CHARGE 
OF  THE  DEFENSE  OF  CONNECTICUT.  PREPARES  TO  ATTACK 
LLOYD'S  NECK.  HEATH  FAILS  TO  SUPPORT  HIM.  THE  CON 
NECTICUT  TROOPS  WINTER  IN  THE  HIGHLANDS.  As  TO  DIS 
ABLED  OFFICERS.  PARSONS'  FAREWELL  ADDRESS  TO  His  TROOPS. 
RESIGNS  His  COMMISSION  AS  MAJOR  GENERAL. 

August,   1781— July,   1782 

BEFORE  leaving  for  the  South,  General  Washington  issued  the 
following  instructions  to  Major  General  Heath,  whom  he  left 
in  command  in  the  Highlands: — 

SIR. — You  are  to  take  command  of  all  the  troops  remaining  in 
this  Department,  consisting  of  the  two  regiments  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  ten  of  Massachusetts  and  five  of  Connecticut,  the  Corps  of 
Invalids,  Sheldon's  Legion,  the  Third  Regiment  of  Artillery, 
together  with  all  such  State  troops  and  militia,  as  are  retained  in 
service,  and  who  would  have  been  under  my  own  command. 

The  security  of  West  Point  and  the  Posts  in  the  Highlands,  is 
to  be  considered  the  first  object  of  your  attention.  .  .  .  The 
force  now  put  under  your  orders,  it  is  presumed,  will  be  sufficient 
for  the  purpose,  as  well  as  to  yield  a  very  considerable  protection 
and  cover  to  the  country,  without  hazarding  the  safety  of  the 
Posts  in  the  Highlands.  .  .  .  The  protection  of  the  northern 
and  western  frontiers  of  the  State  of  New  York,  as  well  as  those 
parts  of  that  and  other  States  most  contiguous  and  exposed  to  the 
ravages  and  depredations  of  the  enemy,  will  claim  your  atten 
tion.  .  .  .  Although  your  general  rule  of  conduct  will  be  to 
act  on  the  defensive  only,  yet  is  not  meant  to  prohibit  you  from 
striking  a  blow  at  the  enemy's  Posts,  or  detachments,  should  a 
fair  opportunity  present  itself. 

The  most  eligible  position  for  your  Army,  in  my  opinion,  will 
be  on  the  north  side  of  Croton  River,  as  well  for  the  purpose  of 
supporting  the  garrison  of  West  Point,  annoying  the  enemy  and 
covering  the  country,  as  for  the  security  and  repose  of  your  troops. 
Waterbury's  brigade,  which  may  be  posted  towards  the  Sound, 

394 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      395 

Sheldon's  Corps,  the  State  troops  of  New  York  and  other  light 
parties,  may  occasionally  be  made  use  of  to  hold  the  enemy  in 
check,  and  carry  on  a  petite  guerre  with  them,  but  I  would  recom 
mend  keeping  your  force  as  much  collected  and  as  compact  as  the 
nature  of  the  service  will  admit,  doing  duty  by  corps  instead  of 
detachments,  whenever  it  is  practicable. 

It  will  not  be  expedient  to  prevent  such  militia  as  were  ordered, 
from  coming  in,  until  the  arrival  of  the  Count  de  Grasse,  or  some 
thing  definite  or  certain  is  known  from  the  southward;  and  even 
then  circumstances  may  render  it  advisable  to  keep  the  enemy  at 
New  York  in  check,  to  prevent  their  detaching  to  reinforce  their 
southern  Army,  or  to  harass  the  inhabitants  on  the  seacoast. 

You  will  be  pleased,  also,  to  keep  me  regularly  advised  of  every 
important  event  which  shall  take  place  in  your  Department. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  Headquarters,  this  ipth  day  of  August 
1781. 

These  instructions  imposed  a  very  grave  responsibility  upon 
Heath  and  his  officers.  With  a  force  much  inferior  to  Clinton's 
he  was  expected  to  defend  the  Posts  on  the  Hudson  and  keep 
open  the  communication  between  New  England  and  Middle 
States,  besides  protecting  the  inhabitants.  But  thanks  to  the 
supineness  of  Clinton,  the  troops  left  in  the  Highlands  had  very 
little  to  employ  them  during  Washington's  absence  in  Virginia, 
beyond  guarding  against  the  predatory  parties  sent  out  from 
New  York. 

Danbury,  August  22,  1781,  General  Parsons  presented  the 
following  memorial: — 

To  his  Excellency  the  Governor  and  Honorable  Council  of  Safety 

sitting  in  Danbury : — 

The  memorial  of  the  subscriber  showeth,  that  the  State  is 
indebted  to  him  in  several  sums  for  his  past  wages  and  on  other 
accounts  to  a  considerable  amount;  that  his  attention  to  his  duty 
in  the  Army  necessarily  prevented  him  from  pursuing  those  meas 
ures  to  secure  lands  in  payment  of  the  said  debts,  which  other  men 
not  confined  to  the  Army  are  at  leisure  to  effect;  that  he  conceives 
the  design  of  the  Act  of  the  Assembly  for  disposing  of  the  for 
feited  lands,  is  to  pay  their  debts;  he,  therefore,  prays  that  an 
order  may  issue  from  this  Board  to  enable  your  memorialist  to  take 
up  so  much  of  the  forfeited  lands  in  Colchester  or  Lyme  or  such 
other  place  as  may  be  convenient,  as  at  appraisal  will  amount  to 


396  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

the  debt  Government  owes  him ;  or  if  more  eligible,  that  he  may 
be  at  liberty  to  take  lands  in  the  town  of  Greenwich  at  their  full 
value.  I  as  in  duty  bound  &c.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

General  Parsons  having  learned  from  his  spies  in  New  York, 
that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  enemy,  in  case  Washington  should 
march  to  Virginia,  to  make  a  diversion  in  favor  of  Cornwallis 
by  attacking  various  places  on  the  coast,  sent  the  following 
communication  to  the  authorities  of  Connecticut: — 

The  subscriber  states  for  the  consideration  of  the  Governor 
and  Council  of  Safety,  the  following  facts : — 

That  by  intelligence  he  has  received  from  New  York  on  which 
he  thinks  he  has  reason  to  rely,  the  enemy's  present  intention  is 
to  undertake  desultory  expeditions  upon  the  coasts  of  some  of  the 
States  in  the  Union,  if  the  Army  under  the  command  of  General 
Washington  should  march  to  Virginia.  That  the  Associated 
Loyalists  at  Lloyd's  Neck  at  no  time  exceed  three  hundred  men; 
that  the  garrison  at  Shongum  near  Smithtown  on  Long  Island 
does  not  exceed  fifty  men;  that  the  Fort  on  Lloyd's  Neck  is  an 
irregular  square,  having  a  fosse  about  four  feet  deep  and  about 
the  same  width,  nearly  surrounding  it;  that  'tis  f raised  on  every 
part;  that  upright  pickets  nearly  of  the  same  height  and  diameter 
are  placed  without  the  ditch  and  an  abatis  without  the  whole; 
that  a  passage  into  the  Fort  sufficient  for  a  wagon  is  open,  having 
neither  gate  nor  any  other  obstruction;  that  near  the  center  of  the 
Fort  is  a  block  house  made  of  four  inch  plank,  but  without  loop 
holes  or  any  artificial  preparations  for  firing  and  musketry;  that 
on  the  walls  of  the  Fort  are  mounted  four  long  12  pounders  and 
two  8  pounders,  and  in  the  Fort  is  a  brass  4  pound  field  piece; 
that  in  the  day  time  they  have  within  the  Fort  two  men  constantly 
and  eight  men  at  night,  the  rest  of  the  garrison  being  in  barracks 
and  encamped  from  one  hundred  to  three  hundred  yards  from  the 
Fort;  that  a  Picket  is  kept  by  the  enemy  at  a  high  bluff  near  the 
entrance  of  Huntington  Harbor;  that  about  two  miles  further 
west  is  a  fine  sandy  beach,  as  he  is  informed,  and  no  Picket  is 
kept  there  or  between  that  and  the  Fort;  that  he  is  informed  that 
a  body  of  men  may  be  marched  from  this  place  to  within  two 
hundred  yards  of  the  Fort  without  great  hazard  of  discovery. 
The  naval  strength  in  the  Sound  was,  last  Thursday,  the  "  Asso 
ciate  "  brig,  fourteen  4  pounders,  Capt.  Hoit;  one  sloop,  ten  9 
pounders,  Capt.  Thomas ;  one  sloop  ten  4  pounders ;  one  ship 


twenty- four  9  and  4  pounders ;  the  Argo  brig,  fourteen  6  pound 
ers  ;  the  Keppel  brig,  ten  4  pounders ;  one  galley,  the  last  two 
near  Hart's  Island.  The  ship  is  cruising  in  different  places  and 
the  other  armed  vessels  are  usually  dispersed  from  Huntington 
to  Hempstead  Harbor.  The  Fort  Shongum  mounts  two  6  pound 
ers  and  is  of  little  strength.  The  disposition  of  the  enemy's 
force  on  Long  Island  is  as  follows;  at  Jamaica,  Ludlow's  regi 
ment,  350  men;  at  Flushing  Fly,  Arnold's  Corps,  about  200; 
between  Jamaica  and  Bedford,  Murray's  Corps,  about  150;  at 
the  fresh  meadows  in  Flushing  Bounds,  the  19th  Dragoons;  at 
Brookline,  the  Grenadiers  of  the  47th  Regiment  and  some  of  the 
late  German  recruits,  neither  of  which  corps  are  within  support 
ing  distance  of  Fort  Franklin  or  the  Fort  at  Shongum.  Consid 
ering  the  importance  of  removing  the  enemy  from  the  Post  they 
occupy  on  Lloyd's  Neck,  the  great  expense  and  hazard  to  this 
State,  particularly  occasioned  by  the  vicinity  of  that  Post,  it  is 
submitted  to  your  consideration  whether  it  would  not  justify  an 
attempt  to  carry  the  Fort  by  assault  in  the  following  plan  or  such 
other  as  shall  be  found  more  eligible,  viz :  that  four  or  five  hundred 
men  be  landed  in  the  night  and  marched,  if  possible,  undiscovered 
to  the  nearest  distance  to  the  Fort  and  attempt  the  possession  of 
it  by  the  gateway.  This  in  the  opinion  of  the  subscriber,  will 
probably  succeed,  provided  the  troops  arrive  within  300  yards  of 
the  Fort  without  being  discovered,  because,  under  those  circum 
stances,  a  rapid  march  from  that  distance  will  enable  them  to  gain 
the  Fort  before  the  enemy  can  possibly  form  and  recover  from 
the  confusion  they  will  necessarily  be  thrown  into.  If  a  dis 
covery  should  be  made  upon  the  troops  landing,  'tis  probable  the 
enterprise  will  fail.  Whether  the  peculiarly  distressing  situation 
of  the  inhabitants  on  the  seacoast  will  warrant  the  attempt  is  sub 
mitted  to  your  consideration.  Your  obed's.  servt., 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  the  Governor  and  Council  of  Safety,  Hartford,  Conn. 

In  compliance  with  the  request  of  the  Governor  and  Council 
of  the  10th  instant,  General  Parsons  proceeded  to  organize  the 
defenses  of  the  State  along  the  shores  of  the  Sound,  and  on  the 
13th  from  New  Haven  and  on  the  17th  from  Stamford,  reported 
his  action  to  the  Governor  in  the  two  following  letters : — 

NEW  HAVEN,  Sept.  13,  1781. 

SIR: — A  number  of  the  militia  ordered  from  Generals  Ward's 
and  Hart's  brigades  are  in  this  town;  their  exact  numbers  I  have 


398  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

not  yet  been  able  to  ascertain,  perhaps  300.  I  shall  not  dismiss 
such  part  as  your  Excellency  and  the  Council  ordered  until  I  can 
satisfy  myself  of  the  enemy's  further  intentions.  If  proper  ex 
presses  were  established  within  every  eight  or  ten  miles  from 
Stamford  to  this  place  and  beacons  erected  at  proper  places,  I 
think  300  men,  besides  the  Coast  Guard,  stationed  at  this  place 
would  be  sufficient,  because  this  body  of  men  with  the  Coast 
Guards,  would  be  able  in  conjunction  with  the  militia  who  could 
collect  in  a  few  hours,  to  give  them  such  opposition  as  would 
retard  their  operations  till  a  greater  force  should  arrive.  These 
ought  to  be  formed  in  one  battalion,  that  the  whole  shall  be  under 
one  direction.  I  shall  organize  the  detachments  here  in  that  man 
ner  and  shall  call  into  service  such  number  of  dragoons  as  I  shall 
find  necessary,  for  expresses,  which  I  shall  not  be  able  to  de 
termine  before  I  reach  Stamford,  for  which  I  shall  set  out  this 
morning.  The  fleet  under  Arnold  passed  Stamford  yesterday, 
but  I  cannot  think  myself  warranted  in  dismissing  all  the  militia 
until  I  am  able  to  ascertain  their  future  intentions,  which  I  hope 
will  be  in  a  few  days.  I  find  there  is  no  regular  supply  of  pro 
visions  for  the  men.  If  the  Council  will  direct  Mr.  Barnard  to 
order  the  provisions  collected  in  this  County  to  be  sent  to  this 
town  and  to  direct  the  issuing  of  them,  the  difficulty  will  be  re 
moved.  This  is  necessary  to  be  done  soon,  as  the  troops  must 
otherwise  disband;  some  rum  is  also  necessary  for  them.  Upon 
examination,  I  find  a  great  deficiency  of  ammunition.  Should  the 
enemy  make  an  attack  here,  the  troops  could  not  resist  them  for 
half  an  hour.  I  must  beg  the  Council  to  provide  at  least  100,000 
cartridges  more  for  this  place  as  speedily  as  possible.  The  ar 
rival  of  the  Count  de  Grasse  with  twenty-eight  sail  of  the  Line, 
exclusive  of  De  Barras'  squadron,  their  landing  3000  men  who 
had  joined  the  Marquis,  the  capture  of  a  ship  of  22  guns  in  the 
Chesapeake  and  of  a  Packet  with  Lt.  Rawdon  on  board,  are  now 
reduced  to  a  certainty,  and  on  the  5th  inst.  the  advance  of  our 
Army  was  at  the  Head  of  the  Elk.  A  rumor  prevails  that  General 
Greene  has  had  an  action  in  Carolina,  in  which  the  enemy  was 
defeated.  I  will  thank  your  Excellency  for  the  particulars  if  you 
have  received  them.  I  am  with  great  respect  &c., 

To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAML-  H"  PARSONS- 

STAMFORD,    September   17,   1781. 

SIR.— After  giving  the  directions  I  thought  necessary  at  New 
Haven  and  the  towns  on  the  coast,  I  came  to  this  place  on  Satur 
day  night,  at  which  time  a  fleet  of  forty-three  sail,  three  of  which 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      399 

were  armed  vessels,  appeared  off  Huntington,  having  come  that 
day  from  Whitestone,  where  there  then  remained  two  ships  and 
three  armed  brigs.  The  daylight  was  so  far  gone  that  it  was 
impossible  to  determine  from  this  shore  whether  the  fleet  went 
into  the  Bay,  upon  which,  to  prevent  surprise,  I  immediately  dis 
patched  expresses  on  the  coast  to  New  Haven,  informing  of  the 
appearance  of  the  fleet  and  that  I  could  not  then  determine  their 
intention,  but  would  take  the  earliest  and  most  effectual  method 
to  know  whether  they  were  bound  up  on  a  predatory  expedition 
and  to  what  object  they  would  direct  their  force,  and  desired  the 
information  to  be  continued  to  Newport.  For  this  purpose  I 
immediately  dispatched  a  boat  to  lie  off  Huntington  that  night 
so  as  to  be  able  to  inform  whether  the  fleet  went  eastward,  but  on 
its  return  yesterday  morning,  they  had  not  been  able  to  discover 
the  fleet.  A  brisk  wind  which  lasted  all  night  and  gave  oppor 
tunity  to  the  fleet  to  run  far  east,  and  the  darkness  of  the  night, 
prevented  their  seeing  at  a  distance.  I  took  every  measure  I  could 
devise  yesterday  to  satisfy  myself  whether  they  were  gone  east, 
but  could  gain  no  information  satisfactory.  Last,  I  sent  into  the 
Bay  and  Harbor  near  Lloyd's  Neck,  and  on  the  return  of  the  boats 
am  informed  the  fleet  is  not  at  that  place.  I  also  sent  a  flag  yes 
terday  with  orders  to  return  yesterday,  but  they  have  not  yet 
arrived.  I  did  not  think  it  warrantable  to  call  in  a  greater  part 
of  the  militia  on  the  then  uncertainty  of  the  force  and  intentions 
of  the  enemy,  but  to  put  the  coast  on  their  guard.  The  distant 
and  heavy  firing  we  hear  this  morning  in  the  east  makes  me  fear 
the  enemy  have  gone  that  way,  and  have  again  landed,  especially 
as  a  report  prevails  that  some  shipping  has  gone  eastward  from 
Sandy  Hook  (but  of  this  I  am  not  satisfied) ;  however,  should 
this  be  the  case,  I  think  that  I  have  done  all  I  ought  under  the 
circumstances  to  have  done  to  prevent  the  misfortune.  I  think  I 
have  fallen  upon  such  measures  as  will  ensure  pretty  authentic 
intelligence  from  New  York  as  often  as  once  a  week.  This  will 
be  attended  with  some  small  expense  which  I  wish  your  direction 
to  engage.  A  report  prevails  that  Admiral  Digby  has  arrived  and 
also  of  a  naval  engagement  with  Admiral  De  Barras',  which  is 
said  to  have  issued  against  our  Allies,  and  also  of  a  large  embarka 
tion  of  troops,  but  none  of  these  is  yet  sufficiently  authenticated. 

I  am  with  great  esteem  &c., 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

Headquarters,    Continental    Village,    September    19,    1781, 
Major  General  Heath  Avrote  to  Major  General  Parsons: — 


400  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

DEAR  SIR. — Your  favor  of  the  17th  is  just  come  to  hand.  In  a 
letter  I  had  the  honor  to  receive  from  his  Excellency,  Governor 
Trumbull,  dated  at  Hartford  the  7th  inst.,  his  Excellency  is 
pleased  to  express  himself  as  follows: — 

"  General  Parsons,  who  was  returning  to  Camp,  I  have  desired 
to  remain  in  the  State  for  the  present."  My  reply  in  a  letter  of 
the  10th  was: — "  I  wish  Major  General  Parsons  to  join  the  Army 
as  soon  as  his  presence  at  the  eastward,  can  be  dispensed  with." 
At  this  particular  time,  when  the  enemy  in  New  York 
may  be  supposed  to  be  peculiarly  active,  with  design,  if  possible, 
to  relieve  Lord  Cornwallis,  and  when  many  places  are  threatened, 
it  is  both  my  wish  and  expectation  that  all  officers  whom  I  have 
the  honor  to  command,  will  be  with  their  respective  commands, 
that  I  may  have  it  in  my  power  to  make  such  detachments  as  the 
good  of  the  service,  my  country  and  my  superiors  have  a  right 
to  expect.  Every  part  of  the  country  which  is  committed  to  my 
care,  or  supposed  to  be  entitled  to  protection  from  the  Army, 
may  depend  upon  receiving  aid  as  far  as  circumstances  will  per 
mit,  and  for  which,  comformable  to  my  instructions,  I  hold  myself 
accountable. 

From  several  circumstances,  I  am  led  to  conclude  that  the  fleet 
which  passed  up  the  Sound  on  Saturday,  is  not  designed  against 
the  towns  in  the  vicinity  of  Stamford. 

I  have  heard  nothing  of  Major  Lawrence;  hope  no  accident  has 
befallen  him.  I  am  with  regard,  dear  Sir,  &c., 

W.  HEATH,  M.  General. 
To   Major   General   Parsons. 

Lloyd's  Neck,  September  16,  1781,  Colonel  Upham,  the 
British  Commissary  of  Prisoners  at  that  Post,  writes  to  General 
Parsons : — 

DEAR  SIR. — Your  Aid-de-Camp,  Captain  Walker,  will  inform 
you  of  the  present  situation  of  the  persons  lately  escaped  from  the 
Simsbury  Mines;  on  that  subject  I  have  conversed  with  Captain 
Walker  and  from  him  you  will  learn  my  sentiments. 

I  most  heartily  join  with  you  in  desiring  that  persons  who  may 
at  any  time  be  so  unhappy  as  to  be  made  prisoners,  should  be 
liberated  as  soon  as  will  consist  with  the  public  views,  we  are  on 
each  side  pursuing;  have  therefore,  consented  to  the  exchange  of 
Mr.  Hewin  and  John  Bell  for  Lieutenant  Smith;  Bell  will  be 
sent  out  as  soon  as  possible. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      401 

The  Reverend  Mr.  Mather  is  also  to  be  exchanged  for  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Badoin;  the  former  will  be  sent  with  Mr.  Bell.  Phinehas 
Waterbury  and  Saml.  Richards  will  go  out  at  the  same  time  in 
exchange  for  Lyon  and  Hait,  now  at  Hartford;  as  to  the  others 
now  in  confinement  with  us,  I  beg  leave  also  to  refer  you  to  Cap 
tain  Walker  for  my  sentiments  and  the  steps  I  have  taken. 

I  honestly  confess  to  you  I  believe  Jack,  the  Sailor  and  his 
companion  are  vile  deserters,  and  leave  you  to  treat  them  as  you 
may  think  proper.  Am  not  possessed  of  the  names  of  the  prison 
ers  taken  at  New  London,  but  am  happy  to  inform  you  they  are 
gone  back  exchanged. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  J.  UPHAM. 

Rev.  Moses  Mather  was  the  Pastor  of  the  Church  at  Darien, 
Connecticut,  and  a  distant  connection  of  Parsons'  wife.  With 
forty  members  of  his  congregation  he  had  been  taken  prisoner 
the  22d  of  the  previous  July,  by  a  party  of  British  Refugees 
from  Long  Island,  who  surrounded  the  church  during  the  Sun 
day  afternoon  service,  and,  tying  their  captives  two  and  two, 
marched  them  with  the  venerable  Pastor  at  their  head,  to  the 
Sound,  across  which  they  were  shipped  to  Lloyd's  Neck  and 
thence  taken  to  and  imprisoned  in  New  York. 

Norwalk,  October  10th  1781,  Colonel  Stephen  St.  John  2d. 
writes  to  General  Parsons: — 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  have  to  solicit  once  more  a  permission  for 
myself  and  son  to  return  to  New  York  to  answer  our  paroles.  We 
have  hitherto  been  detained  in  consequence  of  explicit  orders  from 
Colonel  Skinner,  Commissary  General  of  Prisoners,  and  the  in 
junction  laid  on  us  by  your  Honor  of  the  16th  of  September  last, 
but  hope  those  difficulties  that  then  subsisted  are  now  removed 
and  that  we  may  have  your  Honor's  permission  to  return  to  New 
York  again  immediately. 

I   am  with   sincere   respect 
Your  most  obed't  and  most  humble  serv't., 

„,  STEPHEN  ST.   JOHN  2o. 

lo  Major  General  Parsons. 

October  13,  General  Parsons  writes  to  General  Trumbull, 
calling  his  attention  to  the  destitute  condition  of  the  troops  of 
the  Connecticut  Line,  and  asking  for  a  supply  of  clothing: — 


402  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

SIR. — I  hope  I  shall  be  forgiven  when  I  remind  your  Excellency 
of  the  state  of  your  troops  in  respect  to  their  clothing.  The  cold 
weather  is  now  coming  on  and  those  who  are  now  fit  for  duty  will 
be  rendered  unfit,  and  those  who  are  now  badly  provided  with 
clothing  will  exceedingly  suffer.  'Tis  our  misfortune  that  our 
summer  clothing  is  provided  in  the  fall  and  our  winter  garments 
in  warm  weather,  or,  too  often,  not  at  all.  I  don't  know  of  any 
continental  supply  provided  and  I  fear  we  shall  greatly  suffer 
unless  the  State  furnishes  woolen  clothing  for  its  soldiers  speedily. 
'Tis  disagreeable  to  complain.  I  know  the  State  is  greatly  em 
barrassed,  but  'tis  my  duty  to  inform  you  that  the  troops  will  soon 
be  naked  unless  clothing  is  provided.  I  have  no  other  place  to 
complain  but  to  the  State  and  such  measures  as  are  necessary  I 
hope  will  be  taken  to  prevent  the  misfortune.  The  troops  have 
received  a  little  money,  which  is  certainly  a  great  relief  to  them, 
but  this  was  not  designed  to  clothe  the  soldiers  nor  is  the  sum 
received  sufficient,  besides  I  fear  our  dependence  of  a  speedy 
supply  of  more  money  cannot  be  well  founded  when  I  see  so  very 
great  proportions  of  the  money  paid  expended  so  that  there  is  no 
hope  of  its  return  to  the  State  again.  The  officers,  who  in  general 
have  been  scantily  provided  with  clothing,  are  laying  out  their 
moneys  to  make  themselves  comfortable,  and  the  soldiers  devote 
the  little  they  receive  to  paying  their  debts  and  procuring  neces 
saries.  Most  of  the  moneys  so  expended  will  not  probably  find 
their  way  back  to  our  country. 

I  am  with  esteem  and  respect, 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAML.    H.    PARSONS. 

October  15,  General  Parsons  writes  to  Governor  Trumbull, 
as  follows : — 

SIR:— Mr.  Thaddeus  Bell  of  Middlesex  [the  same  mentioned 
in  Upham's  letter  of  the  l6th  ult.]  has  come  from  the  Provost  in 
New  York  on  his  parole  for  a  short  time,  when  he  must  return  to 
his  confinement  unless  he  can  effect  his  exchange  for  one,  Conk- 
ling  Shadden,  now  in  Hartford  Gaol.  As  there  now  seems  to  be 
an  inclination  on  the  part  of  the  enemy  to  drop  the  matter  they 
have  so  long  contended  with  the  State  about,  I  could  wish  as 
many  of  our  prisoners  confined  by  the  enemy  might  be  liberated 
as  we  have  proper  subjects  of  exchange  in  our  hands.  The  ene 
my's  fleet  in  New  York  are  using  every  exertion  to  get  to  sea  and 
were  under  some  expectation  of  falling  down  to  the  Hook  yester- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      403 

day.  They  have  a  number  of  fire-ships  with  them  and  I  believe 
are  designed  to  relieve  Cornwallis;  I  hope  they  are  too  late. 
Major  Lawrence  has  received  the  permit  of  the  Council  and  will 
conform  to  it.  I  expect  to  leave  this  place  in  two  or  three  days  for 
Camp  in  the  Highlands.  At  present  there  are  no  armed  vessels 
in  Huntington  and  but  one  in  Oyster  Bay.  If  boats  can  be  pro 
vided,  I  think  it  would  be  a  good  time  to  attempt  the  surprise  of 
Lloyd's  Neck,  but  I  fear  we  cannot  get  boats  in  season. 

The  lands  granted  me  in  Horseneck  are  appraised  and  sur 
veyed.  The  contents  are  one  hundred  and  fifty-one  acres  and  a 
fraction,  at  four  pounds,  ten  shillings  per  acre.  The  boundaries 
are  enclosed.  It  will  thank  you,  Sir,  to  direct  the  Treasurer  or 
whomsoever  is  authorized  to  execute  a  good  deed  of  warranty  to 
me  of  the  land  and  I  will  give  up  the  securities  on  receiving  the 
deed.  I  am  with  much  esteem  &c., 

To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAML.    H.    PARSONS. 

On  the  16th,  General  Waterbury  writes  to  General  Parsons 
in  regard  to  deserters  he  is  sending  him  for  examination : — 

SIR. — This  morning  came  into  camp  three  deserters  from  the 
British  Fleet,  which  I  send  you  for  examination.  Also  one,  John 
Lawrence,  a  deserter  from  the  British  troops,  who  came  in  about 
three  weeks  ago  and  formerly  deserted  from  the  regiment  that 
Colonel  Meigs  had  the  command  of.  I  have  kept  Lawrence  under 
guard  in  order  to  send  him  to  his  regiment,  but  could  not  on  ac 
count  of  his  ill  state  of  health,  and  am 

Dear  Sir,  with  respect  &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  DAVID  WATERBURY,  B.  Gen'L 

Fort  Franklin,  October  19,  1781,  Colonel  Upham  writes  to 
Brigadier  General  Waterbury  as  to  exchange  of  prisoners : — 

SIR. — I  received  a  line  a  few  days  since  from  General  Parsons 
enclosing  two  lists  of  prisoners  proposed  by  him  to  be  exchanged 
for  each  other.  The  list  of  prisoners  to  us  contained  amongst 
others,  a  Mr.  Jesse  Raymond;  the  list  of  prisoners  to  you  con 
tained  amongst  others,  a  Mr.  Talcot.  Mr.  Raymond  is  coming 
from  New  York  and  will  be  allowed  to  go  out  provided  you  con 
sent  to  his  exchange  for  Talcot,  who  goes  in  this. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  &c., 
To  Brig'd.  Gen'L   Waterbury,  or        J-  UPHAM,  Li.  Colonel  $c., 

the  officer  commanding  at  Stamford. 


404  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Lloyd's  Neck,  a  broad  promotory  extending  into  the  Sound 
and  enclosing  Huntington  Bay  on  its  west  side,  had  for  a  long 
time  been  the  center  for  illicit  trading  and  the  transmission  of 
intelligence.  It  was  defended  by  Fort  Franklin,  a  description 
of  which  accompanied  Parsons'  communication  to  the  Governor 
and  Council  of  Connecticut  submitting  for  their  consideration, 
whether  the  danger  of  this  Post  to  the  State  would  not  justify 
an  attempt  to  carry  the  Fort  by  assault.  It  had  long  been  the 
wish  of  General  Parsons  and  the  authorities  of  Connecticut,  to 
break  up  this  nest  of  the  enemy.  The  following  correspondence 
between  Parsons  and  General  Heath  relates  chiefly  to  this 
matter : — 

HEADQUARTERS,   CONTINENTAL  VILLAGE, 

October  18,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR. — Your  favor  of  the  16th  came  to  hand  this  day  with 
the  intelligence  communicated  by  Joseph  Mosely,  for  which  I 
thank  you.  His  intelligence  is  corroborated  by  others  which  I 
have  received,  and  I  believe  it  true  in  almost  every  particular. 

The  fleet  of  seventy  sail  seen  by  the  privateer,  is  supposed  to 
be  a  Spanish  fleet  going  to  Europe,  the  richest  that  ever  sailed 
from  America,  said  to  have  forty  millions  of  dollars  on  board, 
which  occasioned  so  strong  a  convoy. 

I  am  happy  to  hear  that  you  have  nearly  completed  your  busi 
ness  as  I  wish  your  return  as  soon  as  possible,  the  more  so  as 
Lord  Stirling  is  gone  to  the  northward,  and  General  Howe  has 
crossed  the  North  River. 

I  should  be  happy  in  reducing  the  Works  at  Lloyd's  Neck,  but 
I  think  there  is  little  prospect  of  its  being  done  by  militia  or 
levies;  it  has  been  narrowly  watched  and  would  have  been  at 
tempted  before  this  time  if  it  had  been  thought  practicable  by 
those  who  have  the  best  knowledge  of  its  situation  &c. 

Delancey's  Horse,  yesterday  morning,  surprised  a  Horse  Guard 
near  Croton  River,  carried  off  the  guard,  several  wagoners  and  a 
number  of  horses.  This  and  some  other  circumstances  have  in 
duced  me  to  direct  Major  Tallmadge  to  join  Colonel  Sheldon,  to 
render  the  chain  of  troops  on  the  lines  more  complete,  and  to  rein 
force  the  Horse,  at  present  weak  and  much  worn  down  by  fatigue. 
No  late  news  from  the  southward. 

I  am  with  great  regard,  Dear  Sir  &c., 

W.   HEATH. 

P.  S. — I  must  repeat  my  wishes  to  see  you  as  soon  as  possible. 
To  Major  General  Parsons. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      405 

TUESDAY,  October  23,  1781.  8  o'clock  P.  M. 

DEAR  SIR. — This  moment  I  received  a  letter  from  a  person  in 
whose  information  I  have  the  fullest  confidence,  of  which  the 
following  is  an  extract. 

"  The  fleet,  consisting  of  twenty-five  sail  of  the  Line,  four  of 
fifty  and  twelve  frigates  (no  transports)  were  seen  off  the  Never- 
sinks  last  Friday  afternoon.  They  have  between  six  and  seven 
thousand  troops  on  board  the  Men  of  War.  About  three  thou 
sand  are  left  to  defend  New  York  and  its  dependencies.  There 
are  five  fire-ships  with  the  fleet.  Should  these  fail  of  doing  execution 
and  the  French  fleet  keep  possession  of  the  Bay,  the  plan  is  to 
run  along  side  and  throw  the  troops  on  board.  An  express  boat 
arrived  at  New  York  last  Friday  morning  from  Lord  Cornwallis 
in  twenty-four  hours.  He  was  surrounded  by  land  and  would 
soon  be  by  water.  General  Washington's  Works  were  within 
three  hundred  yards  of  his  Lordship.  Twelve  thousand  shells 
were  thrown  from  our  Camp  before  the  express  came  away.  His 
Lordship  is  short  of  ammunition  and  entirely  out  of  rum,  but  they 
boast  of  large  magazines  of  corn.  A  fleet  of  fifty-seven  sail  under 
convoy  of  a  fifty  gun  ship  and  two  frigates  met  the  grand  fleet  at 
the  Hook." 

The  informant  left  New  York  at  4  o'clock  P.  M.  last  Saturday. 

I  am  Sir,  your  humble  servt., 

To  Major  General  Heath.  SAML.    H.    PARSONS. 

Continental  Village. 

HEADQUARTERS,  CONTINENTAL  VILLAGE,  October  23,  1781. 
DEAR  SIR. — By  your  representation  of  the  state  of  the  Post  and 
garrison  at  Lloyd's  Neck  and  other  circumstances  stated  in  your 
letter  to  me  of  this  date,  I  consent  to  your  making  a  trial  for  the 
reduction  of  the  Post  and  garrison,  if  upon  further  inquiry  and 
consideration  it  should  still  appear  eligible  without  risking  too 
much.  With  this  you  will  receive  orders  to  Colonel  Sheldon  and 
General  Waterbury,  each  to  furnish  you  with  such  detachment  of 
troops  as  may  be  necessary,  and  for  Captain  Brewster  to  aid  with 
all  the  public  boats  under  his  charge  except  one  which  he  is  to 
reserve  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  intelligence.  If  the  State 
of  Connecticut  or  any  individuals  should  think  proper  to  lend  aid 
of  vessels  or  boats  at  their  own  risk  and  expense,  they  may  do  it, 
but  nothing  of  this  kind  is  to  be  done  at  the  risk  or  expense  of 
the  United  States.  Wishing  you  success, 

I  am  with  great  regard,  Dear  Sir,  &c., 
To  Major  General  Parsons.  W'  HEATH>  M.  General 


406  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

HEADQUARTERS,  CONTINENTAL  VILLAGE,  Oct.  23,  1781. 
DEAR    SIR. — Major   General    Parsons    will    apply   to   you    for    a 
detachment  of  the  troops   under   your   command   for   a   particular 
purpose.     You  will  please  immediately  on  his  call  to  furnish  them 
properly  officered  and  equipped. 

I    am  with   great   regard  &c., 
To  Brig.  Gen.  Waterbury.  W.  HEATH,  M.  General. 

HEADQUARTERS,  CONTINENTAL  VILLAGE,  October  28,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR. — Your  favor  of  the  26th  with  a  plan  of  Fort  Frank 
lin,  came  to  hand  last  evening.  From  the  plan,  the  Work  appears 
strong.  The  same  apprehensions  of  danger  which  led  the  enemy 
to  strengthen  the  Work,  will  probably  lead  them  to  vigilance. 
You  must  be  the  best  judge  of  the  probability  of  success  from  any 
art  of  strategem  which  you  have  or  can  avail  yourself  of,  and  the 
matter  must  be  left  much  to  your  own  discretion  and  the  nature 
of  things.  I  would  not  have  the  attempt  made  without  such  a 
prospect  of  success  as  will  in  a  judgement  of  reason  warrant  the 
attempt. 

The  troops  are  good,  and  will  attempt  anything  you  bid  them, 
but  your  judgement  must  determine  the  practicability;  for  in  that 
the  troops  will  place  their  confidence.  I  must  confess,  I  have 
very  little  expectation  of  the  Fort  being  taken  by  assault.  The 
particular  circumstances  related  by  you  the  other  day  induced  me 
to  consent  to  your  making  a  trial.  Any  change  of  circumstances 
will  naturally  lead  you  to  a  new  consideration  of  the  practica 
bility  or  impracticability  of  the  attempt,  and  you  must  act  ac 
cordingly.  If  it  is  in  your  power  to  guide  the  enterprise  in  per 
son,  I  do  not  object;  you  may  in  that  also  act  your  pleasure. 

I  wish  it  may  be  soon  determined  whether  your  proposed  at 
tempt  on  Fort  Franklin  is  practicable  or  not,  that  the  plan  which 
I  had  in  contemplation  before  you  mentioned  it  may  be  carried 
into  execution. 

I    am   with   great   regard,    Sir,   &c., 
To  General  Parsons.  W.  HEATH. 

HEADQUARTERS,  CONTINENTAL  VILLAGE,  October  31,  1781. 
DEAR  SIR. — Your  favor  of  the  30th  was  handed  me  this  morn 
ing.  I  have  before  given  my  opinion  fully  on  an  attempt  being 
made  on  the  Post  at  Lloyd's  Neck  under  the  cover  of  shipping, 
unless  it  were  out  of  the  power  of  the  enemy  to  send  a  superior 
naval  force,  which  cannot  be  the  case  at  present.  The  fleet  having 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      407 

returned  to  New  York,  the  same  objections  subsist  against  every 
attempt  on  that  Post  except  by  surprise  and  strategem.  The  state 
of  the  moon  and  other  circumstances  for  the  present  forbid  all 
prospect  of  success  in  that  way. 

As  the  two  hundred  men  were  ordered  under  your  command  for 
the  particular  purpose  of  making  an  immediate  attempt  on  Fort 
Franklin,  and  some  other  enterprises  were  meditating  by  Major 
Tallmadge  and  are  now  probably  nearly  ready  for  execution, 
Major  Prescott  with  the  troops  under  him  must  return  under  the 
command  of  Major  Tallmadge.  Those  belonging  to  General  Water- 
bury's  brigade  and  others  belonging  to  the  Army  must  return  to  their 
respective  corps  immediately. 

I    am    with    great    regard    &c., 
To  Major  General  Parsons.  W.   HEATH,  M.   General. 

Heath,  in  this  matter,  showed  the  same  timidity,  hesitation, 
lack  of  enterprise  and  fear  of  assuming  responsibility  which  in 
great  part  caused  the  failure  of  his  attempt  on  New  York  in 
1777.  His  half-hearted  and  uncertain  support  of  Parsons 
invited  defeat,  and  the  ungracious  tone  of  his  refusal  could  only 
have  embittered  the  natural  disappointment  resulting  from  the 
failure  of  a  project  from  which  so  much  had  been  hoped.  The 
adverse  influences  inducing  Heath  to  withdraw  his  co-operation 
and  consent  at  the  critical  moment,  may  be  inferred  from  the 
above  letter  from  Heath  to  Parsons  and  from  the  following 
letter  from  General  Parsons  to  his  Excellency,  Governor  Trum- 
bull,  dated,  Stamford,  8th  Nov.,  1781 : 

SIR. — The  trust  the  Council  were  pleased  to  repose  in  me  by 
their  vote  of  the  10th  of  September,  having  given  them  reasonable 
expectations  of  information  of  the  progress  made  in  the  execu 
tion  thereof  or  the  reason  of  the  failure  of  any  part  of  the  pro 
posed  plan,  I  think  it  my  duty  to  give  your  Excellency  a  detail  of 
facts  from  the  time  I  received  your  order  until  the  expedition 
against  the  Post  at  Lloyd's  Neck  was  laid  aside,  from  which  you 
will  be  able  to  know  my  embarrassments  and  the  causes  which  I 
suppose  conspired  to  defeat  it.  Immediately  on  my  arrival  in  the 
western  part  of  this  State,  I  endeavored  to  inform  myself  par 
ticularly  of  the  state  of  the  enemy's  Post  at  Lloyd's  Neck  and 
soon  became  satisfied  of  the  practicability  of  taking  the  Fort,  and 
that  the  only  danger  lay  in  coming  off  without  the  aid  of  a  naval 
force.  I  informed  General  Heath  of  my  being  at  Stamford  and 


408  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

of  the  object  in  view,  and  requested  him  to  afford  me  such  aid  as 
he  thought  necessary.  This  letter  Major  Tallmadge  sent  accom 
panied  with  one  of  his  own,  the  contents  of  which  I  don't  know, 
I  received  an  answer  from  General  Heath  disapproving  of  my 
continuing  on  the  coast  for  that  purpose;  and  at  the  same  time 
Major  Tallmadge  received  a  letter  from  General  Heath  in  which 
he  says,  he  forbid  him  to  obey  any  orders  from  any  person  but 
himself.  This,  however,  I  was  not  informed  of  either  by  General 
Heath  or  Major  Tallmadge.  Thus  matters  rested  until  I  went  to 
camp  where  I  made  a  written  representation  to  General  Heath,  a 
copy  of  which  I  have  enclosed,  on  which  he  on  the  23rd  of  October 
gave  his  orders  to  make  the  attempt  to  reduce  that  Post.  I  ac 
cordingly  made  every  preparation  to  carry  it  into  execution,  and 
at  considerable  trouble  and  expense  collected  boats  to  transport 
the  troops,  and  sent  to  New  London  to  procure  the  shipping  which 
we  proposed  to  use  for  the  purpose,  but  was  determined  to  make 
the  attempt  without  their  aid  if  a  fair  opportunity  presented 
before  they  arrived.  Accordingly  on  the  27th  and  28th  of  October 
we  were  prepared  to  embark  and  the  weather  proved  favorable 
but  on  both  those  nights  the  enemy's  shipping  were  under  the 
north  shore  so  as  to  prevent  our  going  out  without  their  observa 
tion;  this  happened  by  a  privateer  of  ours  being  at  Greenwich 
which  they  came  to  block  up.  On  this  disappointment  I  con 
cluded  to  postpone  the  attempt  to  the  6th  Novr.  when  the  night 
might  favor  our  attempt  and  we  could  have  the  aid  of  ship 
ping,  and  accordingly  went  to  New  London  for  the  purpose, 
where  the  owners  of  the  armed  vessels  readily  agreed  to  assist 
in  the  enterprise  and  to  hazard  their  own  vessels,  viz :  one  ship  of 
sixteen  nine  pounders ;  two  brigs  of  sixteen  six  pounders ;  one 
brig  of  sixteen  four  pounders  and  one  schooner  of  twelve  four 
pounders,  a  naval  force  decidedly  superior  to  that  of  the  enemy 
in  the  Sound.  Under  these  circumstances  I  expected  to  sail  by 
noon  the  4th  Novr.  but  on  the  third  received  the  enclosed  coun 
termanding  order.  I  had  acquainted  Genl.  Heath  of  my  going 
to  New  London  and  the  design;  Major  Tallmadge  also  waited  on 
Genl.  Heath  at  the  same  time;  copies  of  the  several  letters  and 
orders  respecting  this  matter  I  have  enclosed.  I  hope  some  more 
fortunate  person  will  have  permission  to  effect  what  has  been 
denied  to  me  and  that  this  Post  which  has  been  so  exceedingly 
detrimental  to  the  State  will  be  broken  up. 

I    am   with   much   esteem 
Your   Excellency's   most   obedt.    Servt., 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAML.   H.   PARSONS. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      409 

November  11,  1781,  General  Parsons  writes  to  Governor 
Trumbull  as  to  the  winter  quarters  of  the  Connecticut 
Division : — 

SIR. — The  troops  going  now  into  winter  quarters  and  the  bor 
ders  of  the  State  left  unguarded  except  by  State  troops,  will  it 
not  be  a  great  saving  to  the  State  to  have  part  of  the  Connecticut 
Line  in  Horseneck,  the  rest  in  New  London  and  the  State  troops 
take  the  coast  guard.  I  am  convinced  they  can  as  well  be  spared 
as  left  in  the  Highlands;  if  you  are  of  that  opinion,  I  wish  you  to 
apply  to  General  Heath. 

I   am  with   great   esteem  &c., 
To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAML.   H.   PARSONS. 

Nothing  came  of  this  suggestion,  for  the  Division  went  into 
camp  at  "Connecticut  Village,"  just  back  from  Constitution 
Island,  reoccupying  the  huts  built  there  by  the  troops  the  year 
before.  General  Parsons'  ill-health  and  his  domestice  affairs 
took  him  from  camp  during  most  of  the  season. 

On  July  10,  General  Parsons  had  written  to  the  Board  of 
War  respecting  the  disabled  soldiers  of  the  Connecticut  Line  as 
follows : — 

CAMP,  July  10,  1781. 

SIR. — I  had  the  honor  of  a  letter  from  the  Board  of  War  by 
Captain  Weed,  and  was  encouraged  by  that  to  expect  a  speedy 
determination  of  the  Board  respecting  the  officers  who  appeared 
proper  subjects  for  the  Corps  of  Invalids.  As  the  Army  has  never 
taken  the  field  and  the  officers  became  necessary  in  Camp,  I  am 
obliged  to  trouble  you  again  on  the  subject,  and  request  that  the 
officers  for  whom  certificates  were  transmitted  may  be  transferred, 
that  their  places  may  be  supplied  with  such  as  are  able  to  do 
duty,  with  the  addition  of  Captain  Parsons,  for  whom  certifi 
cates  are  enclosed.  Of  this  number,  Captains  Parsons  and  Weed 
and  Lieut.  Belding  would  prefer  going  out  on  half  pay,  if  it  can 
be  admitted.  Captains  Reed  and  Hodge  prefer  the  Corps  of 
Invalids,  as  do  the  other  lieutenants  who  were  named  in  my  last 
letter.  The  many  invalids  and  vacancies  made  by  resignation 
since  the  arrangement  in  January,  render  it  necessary  that  more 
officers  should  be  soon  appointed  to  do  duty,  which  cannot  be 
done  until  the  determination  of  the  Board  of  War  is  had  re 
specting  the  invalid  officers.  This  becomes  more  particularly 
necessary  at  this  time,  as  I  have  every  reason  to  apprehend  the 


410  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

resignation    of    much    the    greater    part    of    my    officers    in    a    few 
days. 

The  State  of  Connecticut  has  fed  them  upon  promises  of 
advancing  them  some  little  part  of  their  wages  from  January  to 
this  time,  and  after  fixing  particular  periods  from  time  to  time 
for  the  payment,  have  finally  disappointed  them  of  every  farth 
ing  they  have  promised;  and  'tis  now  more  than  fifteen  months 
since  they  received  one  farthing  from  the  public  and  they  really 
are  wretched.  Your  answer  by  the  return  of  the  Post  will  oblige, 

Your   obedient   servant, 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

P.  S. — Lieutenant  Mix  has  come  in  since  writing  the  above, 
and  has  so  far  recovered  his  health  as  to  perform  his  duties  in  the 
field. 

November  14,  1781,  General  Parsons  writes  to  General  Heath 
as  to  the  disabled  officers  of  the  Connecticut  Line : — 

SIR. — Enclosed  is  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  the  Board  of  War 
to  me  on  the  subject  of  disabled  officers  of  the  Connecticut  Line, 
in  consequence  of  which  I  have  sent  to  Captain  Parsons  of  the  3d 
Regiment,  whose  answer  is  enclosed,  and  to  Lieut.  Belding  of  the 
First  Regiment,  who  accepts  the  offer  of  the  Board  and  con 
sents  to  retire.  The  proposals  of  the  Board  are  understood  to 
grant  these  retiring  officers  the  privileges  and  emoluments  which 
were  granted  to  the  retiring  officers  on  the  last  reform  of  the 
Army.  The  other  officers  referred  to  have  not  yet  given  their 
answers.  I  have  therefore  to  request  that  you  will  be  pleased 
to  report  to  the  Board  the  consent  of  the  before  named  officers 
to  retire  on  the  provision  made  for  retiring  officers  on  the  late 
reform  of  the  Army  and  that  they  be  added  to  the  list  of  the 
officers  retiring  on  that  reform,  and  that  they  have  leave  to  return 
home  that  their  offices  may  be  filled. 

I  am  Sir  &c., 
To  Major  General  Heath.  SAML.    H.    PARSONS. 

The  following  is  the  letter  from  Captain  Parsons  enclosed 
in  the  above: — 

PEEKSKILL,  November  15th,  1781. 

SIR. — In  consequence  of  provisions  made  by  Congress  for  officers 
who,  for  sufficient  reasons,  wish  to  retire  from  the  service,  I  think 
it  my  duty  to  inform  your  Honor  that  by  reason  of  age  and  a  con 
stitution  much  impaired  in  service,  I  would  wish  to  quit  military 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      411 

employments  as  soon  as  I  can  settle  my  affairs  and  be  reasonably 
satisfied  that  I  am  entitled  to  the  same  emoluments  that  other  officers 
are  under  the  denomination  of  deranged  officers  in  the  year  eighty. 
I  shall  wait  further  directions  in  the  matter,  and  have  the  honor 
to  be 

Your  obed't.  serv't, 
To  Major  General  Parsons.  DAVID  PARSONS. 

December  27,  1781,  General  Parsons  wrote  to  General 
Washington  on  the  same  subject  from  Middletown  in  Connec 
ticut,  to  which  place  he  had  removed  his  family : — 

DEAR  GENERAL. — After  a  long  confinement  to  a  sick  bed,  I  have 
just  recovered  strength  to  be  brought  home,  and  am  able  to  attend 
to  a  little  business,  though  I  have  not  strength  to  go  abroad. 

The  Board  of  War  in  a  letter  to  me  of  the  23d  of  October, 
directed  that  the  disabled  officers  of  the  Connecticut  Line,  might, 
if  they  consented,  go  out  of  service  as  retiring  officers,  a  copy  of 
which  letter  is  enclosed.  I  have  applied  to  all  those  who  were  re 
ported  as  disabled  officers,  of  which  number,  Major  Abner  Prior, 
Captains  Parsons  and  Weed,  Lieuts.  Belding  and  Farmer  of  the 
Connecticut  Line,  desire  to  retire  upon  the  terms  offered  and  request 
to  be  reported  to  the  Board  of  War  as  retiring  officers.  Colonel 
Durkee  and  the  others  who  are  invalids,  refuse. 

I  most  heartily  congratulate  your  Excellency  on  the  important 
success  of  the  campaign  under  your  immediate  direction,  by  which 
our  Country  must  derive  the  greatest  advantage  if  they  have  the 
spirit  to  improve  this  event  properly. 

I  am  with  the  greatest  esteem, 

Your  Excellency's  Obed't.  Serv't, 

SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS. 
To  his  Excellency,  General  Washington. 

April  10,  1782,  General  Parsons  writes  to  General  Horatio 
Gates : — 

"  I  am  happy  to  hear  you  again  think  of  aiding  our  Country  with 
your  services  in  the  field,  and,  from  my  former  experience  with  your 
friendship,  I  am  induced  to  request  a  place  in  your  family  for 
Captain  Joseph  Walker  of  the  Third  Connecticut  Regiment.  He  has 
been  with  me  from  my  appointment  as  Major  General  to  this  time. 
Finding  myself  unable  to  continue  longer  in  the  Army,  I  am  unwill 
ing  to  disappoint  the  expectations  of  so  good  a  character  in  return- 


412  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

ing  him  to  his  regiment.     I  think  you  will  be  satisfied  with  him  on 
acquaintance." 

Walker  was  the  Aid-de-Camp  who  assisted  Parsons  in  the 
Fairfield  investigation,  in  which  he  displayed  ability  and  good 
judgment.  He  graduated  at  Yale  in  1765;  December  15, 
1780,  was  appointed  Aid-de-Camp  with  the  brevet  rank  of 
Major.  Not  having  been  continued  as  a  staff  officer,  as  he 
desired,  he  returned  to  his  regiment  and  subsequently  was 
appointed  Brigade  Major  of  the  Connecticut  Brigade. 

The  hardships  and  exposures  of  seven  years'  continuous  serv 
ice  in  the  Army,  dating  from  the  Lexington  Alarm  in  1775, 
had  so  undermined  Parsons'  originally  vigorous  constitution, 
that,  in  the  Spring  of  1782,  it  became  painfully  evident  to  him 
that,  however  contrary  to  his  inclinations,  he  must  now  no 
longer  continue  in  active  service.  He  accordingly  determined 
to  retire  from  the  field,  which  he  felt  less  reluctance  in  doing 
now  that  the  war  was  virtually  ended,  knowing  that  his  action 
would  not  be  detrimental  to  the  cause. 

After  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis,  Washington,  at  the 
request  of  Congress,  had  remained  four  months  in  Philadelphia. 
On  the  23d  of  March  he  left  for  Newburgh,  where  he  arrived 
April  1  and  established  his  Headquarters.  Here,  upon  his 
arrival,  he  was  met  by  the  Generals  in  camp,  by  Parsons  among 
the  rest,  who  appears  from  his  correspondence  to  have  at  this 
time  presented  to  Washington  the  reasons  for  his  proposed 
retirement,  and,  satisfying  him  that  they  were  insurmountable, 
to  have  gained  his  approval,  for  on  April  3,  upon  his  return 
to  his  quarters,  Parsons  issued  to  his  old  command  the  follow 
ing  parting  order: — 

DIVISION  ORDERS,  April  3,  1782. 

It  is  with  regret  that  Major  General  Parsons  finds  himself 
obliged  to  inform  the  Division  of  the  army  under  his  command  that 
his  health  is  so  impaired,  he  feels  himself  totally  unable  to  continue 
his  connection  with  them  any  longer.  Duty  and  Inclination  would 
have  led  him  to  have  accompanied  them  with  his  service  to  the  end 
of  the  war  had  not  the  state  of  his  Health  been  such  as  to  put  it 
out  of  his  Power.  He  takes  this  opportunity  to  express  his  cordial 
attachment  to  the  Interest  and  Welfare  of  the  army  in  general  and 
of  this  Division  in  particular.  The  Intimacy  and  friendship  with 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      413 

which  he  has  spent  seven  years  with  many  officers,  and  the  harmony 
which  subsisted  with  all,  renders  it  affectionately  painful  to  separate 
from  them  and  has  cemented  an  union  which  nothing  but  necessity 
should  have  interrupted — the  feelings  and  pleasant  remembrance  of 
which  nothing  but  Death  shall  obliterate.  The  Patience  under  dis 
appointments  and  distresses,  the  obedience  and  attention  to  duty 
by  which  the  Soldiers  of  the  Connecticut  Line  have  ever  been  dis 
tinguished,  will  redound  to  their  lasting  honor,  and  endears  them  to 
every  friend  to  the  liberties  of  our  country. 

The  General  begs  the  officers  to  accept  his  most  hearty  thanks 
for  the  many  and  repeated  proofs  he  has  received  of  their  friend 
ship  and  thinks  it  his  duty  to  give  his  testimony  to  the  fidelity,  forti 
tude  and  persevering  constancy  of  both  officers  and  soldiers  since 
he  has  had  the  honor  to  command;  and  though  he  feels  deprived  of 
the  pleasure  any  longer  to  unite  his  personal  exertions  with  theirs, 
yet  his  Heart  shall  be  with  them  in  contending  for  the  object  of  our 
long  and  united  struggle. 

Congress  had  provided  that  officers  upon  being  retired,  should 
receive  half  pay  for  life  or  full  pay  for  five  years,  a  provision 
intended,  not  as  a  pension,  but  as  compensation  for  services 
already  rendered.  But  there  was  a  question  whether  this  pro 
vision  covered  voluntary  retirements,  which  greatly  perplexed 
Parsons  and  caused  him  to  hesitate,  lest  by  making  his  resigna 
tion  absolute,  he  should  deprive  himself  of  his  rights  under  the 
law.  While  determined  to  retire  in  any  event,  he  was  unwilling 
to  throw  away  his  claim  to  compensation  if  there  was  any  way 
of  avoiding  it.  He  was  ready  to  serve  in  an  emergency  should 
his  health  become  restored,  pending  which  he  desired  a  leave  of 
absence  until  such  time  as  he  should  be  regularly  retired.  His 
case  was  similar  to  that  of  General  Putnam,  who  was  disabled 
by  paralysis  in  December,  1779,  and  never  afterwards  joined 
the  Army,  but  was  nevertheless  carried  on  the  rolls  with  full  pay 
until  the  close  of  the  war  when  he  was  retired  on  half  pay  for 
life.  Washington,  not  deeming  it  within  his  powers  to  grant 
Parsons  the  kind  of  leave  asked  for,  advised  him  to  refer  the 
matter  to  General  Lincoln,  then  Secretary  of  War. 

The  following  letters  of  May  17  and  June  5,  to  Wash 
ington,  were  written  for  the  purpose  of  arriving  at  some  under 
standing  by  which  General  Parsons  might  avoid  "  precluding 
himself  from  all  hope  of  satisfaction  for  former  services." 


414  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

MIDDLE-TOWN,  May  17th,  1782. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  received  last  week  a  letter  from  General 
Lincoln  in  answer  to  mine  of  the  tenth  of  April  on  the  subject  of 
retiring  from  the  army,  in  which  he  informs  me  that  no  general 
officer  will  be  suffered  to  retire  on  the  proposed  derangement;  and 
adds,  if  your  want  of  health  forbids  your  taking  the  field,  I  see 
nothing  which  will  prevent  your  being  indulged;  this,  however,  is 
solely  with  the  Commander-in-Chief. 

By  this  letter  I  find  myself  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  relinquish 
ing  my  connection  with  the  army  without  prospect  of  any  compensa 
tion,  or  to  request  your  Excellency's  permission  to  continue  in  the 
country  until  I  regain  so  confirmed  a  state  of  health  as  I  may 
venture  on  the  fatigues  of  a  military  life. 

I  am  willing  the  whole,  or  such  part  as  shall  be  thought  just,  of 
all  pay  and  subsistence  promised  me  by  the  public  should  be  sus 
pended  whilst  I  continue  absent;  and  should  active  service  require 
more  general  officers  in  the  field  than  will  be  in  camp,  I  will  join 
on  notice,  but  in  that  case  I  would  not  wish  to  resume  the  command 
of  my  former  Division  as  there  will  always  be  something  disagree 
able  in  any  officer  returning  to  a  command  he  is  supposed  to  have 
quitted. 

As  I  feel  myself  at  present  totally  unfitted  to  venture  on  the 
fatigues  of  the  field,  I  would  thank  your  Excellency  for  permission 
to  continue  in  the  country,  otherwise  I  must  make  my  resignation 
absolute  and  unconditional. 

I  am  with  great  esteem, 

Yr.  Excellency's  obt.  seryt., 
To  General  Washington.  S.  H.  PARSONS. 

MIDDLETOWN,  June  5th,  1782. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — You  certainly  fully  understood  me  when  you 
supposed  me  fixed  in  my  determination  of  leaving  the  army  at  all 
events.  The  reasons  I  then  assigned  were  such  as  I  could  not  sur 
mount,  and  they  continue  in  full  force  at  this  time.  But  the  matter 
being  undecided  when  I  last  saw  you,  whether  a  derangement  of 
general  officers  would  take  place  agreeable  to  a  resolve  of  Congress, 
and  that  being  the  only  mode  in  which  I  could  retire  without  re 
linquishing  all  hope  of  compensation  for  past  services,  it  was  your 
Excellency's  advice  to  write  to  the  Minister  of  War  on  this  subject. 
On  his  answer  to  my  letter,  I  wrote  your  Excellency  the  17th  of 
May  and  have  received  your  answer  of  the  28th.  My  design  was 
solely  to  know  whether  your  Excellency,  whom  we  justly  esteem  as 
our  friend  and  patron,  could  not  place  me  in  such  circumstances  as 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      415 

would  answer  my  wishes  without  making  my  resignation  absolute 
so  as  to  preclude  myself  from  all  hope  of  satisfaction  for  former 
services. 

On  the  subject  of  resuming  a  command  again  in  the  army,  I  meant 
to  be  understood  that  if  any  such  emergency  should  happen  that 
more  general  officers  should  be  wanted  than  were  at  the  time  in 
service,  I  should  not  be  averse  to  taking  command  again  for  a  short 
time  during  the  continuance  of  such  necessity ;  but  the  reasons  which 
prevailed  with  me  to  retire  are  still  in  full  force  against  returning 
to  a  fixed  stated  command  in  the  army. 

And  since  tis  not  within  your  authority  to  grant  me  the  indul 
gence  requested,  I  must  apply  to  Congress  for  the  liberty  I  wish, 
or  for  an  absolute  discharge,  which  shall  not  be  delayed  longer  than 
next  post. 

Colonel  Durkee  of  the  1st.  Connecticut  regiment  was  buried  last 
Thursday. 

I  am  with  sentiments  of  esteem,  Dear  General, 

Yr.  obedient  servant, 
To  General  Washington.  S.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  opinion  of  the  Secretary  of  War  being  that  voluntary 
retirements  were  not  covered  by  the  provisions  of  the  statute, 
and  the  Commander-in-Chief  not  having  authority  to  grant  the 
kind  of  leave  asked  for,  General  Parsons  made  the  following 
application  to  Congress : — 

MIDDLE-TOWN  IN  CONNECTICUT,  June  6,  1782. 

SIR. — After  seven  years'  service  in  the  Army  of  the  United  States, 
I  find  my  health  so  far  impaired  as  to  forbid  a  further  stated 
service  in  the  field;  and  the  Commander-in-Chief  not  being  author 
ized  to  comply  with  my  wishes  on  the  subject,  although  he  is  desirous 
of  granting  me  every  indulgence  he  has  authority  for,  I  am  compelled 
to  turn  to  Congress  with  my  request. 

After  so  long  a  service  in  the  Army  of  the  United  States,  which 
I  began  with  the  purest  motives,  and  to  which  I  still  retain  the 
greatest  attachment,  I  cannot  feel  myself  willing  totally  to  break 
my  connection  with  them,  and  though  I  am  convinced  my  health 
will  not  permit  me  to  continue  a  stated  service  with  them,  perhaps, 
should  events  render  it  necessary  for  a  greater  number  of  officers 
of  my  rank  to  be  in  the  field  for  a  short  time  than  will  remain  there, 
I  may  be  able  to  perform  that  service.  If  that  should  be  the  case, 
I  should  be  happy  in  having  it  in  my  power  to  continue  my  aid  to 
the  objects  of  my  country's  pursuit. 


416  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Under  these  circumstances  I  have  to  request  of  Congress  leave 
of  absence  from  the  Army  until  called  for,  that  I  may  have  the 
means  in  my  power  of  regaining  and  establishing  my  health,  and 
that  during  my  absence  I  may  be  at  liberty  to  remain  in  the  United 
States  or  go  to  foreign  parts  as  I  shall  find  most  conducive  to  the 
purposes  for  which  I  request  this  indulgence. 

In  the  meantime  I  am  willing  to  relinquish  the  whole  or  such  part 
of  my  public  pay  and  emoluments  as  Congress  in  their  wisdom  shall 
judge  proper. 

But  should  this  request  be  inconsistent  with  the  views   of  the 
public,  I  then  request  leave  to  resign  my  commission  and  that  Con 
gress  will  please  to  grant  me  a  discharge. 
I  am  with  great  respect,  Sir, 

Yr.  Excellency's  obed't.  servt., 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  the  President  of  Congress. 

Congress  not  making  a  favorable  response  to  his  request  for 
a  special  furlough,  General  Parsons,  feeling  that  a  release  from 
service,  for  a  time  at  least,  was  imperatively  necessary  in  the 
present  condition  of  his  health,  resigned  his  Commission  as 
Major  General  in  the  Continental  Army  without  conditions, 
which  was  duly  accepted  by  Congress  and  an  absolute  discharge 
granted  on  the  22d  of  July,  1782. 

Parsons  was  now  forty-five  years  old  and  had  served  con 
tinuously  as  Colonel,  Brigadier  General  and  Major  General 
since  his  appointment  as  Colonel  of  the  Sixth  Connecticut, 
April  26,  1775.  In  retiring  from  the  Army,  he  must  have 
carried  with  him  a  feeling  of  satisfaction  that  events  had 
proven  the  correctness  of  his  judgment  when  he  advocated  an 
appeal  to  arms.  Great  Britain  had  sent  to  America  112,584 
soldiers  and  32,000  seamen,  and  all  that  now  remained  to  her  of 
her  great  possessions,  after  the  expenditure  of  so  much  blood 
and  treasure,  were  the  three  ports  of  Charleston,  Savannah  and 
New  York.  She  was  too  much  exhausted  to  continue  the  war 
and  too  proud  to  make  peace.  The  fall  of  Lord  North's 
Ministry  was  the  first  acknowledgment  of  defeat,  and  with  the 
new  Cabinet  came  an  entire  change  in  the  determinations  of  the 
Government  respecting  the  war.  This  was  not  known  at  the 
time  and  for  that  reason  there  was  no  relaxation  of  vigilance 
during  the  year  1782,  but  the  orders  to  Sir  Guy  Carletori,  who 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      417 

succeeded  Clinton  in  the  command  at  New  York,  were  to  begin 
preparations  immediately  for  the  abandonment  of  all  his 
Majesty's  possessions  in  the  thirteen  Colonies.  In  pursuance 
of  these  orders,  Savannah  was  evacuated  on  the  llth  of  July 
and  Charleston  on  the  14th  of  December,  the  American  Army 
entering  amid  cheers  and  shouts  of  welcome.  But  New  York 
remained  in  the  enemy's  hands  until  some  months  after  the 
definitive  treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed,  and  the  last  British 
soldier  did  not  sail  until  the  25th  of  November,  1783,  when 
Washington  and  his  troops  made  a  formal  entry  into  the  city. 


CHAPTER   XXIV 

WILLIAM  HERON  OF  REDDING  AND  SIR  HENRY  CLINTON'S  "  SECRET 
SERVICE  RECORD  " 

1780—1781 

THE  following  letter,  preserved  among  the  Washington  Papers 
in  the  State  Department  at  Washington,  was  written  by 
General  Parsons  three  or  four  days  after  his  visit  to  Head 
quarters  at  Newburgh,  upon  the  General's  return  from 
Philadelphia : — 

D ANBURY,  April  6,  1782. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — When  last  with  you  I  forgot  to  mention  the 
name  of  Mr.  William  Heron,  of  Redding,  who  has  for  several  years 
had  opportunities  of  informing  himself  of  the  state  of  the  enemy, 
their  designs  and  intentions  with  more  certainty  and  precision  than 
most  men  who  have  been  employed;  as  I  have  now  left  service  I 
think  it  my  duty  to  inform  your  Excellency  of  this  person,  and  my 
reasons  for  believing  him  more  capable  of  rendering  service  that 
way  than  most  people  are,  that  he  may  be  employed  if  necessary. 

He  is  a  native  of  Ireland,  a  man  of  very  large  knowledge,  and  a 
great  share  of  natural  sagacity,  united  with  a  sound  judgment;  but 
of  as  unmeaning  a  countenance  as  any  person  in  my  acquaintance. 
With  this  appearance  he  is  as  little  suspected  as  any  man  can  be; 
an  officer  in  the  department  of  the  Adjutant  General  is  a  country 
man  and  very  intimate  acquaintance  of  Mr.  Heron,  through  which 
channel  he  has  been  able  frequently  to  obtain  important  and  very 
interesting  intelligence;  that  he  has  access  to  some  of  their  secrets 
a  few  facts  will  show  beyond  a  doubt.  Your  Excellency  will  remem 
ber  I  informed  you  of  the  contents  of  a  letter  you  wrote  to  Vir 
ginia  which  was  intercepted  a  year  ago  but  not  published.  This 
letter  his  friend  shew  him.  Of  the  descent  made  last  year  on 
New  London,  I  was  informed  by  him  and  made  a  written  representa 
tion  of  it  to  the  Governor  and  Council  three  days  before  it  took 
place.  This  he  had  through  the  same  channel.  He  has  frequently 
brought  me  the  most  accurate  descriptions  of  the  posts  occupied  by 
the  enemy  and  more  rational  accounts  of  their  numbers,  strength 

418 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      419 

and  designs  than  I  have  been  able  to  obtain  in  any  other  way.  As 
to  his  character  I  know  him  to  be  a  consistent  national  whig;  he  is 
always  in  the  field  on  every  alarm  and  has  in  every  trial  proved 
himself  a  man  of  bravery;  he  has  a  family  and  a  considerable  in 
terest  in  this  State  and  from  the  beginning  of  the  war  has  in 
variably  followed  the  measures  of  the  country.  I  might  add  as  a  cir 
cumstance  of  his  fidelity  his  delivering  a  letter  from  General  Arnold 
to  Major  Andre  to  me  instead  of  bearing  it  where  it  was  directed, 
which  letter  you  have.  In  opposition  to  this  his  enemies  suggest  he 
carries  on  an  illicit  trade  with  the  enemy;  but  I  have  lived  two 
years  the  next  door  to  him  and  am  fully  convinced  he  has  never 
had  a  single  article  of  any  kind  for  sale  during  that  time,  nor  do  I 
believe  he  was  in  the  most  distant  manner  connected  with  commerce 
at  that  time  or  any  subsequent  period.  I  know  many  persons  of  more 
exalted  character  are  also  accused,  none  more  than  Governor  Trum- 
bull  nor  with  less  reason.  I  believe  the  Governor  and  Mr.  Heron 
as  clear  of  this  business  as  I  am,  and  I  know  myself  to  be  totally 
free  from  everything  which  has  the  least  connection  with  that  com 
merce. 

I  think  it  my  duty  to  give  this  full  information  of  his  character, 
that,  if  you  should  think  it  expedient  to  employ  him,  you  might 
have  some  knowledge  of  the  man  that  you  might  be  better  able  to 
satisfy  yourself  if  you  send  for  him.  I  believe  on  conversation  he 
would  give  you  entire  satisfaction. 

I  am,  dear  General,  with  the  highest  esteem, 

Your  Excellency's  obedient  servant, 
To  General  Washington.  SAMUEL  H.  PARSONS. 

When  Heron  asked  his  assistance  in  procuring  a  flag  of  truce 
to  go  into  New  York,  Parsons,  in  his  note  to  General  Arnold  of 
August  20,  1780,  recommended  him  with  similar  expressions  of 
confidence.  "  Mr.  Heron  is  a  neighbor  of  mine  for  whose  integ 
rity  and  firm  attachment  to  the  cause  of  the  country  I  will  hold 
myself  answerable.  I  am  certain  he  will  conduct  with  strict 
honor  every  matter  he  undertakes."  It  was  at  this  time  that 
Arnold  gave  Heron  the  letter  to  Major  Andre  referred  to  in  the 
foregoing  letter,  which  Heron,  suspecting  something  wrong, 
brought  home  to  Parsons  instead  of  delivering  it  in  New  York 
as  requested. 

Heron's  home  was  on  Redding  Ridge  where  Parsons'  family 
had  lived  for  two  years,  having  removed  there  at  the  time  the 


420  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Connecticut  Division  was  encamped  at  Redding  in  the  winter 
of  1778-9.  At  this  time  Heron  had  become  somewhat  prom 
inent,  having  been  elected  to  the  Legislature  in  1778,  and 
it  was  probably  during  this  winter  that  Parsons  first  became 
acquainted  with  him.  Finding  that  he  had  unusual  oppor 
tunities  for  "  informing  himself  of  the  state  of  the  enemy," 
Parsons  very  soon  began  to  employ  him  as  a  spy.  So  far  as 
can  be  learned,  Heron  served  him  faithfully,  furnishing  more 
accurate  and  precise  information  than  most  men  employed  for 
that  purpose,  forewarning  him  of  important  plans  of  the 
enemy,  such  as  Arnold's  intended  descent  on  New  London  in 
September,  1781,  and  bringing  him  Arnold's  letter  to  Andre 
mentioned  above. 

But  letters  written  by  Heron  to  the  British  Commander  in 
New  York,  found  in  the  recently  discovered  manuscript  of  Sir 
Henry  Clinton's  "  Secret  Service  Record  of  Private  Daily  Intel 
ligence,"  disclose  the  fact  that,  at  the  time  he  was  acting  as  a 
spy  for  Parsons,  he  was  also  communicating  intelligence  to  the 
enemy,  and  that  he  enclosed  in  one  of  his  own  letters  an  alleged 
letter  of  Parsons  in  answer  to  one  from  himself,  which  he  pre 
tended  was  written  under  an  arrangement  by  which  Parsons 
was  to  furnish  in  this  form  "  every  material  article  of  intelli 
gence."  These  letters  of  Heron  have  been  made  the  basis  of  a 
slanderous  charge  against  Parsons  of  treasonable  correspon 
dence  with  the  enemy.  This  charge  is  so  utterly  absurd  and 
improbable  and  comes  from  such  a  prejudiced  source,  that  it 
would  never  have  been  deemed  worthy  of  notice  had  it  not  been 
carelessly  repeated  in  more  responsible  quarters,  and  the  act 
defended  by  the  astonishing  declaration  that  "  if  the  historian 
is  to  consider  all  damaging  uncorroborated  statements,  charges 
that  ought  to  go  for  naught  till  other  evidence  is  adduced,  he 
will  find  that  little  history  can  be  written."  So  stirred  to 
indignation  were  Senator  Hoar  and  our  late  Minister  to  Por 
tugal,  Hon.  George  B.  Loring,  that  the  latter,  at  the  instance 
of  Mr.  Hoar,  prepared  a  pamphlet  in  refutation  of  the  charge, 
which  has  been  pronounced  unanswerable  by  such  men  as  Judge 
Devens,  George  William  Curtis,  Wayne  McVeigh,  Judge 
McCurdy,  Rev.  Dr.  Peabody  and  Senator  Hoar,  the  latter  of 
whom  said  to  Mr.  Loring,  "  You  have  rendered  a  greater  serv- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      421 

ice  to  General  Parsons  than  if  you  had  saved  his  life."  This 
pamphlet  Mr.  Loring  dedicated  to  Gen.  W.  T.  Sherman.  In 
preparing  this  biography,  the  writer  has  discovered  additional 
facts  which  materially  strengthen  Mr.  Loring's  argument,  the 
statement  of  which  in  their  proper  connection  is  his  apology 
for  reopening  the  matter. 

Heron's  true  character  is  certainly  an  enigma,  but  on  its 
correct  solution  depends  to  a  considerable  extent  the  construction 
to  be  put  upon  his  acts.  The  only  letters  of  his  known  to  be  in 
existence  are  believed  to  be  the  few  which  appear  in  this  chapter, 
and  the  inferences  to  be  drawn  from  these  and  from  the  scanty 
facts  concerning  him  which  have  come  down  to  us,  furnish  the 
sole  key  to  the  problem.  More  full  and  precise  information 
regarding  him  would  be  desirable,  but  from  even  the  meager 
data  at  hand  it  is  possible  to  arrive  at  a  reasonably  satisfactory 
conclusion. 

Parsons  describes  Heron  as  "  a  man  of  very  large  knowl 
edge,  of  great  natural  sagacity  united  with  a  sound  judgment, 
but  of  as  unmeaning  a  countenance  as  any  person  in  my 
acquaintance."  To  have  carried  on  for  so  long  a  time  without 
exciting  suspicion  the  double  espionage  which  the  "  Record " 
seems  to  disclose,  would  have  been  impossible  except  for  a  genius 
in  the  detective's  art.  His  letters  show  a  remarkable  grasp  and 
comprehension  of  affairs,  but  he  cannily  fills  them  with  his  own 
views  and  opinions  rather  than  with  facts.  Todd's  history  of 
Redding,  written  a  hundred  years  after  these  events,  represents 
him  as  a  man  of  much  ability  and  force  of  character,  who 
sported  a  gold-headed  cane,  wore  laced  waist-coats,  ruffles  and 
velvet  breeches,  and  whose  favorite  remark  in  speaking  of  the 
common  people,  was,  "  We  must  keep  down  the  underbrush." 
He  is  said  to  have  taught  school  and  surveyed  the  old  stage 
route  from  New  York  to  Boston,  and  to  have  had  great  influence 
in  public  affairs.  Todd  states  that  when  the  British  on  their 
way  to  Danbury  in  April,  1777,  halted  near  the  church  in 
Redding,  Generals  Tryon,  Agnew  and  Erskine  were  invited 
into  Esquire  Heron's,  who  lived  next  the  church,  and  enter 
tained  wjth  cake  and  wine  and  many  hopeful  prognostications 
of  the  speedy  collapse  of  the  rebellion.  He  does  not  claim,  how 
ever,  that  the  "  Squire "  was  at  home,  for  Parsons  says  "  he 


422  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

was  always  in  the  field  on  the  first  alarm,"  nor  that  the  Generals 
did  not  invite  themselves  in,  when  the  ladies  could  not  well  have 
done  otherwise  than  entertain  them.  But  had  Heron  been  at 
home  hobnobbing  with  Tryon  and  proclaiming  his  friendship 
for  the  British,  while  poor  Captain  Betts  (who  lived  opposite), 
and  patriot  James  Rogers,  and  ten-year-old  Jeremiah  Sanford, 
were  being  seized  by  Tryon's  soldiers  and  hurried  off  as 
prisoners  (the  poor  lad  dying  two  months  later  in  the  prison 
ship  in  New  York),  it  is  more  than  probable  that  some  of  the 
same  Sons  of  Liberty  who  threatened  to  shoot  good  Rector 
Beach  if  he  prayed  for  the  King,  would  have  retaliated  on 
Heron  with  a  halter,  instead  of  sending  him  to  represent  them 
in  the  Connecticut  Assembly  in  1778,  1779,  1780  and  1781, 
and  again  after  the  war  for  the  seven  years  beginning  with 
1784,  and  in  1795  and  1796,  thirteen  years  in  all.  He  could 
not  have  been,  as  Todd  says  the  tradition  is,  "the  recognized 
leader  of  the  company  of  Tories  on  Redding  Ridge,"  unless  we 
suppose  that  posterity  confounded  aristocrats  with  Tories,  but 
must  have  been  believed  by  all  to  be,  both  during  and  after  the 
war,  what  Parsons  and  Trumbull,  Stark  and  Putnam,  and  the 
leading  civil  and  military  officers  of  the  State  evidently  thought 
him,  "  a  consistent  National  Whig,"  who  "  invariably  followed 
the  measures  of  his  country,"  and  "  in  every  trial  proved  him 
self  a  man  of  bravery."  Had  he  been  thought  otherwise,  it 
would  have  been  impossible  that  he  should  have  been  selected 
along  with  the  most  eminent  and  patriotic  men  in  the  State  for 
the  distinguished  honor  of  a  seat  in  the  most  important  assembly 
up  to  this  time  held  in  Connecticut,  the  Convention  for  adopt 
ing  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  in  favor  of  which  we 
find  Heron's  name  recorded.  Neither,  in  1777,  would  he  have 
been  chosen  by  his  town  as  one  of  a  Committee  "  to  hire  soldiers 
to  serve  in  the  Continental  Army ; "  nor,  in  1779,  have  been 
appointed  by  the  General  Assembly  one  of  a  Committee  to 
inquire  into  and  estimate  the  losses  of  individuals  at  Norwalk 
in  consequence  of  Tryon's  raid;  nor  again,  in  1780,  to  inquire 
into  the  conduct  of  persons  employed  in  the  Quartermaster  and 
Commissary  General's  Departments,  with  power  to  remove 
delinquents.  This  much  is  certain,  that  we  nowhere  find  the 
least  suspicion  of  disloyalty  attaching  itself  to  his  character, 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       423 

or  the  least  question  raised  as  to  his  truthfulness  and  honesty. 
It  is  true  that  he  was  charged  with  illicit  trading,  but  so  were 
Clinton  and  Trumbull,  and  without  a  shadow  of  truth.  Such 
charges  were  the  resort  of  the  guilty  to  cover  their  own  opera 
tions.  He  had  business  interests  in  New  York  and  many 
friends ;  one  a  countryman  and  very  intimate  acquaintance,  who 
was  in  the  Adjutant's  Office;  another,  one  McNeil,  who,  as 
Heron  writes  Parsons,  January  5,  1781,  "had  almost  closed 
the  settlement  of  the  late  Mr.  Thompson's  estate  and  was  ready 
to  pay  him  a  sum  due  him  in  compliance  with  a  charge  of 
Thompson's  on  his  death  bed."  We  find  him  going  to  New 
York  in  April,  1781,  by  a  boat  which  was  captured  by  the 
"  Argo,"  and  in  June,  as  he  says,  by  Parsons'  assistance,  and  in 
July  under  a  permit  from  Trumbull  to  cruise  in  the  Sound. 
But  Parsons,  who  knew  Heron  as  a  professional  spy,  as  others 
did  not,  was  well  aware  that  these  trips  were  for  espionage  and 
not  for  trade,  and  that  they  were  the  means  by  which  was 
obtained  the  valuable  information  as  to  the  Posts,  strength  and 
designs  of  the  enemy  which  he  was  thus  enabled  to  transmit  from 
time  to  time  to  the  Commander-in-Chief 

Such  was  Heron  as  he  appeared  to  the  world — a  man  of  high 
reputation  and  irreproachable  character  and  faithful  to  the 
interests  of  his  adopted  country.  The  record  of  his  treason, 
if  such  were  his  crime,  and  all  that  we  know  concerning  it,  is 
contained  in  the  Robertson  dispatch  of  September  4,  1780, 
(Colonial  Documents  of  New  York,  Vol.  8,  p.  804)  ;  in  Heron's 
three  letters  and  minutes  of  three  conversations  found  in  the 
stray  volume  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  Secret  Record  of  Private 
Daily  Intelligence,  discovered  in  1882  and  published,  with  copi 
ous  notes,  in  the  "  Magazine  of  American  History,"  beginning 
October,  1883,  and  ending  August,  1884,  and  in  a  letter  to 
Clinton  of  March  4,  1782,  printed  in  the  October,  1888  number 
of  the  same  magazine.  The  "  Record  "  is  a  thin  quarto  blank 
book  into  which  the  reports  of  spies  and  secret  agents  were 
copied  daily.  It  begins  January  20,  1781,  and  ends  on  the  19th 
of  the  following  July,  nearly  one-half  of  the  book  still  being 
blank.  The  entries  purport  to  be  copies  of  supposed  originals, 
but  whether  the  supposed  originals  are  genuine,  or,  if  so,  whether 
the  copies  are  accurately  made,  no  one  knows ;  and  unless  both 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

are  proven  to  be  so,  the  entries  alone  of  course,  are  no  evidence 
of  the  truth  of  their  contents.  These  letters,  assuming  them  to 
be  genuine  and  correctly  copied,  apparently  convict  Heron  of 
treasonable  correspondence  with  the  enemy ;  apparently,  I  say, 
because  it  is  by  no  means  certain,  however  much  appearances 
may  be  against  him,  that  these  letters  do  not  merely  disclose 
the  methods  of  a  shrewd,  audacious  spy  in  plying  his  trade. 
A  close  study  of  these  documents  in  connection  with  contem 
poraneous  events,  impresses  one  very  strongly  that  Heron's 
chief  motive  was  not  a  desire  to  serve  the  enemy.  His  letters 
have  an  air  of  insincerity  and  lack  the  precision  and  directness 
which  characterize  most  of  the  other  entries  in  the  "  Record.'* 
He  is  very  cautious  in  his  statements  ;  deals  in  generalities  rather 
than  particulars ;  in  opinions  rather  than  facts,  never  warns 
the  enemy  of  important  movements  or  gives  information  likely 
to  affect  their  military  plans.  The  intelligence  he  furnishes  is 
usually  vague,  or  immaterial,  or  already  well  known,  and  in 
strong  contrast  to  that  of  other  spies,  which  is  generally  fresh 
and  up  to  date.  His  memory  is  apt  to  fail  him  as  to  important 
matters.  Very  little  of  the  valuable  information  which  he  pre 
pares  and  conceals  in  a  hole  in  a  wall  for  an  assistant  to  remove, 
ever  reaches  Headquarters.  He  is  always  sorry,  but  it  was  not 
his  fault.  His  reports  are  exceedingly  interesting  and  gossipy, 
but  the  Adjutant  General  usually,  finds  it  necessary  to  supple 
ment  them  with  a  series  of  pointed  questions  of  his  own. 

In  his  conversation  with  General  Robertson  of  September  4, 
1780,  Heron  had  much  to  say  of  Parsons'  interview  with  Mr. 
Izard.  This  occurred  two  months  before.  Concerning  the  Con 
tinental  Brigades,  he  cannot  be  positive.  Connecticut  has  two — 
Parsons'  and  Huntington's ;  New  Hampshire  one — Poor's — 
which,  last  spring  had  but  three  hundred  men,  as  he  well  knew. 
He  does  not  recollect  the  Pennsylvania  Generals.  He  had  not 
heard  what  precise  number  had  gone  from  Massachusetts  and 
New  Hampshire.  Washington's  Army  had  ten  or  eleven  thou 
sand  men  last  month. 

February  4,  1781,  he  writes  that  the  brigades  in  the  High 
lands  "  were  not  each  six  hundred  strong,  when  I  was  there " 
(November  or  December,  1780,  before  the  reorganization). 
He  gives  a  minute  account  of  Colonel  Humphreys'  attempt  to 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      425 

seize  Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  New  York  on  Christmas  day,  1780. 
He  states  the  object  of  the  Convention  held  at  Hartford  in 
November,  1780.  He  also  enclosed  the  minutes  of  the  Assembly 
for  December  of  that  year. 

June  17,  1781,  he  writes  that  he  was  in  the  Assembly  the  14th 
of  May,  when  letters  of  great  importance  from  General  Wash 
ington  were  read,  setting  forth  the  deplorable  state  of  the 
troops  at  West  Point  and  its  dependencies,  for  want  of  pro 
visions.  "  At  this  critical  moment,  Sir,  I  found  myself  in  need 
of  a  confidential  friend  out  of  doors,  who  could  convey  hither 
this  state  of  affairs ;  but  it  being  early  in  the  session,  I  did  not 
dare  leave  my  post."  The  same  date  he  writes,  "  I  prepared 
dispatches  for  you  and  left  them  at  the  appointed  place,  and  I 
find  they  are  taken  away,  but  whether  by  Bulkley,  or  any  other 
person,  I  know  not.  They  contained,  among  other  matters,  an 
account  of  the  intended  route  of  the  French  troops ;  likewise  an 
account  of  the  state  of  West  Point  and  its  dependencies."  And 
again,  July  15 ;  "  It  is  not  my  fault  that  you  have  not  heard 
from  me  before  now.  I  left  two  packets  at  the  place  appointed, 
for  Bulkley  to  take  them,  one  on  the  28th  ult.  and  the  other  on 
the  4th  inst.  When  I  came  to  the  place  a  second  time,  I  was  sur 
prised  to  find  the  first  packet  there,  but  more  so  now  when  I 
found  both  there  unmoved." 

Heron's  promises,  as  a  rule,  are  largely  in  excess  of  his  per 
formance,  and  he  always  accompanies  his  reports  with  sus 
piciously  loud  protestations  of  zeal  and  loyalty,  and  never 
misses  an  opportunity  for  exaggerating  the  importance  and 
value  of  his  services,  apparently  for  some  ulterior  purpose.  In 
the  report  of  his  conversation  with  General  Robertson,  he  says : 
"  Till  April  last  he  was  in  the  Assembly  and  a  member  for 
County  correspondence ;  is  now  in  office  respecting  the  public 
accounts.  He  stands  well  with  the  officers  of  the  Continental 
Army ;  with  General  Parsons  he  is  intimate  and  not  suspected." 
February  4th,  he  writes :  "  When  I  was  in  the  Highlands,  I 
spent  a  night  with  Parsons  and  another  with  Stark.  I  am  on 
the  best  of  terms  with  them  both.  The  latter  with  his  family, 
stayed  a  night  at  my  house  since."  "  There  are  few  who  are  let 
into  the  secrets  of  the  Cabinet,  nor  could  I  know  them  were  it 
not  for  my  intimacy  with  some  of  the  principal  officers  in  the 


426  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

civil  and  military  departments  arising  from  my  having  been  a 
member  of  the  Legislature  and  being  still  continued  one  of  a 
committee  to  examine  staff  accounts."  April  24,  he  writes : 
"  I  shall  be  in  a  situation  this  summer  to  render  essential  serv 
ice,  having  carried  my  election  against  Judge  Sanford,  one  of 
the  first  families  in  the  place.  It  is  needless  to  observe  that  in 
the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut  enter  all  the  material  con 
cerns  of  our  political  system ;  that  secret  advices  from  Congress, 
from  Washington  and  from  abroad  are  there  canvassed,  the 
early  knowledge  of  which  may  be  of  consequence  in  order  to 
avail  yourself  of  it." 

Neither  does  Heron  in  his  letters  fail  to  let  fall  some  hint 
about  money,  which  is  always  done  in  a  most  incidental  and  dis 
interested  way.  March  11,  he  speaks  of  Parsons'  "  mercenary 
disposition,"  intimating  that  money  will  be  needed  to  bring  him 
over.  February  4,  he  says  Parsons  will  expect  for  his  serv 
ices  "  a  reasonable  compensation  for  his  commission."  June 
20,  he  says :  "  Something  generous  ought  to  be  given  in  hand, 
but  (in  my  opinion)  not  so  much  as  I  know  he  would  ask.  In 
this  service  it  would  not  be  amiss  for  me  to  be  able  to  tell  him 
what  he  may  expect  at  present.  I  urge  this  to  prevent  his 
making  an  unreasonable  and  extravagant  demand."  July  15, 
"  He  will  expect  some  money  by  me  this  time,  but  how  to  get  it 
here  I  know  not,  as  I  would  not  wish  to  have  any  person  besides 
yourself,  or  those  you  can  confide  in,  made  acquainted  with  any 
thing  of  this  nature.  .  .  .  Should  any  money  be  sent  to 
our  friend,  it  will  be  best  to  put  it  up  in  something  like  a  belt." 
Evidently, 

"  He  knew  enough  to  annotate  the  Bible  verse  by  verse, 

"  And  how  to  draw  the  shekels  from  the  British  public  purse/' 

which  seems  to  have  been  his  main  object,  not  for  Parsons,  how 
ever,  but  for  himself. 

The  information  which  Heron  furnishes  Parsons,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  of  real  and  immediate  service.  Instead  of  indulg 
ing  in  extended  essays  on  the  situation,  he  brings  "  accurate 
descriptions  of  the  enemy's  Posts  and  rational  accounts  of  their 
numbers,  strength  and  designs."  Instead  of  writing  ancient 
history,  he  gives  warning  of  proposed  movements  in  time  to 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      427 

guard  against  them.  Instead  of  useless  prophecies  as  to  the 
future,  he  brings  home  to  Parsons,  Arnold's  letter  to  Andre,  the 
delivery  of  which  as  requested,  might  have  determined  the  fate 
of  West  Point.  We  hear  no  boastings  or  protestations,  but  he 
is  "  always  in  the  field  on  every  alarm,  and  in  every  trial  proves 
himself  a  man  of  bravery." 

There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  after  having  as  a  member 
of  the  General  Assembly,  taken  an  oath  that  "  he  would  to  the 
utmost  of  his  power,  maintain  and  defend  the  freedom,  independ 
ence  and  privileges  of  his  State  against  all  open  enemies  or 
traitorous  conspiracies  whatsoever,"  Heron  did,  if  we  may 
believe  his  statement,  on  the  17th  of  June,  communicate  to  the 
British  Headquarters  a  full  and  accurate  account  of  what 
occurred  in  the  Assembly  during  the  previous  month ;  for 
instance,  that  on  the  14th  of  May,  General  Heath  presented  to 
the  Assembly  letters  of  Washington  of  the  10th  and  12th,  stat 
ing,  among  other  things,  the  deplorable  condition  of  the  gar 
rison  at  West  Point  for  the  want  of  provisions,  and  declared 
before  the  Assembly  that  the  garrison  must  inevitably  fall ;  and 
that  on  the  24th  of  May,  upon  the  termination  of  the  con 
ference  at  Wethersfield  between  Washington  and  Rochambeau,  a 
long  letter  from  General  Washington  was  read  in  the  house 
stating  the  result  of  their  deliberations,  the  plans  and  expecta 
tions  of  the  campaign,  and  the  assistance  which  must  be  ren 
dered  by  the  State.  This  act  of  Heron's  was  clearly  treasonable 
and  in  violation  of  his  oath,  but  even  here  he  shows  that  he  is 
still  on  the  side  of  his  country,  for,  it  will  be  observed  that  in 
the  first  case,  he  delays  the  information  until  too  late  to  be  of 
any  service,  and  in  the  second  case,  that  he  gives  to  Clinton 
such  information  only  as  he  knows  him  to  be  already  in  posses 
sion  of,  the  letters  of  Washington  from  the  27th  to  the  29th 
containing  it,  having  been  captured  by  the  enemy.  In  this  way 
he  avoids  doing  harm  to  the  cause  of  his  country  and  at  the 
same  time  craftily  gains  credit  at  Headquarters  for  great  zeal 
in  the  cause  of  the  King. 

Although  at  times  he  hews  dangerously  close  to  the  line,  all 
the  circumstances  point  strongly  to  the  conclusion  that  Heron 
was  an  American  spy,  and  that  his  espionage  for  the  British 
was  a  mere  pretence  to  aid  him  in  procuring  intelligence  and 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

to  enable  him  the  more  effectually  to  despoil  the  Philistines. 
Indeed,  prominent  as  he  was  in  the  councils  of  his  State,  his 
interest  and  safety  would  not  have  permitted  him  to  be  other 
wise  than  honest  and  straightforward  with  his  own  people,  and, 
while  it  would  have  been  comparatively  easy  for  a  man  as  shrewd 
and  plausible  as  he  to  have  imposed  on  Clinton,  it  would  have 
been  impossible  to  have  deceived  for  any  length  of  time,  his 
neighbors  and  the  high  military  and  civil  officers  with  whom  his 
duties  and  privilege  as  a  member  of  the  Assembly  brought  him 
into  constant  contact. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  in  person  short,  with  a  full  face  and 
prominent  nose ;  his  manners  reserved,  and,  though  polite,  not 
popular  with  the  world  at  large.  He  was  regarded  by  many 
as  more  conspicuous  for  honesty,  zeal  and  courage  than  military 
genius.  He  was  accused  of  habitual  indecision.  His  percep 
tions,  certainly,  were  not  the  keenest,  and  it  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  difficult  to  deceive  him.  When  Washington's  dis 
patches  of  the  27th  and  29th  of  May,  1781,  containing 
accounts  of  the  interview  and  plans  agreed  on  with  Rocham- 
beau  at  Wethersfield  on  the  23d,  were  captured,  Clinton  thought 
them  sent  out  to  be  intercepted  and  believed  them  false;  while 
the  letters  which  Washington  sent  in  August  to  Greene  with  false 
statements  of  his  plans,  intending  them  to  fall  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy,  he  believed  to  be  true,  and  the  Army  had  reached 
Elk  River  before  he  comprehended  the  object  of  the  march. 
Sullivan  denominated  him  the  "  Prince  of  Blunderers,"  and 
Livingston,  at  the  time  of  the  fall  of  Cornwallis,  wrote,  "  I 
should  be  very  sorry  to  have  Clinton  recalled,  because,  as  fertile 
as  that  country  is  in  the  production  of  blockheads,  I  think  they 
cannot  easily  send  us  a  greater  blunderbuss,  unless,  peradven- 
ture,  it  should  please  his  Majesty  himself  to  do  us  the  honor  of 
a  visit."  In  the  course  of  his  visits  to  his  friend  in  the  office  of 
the  Adjutant  General,  Heron  seems  early  to  have  discovered  in 
the  gullibility  of  the  British  Commander,  a  fruitful  field  for  the 
exercise  of  his  peculiar  talents.  Whether  the  "  lusty,  fat,  ruddy 
young  fellow"  the  Adjutant  General  is  described  to  be,  was  any 
sharper  than  his  Chief,  we  have  no  knowledge,  although  he  had 
a  disagreeable  habit  of  presenting  to  his  spies,  lists  of  written 
questions  to  be  categorically  answered,  but  neither  he  nor  Clin- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      429 

ton  was  a  match  for  Heron,  who  evidently  had  set  out  to  work 
both  for  every  dollar  there  was  in  them,  and  in  so  doing  affected 
such  zeal  and  apparently  gave  such  full  information  that  he 
was  wholly  unsuspected.  The  knowledge  that  Clinton  had  con 
ceived  the  idea  since  the  defection  of  Arnold,  that  it  was  possible 
for  him  to  corrupt  any  American  General,  appears  to  have 
suggested  to  Heron  as  a  profitable  speculation,  the  scheme 
which  occupies  so  much  of  his  last  three  letters  in  the  "  Record," 
of  pretending  to  be  negotiating  with  Parsons  "  to  lend  his  aid 
in  terminating  this  unhappy  war  by  an  amicable  reunion  with 
the  parent  State." 

This  pretended  scheme  Heron  brings  to  Clinton's  notice  dur 
ing  a  conversation,  presumably  with  the  Adjutant  General, 
Major  DeLancey,  at  his  office  in  New  York,  (a  memorandum  of 
which  is  entered  in  the  "Record"  under  date  of  March  11, 
1781)  by  casually  mentioning  that  "General  Parsons'  Aid-de- 
Camp,  whose  name  is  Lawrence,  is  soliciting  leave  to  come  in  to 
see  his  mother  (then  living  on  Long  Island).  He  thinks  it  is 
in  our  power  to  tamper  with  him,  and  that  from  Parsons'  mer 
cenary  disposition,  there  is  little  doubt  of  success."  If  Lawrence 
ever  said  this  to  Heron  respecting  General  Parsons,  he  must 
have  been  and  known  Heron  to  have  been,  in  the  British  interest, 
of  which  there  is  no  evidence.  Aside  from  the  improbability  of 
an  Aid-de-Camp  expressing  such  an  opinion  of  the  General 
upon  whom  to  a  great  extent  his  advancement  must  depend,  it  is 
certain  that  the  cautious  Heron,  if  he  were  a  British  spy  and 
desirous  of  corrupting  Parsons,  would  never  confide  the  fact  to 
Parsons'  Aid-de-Camp,  unless  he  were  a  co-conspirator,  which 
is  not  claimed ;  and  Lawrence,  ignorant  of  the  fact,  would  never 
have  presumed  to  suggest  to  Heron  that  he  could  successfully 
tamper  with  Parsons,  or  imagine  that  he  had  any  object  in  doing 
so.  Furthermore,  officers  of  neither  army  were  in  the  habit  of 
soliciting  leave  to  enter  the  enemy's  lines  even  to  see  their 
mothers.  It  is  safe,  therefore,  to  assume  that  the  alleged  remark 
was  never  made  by  Lawrence,  but  that  the  whole  was  an  invention 
of  Heron's  to  further  his  own  purposes.  But  the  bait,  arti 
ficial  though  it  was,  Clinton  greedily  swallowed,  and  we  find  that 
late  as  March,  1782,  when  Parsons  had  practically  left  the 
Army,  Heron  was  able,  and  doubtless  found  it  to  his  profit,  to 


430  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

keep  up  the  deception.  How  he  justified  his  scheme,  Heron  does 
not  inform  us,  but  probably  on  the  ground  that,  like  many  other 
Connecticut  people,  he  was  merely  carrying  on  a  private  war 
with  the  enemy.  To  show  the  kindly  relations  existing  between 
General  Parsons  and  his  Aid-de-Camp,  and  the  utter  falsity  of 
Heron's  statement  as  to  Lawrence,  the  following  letters  are 
introduced ;  the  first  asks  a  favor  of  Governor  Clinton  for  Law 
rence,  who  seems  to  be  well  and  favorably  known  to  the  Gov 
ernor,  and  the  second  and  third  to  Trumbull  ask  a  return  of  the 
permit  for  Lawrence  and  acknowledge  its  receipt. 

MIDDLETOWN,  September  7,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR. — The  bearer,  Major  Lawrence,  waits  on  you  upon  the 
particular  circumstances  of  his  case — his  estate  in  the  hands  of  the 
enemy  and  he  destitute  of  any  means  of  subsisting  himself.  I  need 
say  nothing  to  you  of  him  personally,  as  you  know  him  and  his 
character  fully. 

He  is  offered  a  quantity  of  goods  from  New  York  on  his  estate, 
which  will,  from  the  interest  arising  from  it,  be  able  to  support 
him  with  decency.  This  offer  he  cannot  accept  without  your  con 
sent  and  permission  to  bring  out  the  goods.  The  Council  of  this 
State,  to  whom  he  has  applied,  informs  me  that  he  being  a  subject 
of  your  State,  your  permission  ought  to  be  granted,  and,  on  such 
permission,  they  will  give  every  necessary  aid  he  wants,  and  that 
they  are  convinced  of  the  propriety  of  the  grant. 

As  the  principles  on  which  he  applies  are  such  as  obviate  all  the 
material  objections  to  receiving  goods  from  that  quarter,  and  per 
fectly  coincide  with  the  principals  on  which  individuals  have  had 
liberty  to  bring  out  their  effects,  and  public  bodies,  particularly  your 
own  State,  have  supplied  necessary  clothing  for  their  troops,  I  can 
not  doubt  your  granting  him  the  license  desired,  as  no  payment  is  to 
be  made  till  the  war  ends,  supplies  of  money  or  provisions  seeming 
to  be  at  an  end  in  this  case. 

I  cannot  entertain  a  doubt  of  your  friendship  for  him  or  me,  and 
have  full  confidence  in  your  compliance  with  his  request,  and  am 
with  the  greatest  friendship  and  esteem, 

Dear  Sir,  Your  most  obed't.  servt., 
To  Governor  Clinton.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

DANBURY,  October  11,  1781. 

SIR. — Pursuant  to  your  advice,  Major  Lawrence  has  prepared 
what  articles  he  can  procure,  principally  woolens  and  linens,  and 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      431 

waits  for  the  permission  of  Governor  Clinton  which  I  left  with  your 
Excellency  at  Lebanon  to  procure  the  confirmation  of  the  Council, 
since  which  I  have  not  heard  of  it.  I  must  beg  you  to  send  that 
permission  with  the  doings  of  the  Council,  by  the  bearer,  as  his 
whole  interest  now  lies  at  great  hazard,  and  should  he  not  be  pos 
sessed  of  his  permit  by  the  last  of  this  week,  it  is  probable  he  will  be 
ruined. 

The  British  fleet  has  not  sailed,  nor  will  they  be  ready  to  sail 
soon.  They  appear  to  be  using  their  greatest  exertions  to  fit  for 
sea,  but  as  General  Washington  opened  his  batteries  against  Lt.  Gen. 
Cornwallis  the  26th  ult,  'tis  probable  the  matter  will  be  decided 
before  they  can  relieve  them.  I  am  with  esteem  &c., 

To  Governor  Trumbull.  SAML«  H'   PARSONS- 

October  15,  1781,  Major  Lawrence  has  received  the  permit  of  the 
Council  and  will  conform  to  it. 

The  following  letter  from  Heron  to  the  Adjutant  General 
of  the  British  Army,  taken  from  the  "  Record "  gives  an 
elaborate  account  of  the  beginning  and  progress  of  his  pre 
tended  negotiation  with  Parsons.  On  this  occasion,  Heron 
appears  to  have  sailed  from  Stamford  in  his  own  boat  and  been 
captured  about  the  20th  by  the  British  brig,  "  Argo."  On  the 
23d  he  was  given  a  passport  into  the  city,  and  on  the  24th, 
wrote  this  letter.  He  did  not  return  until  after  the  27th, 
reaching  Redding  May  1. 

24th  April,  1781. 

SIR. — The  business  I  had  to  negotiate  with  Gen'l  P s,  after 

my  return  home,  I  paid  the  utmost  attention  to,  and  in  order  to  break 
the  ice  (as  says  the  vulgar  adage)  I  found  myself  under  the  neces 
sity  of  summoning  what  little  address  I  was  master  of,  in  order  to 
secure  myself  a  retreat,  should  the  matter  I  had  to  propose  prove 

disagreeable  to  P s.     Therefore  after  giving  him  a  satisfactory 

account  of  my  commercial  negotiation  (which  I  knew  would  be 
alluring  to  him)  I  introduced  the  other  branch  of  my  business  in  the 
following  manner.  I  told  him  that  in  justice  to  the  confidence  he 
reposed  in  me,  I  conceived  myself  in  duty  bound  to  conceal  no 
material  circumstance  from  him  which  may  in  any  respect  affect 
him.  Impressed  with  this  sense,  I  begged  leave  to  communicate  the 
substance  of  a  conversation  I  had  with  a  gentleman  at  New  York, 
whom  I  knew  to  be  in  the  highest  confidence  with  the  commander- 
in-chief .  This  gentleman,  I  told  him,  hearing  of  my  being  in  town 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

with  a  flag  and  knowing  I  had  many  friends  in  it,  who,  notwith 
standing  our  differing  in  political  sentiments,  were  attached  to  me, 
he,  therefore  made  use  of  some  of  them  to  acquaint  me  that  he  wished 
for  an  interview  for  the  purpose  of  conferring  on  a  subject  the 
nature  of  which  was  in  no  way  inconsistent  with  strict  honor.  I  ac 
cordingly  waited  on  him  at  the  appointed  hour  when  a  conversation 
of  the  following  import  occurred: 

"  I  understand,"  said  the  gentleman,  "  that  you  are  intimately 

acquainted  with  G 1  P s."  I  answered  in  the  affirmative. 

"  Don't  you  judge  him  to  be  a  gentleman  possessed  of  too  much 
understanding  and  liberality  of  sentiment  to  think  that  the  welfare 
of  his  country  consists  in  an  unnatural  alliance  with  the  Enemies  to 
the  Protestant  religion,  a  perfidious  nation,  with  whom  no  faith  can 
be  long  kept,  as  all  the  nations  of  Europe  have  experienced?  "  I 

answered  that  I  knew  G 1  P s  to  be  a  gentleman  of 

abilities,  but  could  not  judge  of  his  feelings  toward  that  nation, 
otherwise  than  by  observing  no  great  cordiality  subsisting  between 
him  and  the  gentry  of  that  nation  in  our  service.  "  The  terms 
offered  by  the  parent  state,"  continued  the  gentleman,  "  are  so  liberal 
and  generous,  that  I  wonder  at  any  gentleman  of  an  enlarged  and 
liberal  mind  giving  his  assistance  in  prolonging  the  calamities  of 

his  Country,  and  as  General  P s  is  well  known  to  possess  these 

talents  as  well  as  great  influence  in  the  army  and  country,  Govern 
ment  would  wish  to  make  use  of  him  for  the  laudable  and  honorable 
purpose  of  lending  his  aid  in  terminating  this  unhappy  war  in  an 
amicable  Reunion  with  the  parent  State;  should  he  undertake  it, 
Government  will  amply  reward  him,  both  in  a  lucrative  and  hon 
orary  way  and  manner "  "  Besides,"  I  super-added,  "  making  a 

provision  for  his  son."  Thus,  Sir,  have  I  been  necessitated  to  use 
all  this  circumlocution  in  order  to  convince  him  of  the  delicacy 
observed  in  making  the  above  propositions,  and  that  nothing  was 
intended  inconsistent  with  the  purest  priciples  of  honor. 

During  this  conversation  I  observed  that  he  listened  with  un 
common  attention,  and  as  it  grew  very  late,  he  said  it  was  a  matter 
which  required  deliberation;  he  therefore  postponed  it  to  another 
opportunity. 

Next  morning  he  sent  for  me  and  resumed  the  subject  of  our  last 
or  preceding  night's  discourse.  He  said  he  had  weighed  the  matter 
and  found  himself,  upon  the  strictest  examination,  disposed  to  a 
reconciliation  and  to  effect  which  he  would  use  his  influence  and 
lend  his  aid  to  promote  it,  but  that  he  saw  the  embarrassments  in 
his  way  in  regard  to  inculcating  such  principles  in  the  army,  though 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      433 

he  did  not  doubt  but  in  time  he  could  bring  the  officers  of  the  Con 
necticut  Line  over  to  his  opinion.  That  in  order  to  effect  it  he 
thought  he  could  do  it  more  to  the  purpose  by  resigning  his  com 
mission,  which  would  save  every  appearance  of  those  honorary  ideas, 
inseparable  from  the  military  profession;  that  he  would  draw  after 
him  the  officers  above  referred  to,  who  look  up  to  him  as  a  father, 
and  that  their  joint  influence  would  be  exerted  among  the  citizens, 
which  would  turn  the  tables  in  favor  of  Government  in  our  State, 
but  in  consideration  of  those  services,  he  must  have  a  reasonable  and 
meet  compensation  for  his  commission,  it  being  all  he  had  to  depend 
upon. 

Thus,  Sir,  have  I  given  you  a  faithful  account  of  this  business 
and  shall  wait  on  you  for  your  further  direction  at  any  hour  you  may 
please  to  appoint,  when  I  may  have  the  honor  of  relating  other  cir 
cumstances  relative  to  it,  which  would  be  rather  tedious  to  commit 

to  writing.     .     .     . 

I  am  &c., 

To  Major  DeLancey.  W.  H. 

I  have  no  hesitation  in  pronouncing  this  negotiation  with 
Parsons  wholly  fictitious — an  invention  of  Heron's  without  any 
basis  of  fact — a  deception  put  upon  Clinton  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  money  under  the  pretence  of  its  being  needed  to 
influence  Parsons.  The  facts,  I  am  confident,  will  bear  me  out. 
Heron  does  not  state  when  this  conversation  with  Parsons 
occurred,  only  that  it  was  after  his  return  home,  which  must 
have  been  subsequent  to  March  11,  at  which  time  he  was  in 
New  York,  and  before  April  21,  the  date  of  his  next  appear 
ance  there.  How  long  after  May  11  he  remained  in  New 
York  does  not  appear,  but  it  is  safe  to  assume  that  he  did  not 
reach  Redding  until  after  the  15th.  On  his  April  visit  to  New 
York  his  boat  was  captured  on  the  20th ;  he  must,  therefore,  in 
order  to  have  had  sufficient  time  to  prepare  his  commercial  ven 
ture  and  cross  the  Sound,  have  left  Redding  as  early  at  least  as 
the  15th.  The  time  within  which  the  conversation  might 
have  taken  place  is  thus  narrowed  down  to  the  period  between 
March  15  and  April  15.  Except  the  ten  days  he  was 
engaged  in  his  expedition  against  the  "  Outlaws  of  the  Bronx," 
Parsons  was  in  camp  in  the  Highlands,  fifty  miles  from  Red 
ding,  from  December  until  the  28th  of  February,  when  he  left 
Camp  under  orders  from  Washington  to  investigate  the  Tory 


434  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

plots  in  Fairfield  County.  This  kept  him  busily  employed  and 
on  the  move  until  March  14,  when  he  made  his  report,  in  which 
he  suggests  that  his  Aid-de-Camp,  Captain  Walker,  be  left  to 
prosecute  inquiries  while  he  returns  to  Camp.  Worn  out  with 
his  exertions,  General  Parsons,  almost  immediately  after  this 
was  taken  seriously  ill  with  a  malarial  fever.  March  23,  he 
writes  to  Washington,  "  that  being  seized  with  a  fever  a  few 
days  ago,  I  am  at  present  unable  to  stir  abroad."  March  30, 
Captain  Walker  writes  to  Washington  in  his  own  name,  "  I  am 
sorry  to  inform  you  that  Major  General  Parsons  is  so  reduced 
by  his  illness  and  at  times  so  far  deprived  of  his  reason,  as 
makes  it  impossible  for  him  to  transact  the  business  which  your 
Excellency  expected.  In  the  first  of  his  illness  he  referred  the 
whole  business  to  me  in  hopes  at  that  time  of  being  able  to 
attend  himself  in  a  few  days,  but  I  fear  he  will  not  this  several 
weeks."  April  4,  Major  Wyllys  writes  that  "  General  Par 
sons  lies  on  a  sick  bed  at  Redding,  we  fear  dangerously  ill, 
which  is  unfortunate  for  us.  He  may  not  be  here  for  a  month." 
On  the  20th,  Parsons  writes  to  Washington  giving  an  account 
of  his  sickness ;  and  on  the  30th,  "  The  fever  has  left  me  exceed 
ingly  weak  and  unable  to  attend  to  any  business  of  importance." 
Since  the  alleged  conversation,  detailed  in  this  letter,  must  have 
taken  place,  if  ever,  some  time  between  the  middle  of  March  and 
the  middle  of  April,  during  which  time  Parsons  was  seriously 
ill  and  at  intervals  delirious,  what  probability  is  there  that  it 
took  place  at  all?  If  Parsons  ever  said  the  things  attributed  to 
him  by  Heron  in  his  letter  of  April  24,  it  must  have  been 
during  his  delirium,  for  he  was  never  known  to  utter  or  enter 
tain  any  such  sentiments  when  he  was  himself.  Instead  of  con 
sidering  how  he  could  best  serve  Great  Britain,  he  was  creating 
the  wildest  excitement  among  the  Tories  by  his  investigations, 
as  is  shown  by  the  examination  of  Andrew  Bennett  on  March 
10 ;  and  Elisha  Rexford  writes  from  New  Haven  on  the  9th 
of  April,  "  that  the  Tories  dread  to  have  examinations  of 
individuals,  especially  by  General  Parsons  or  a  Court  Martial. 
Whig  people  our  way  highly  approve  of  what  General  Parsons 
has  done,  and  say  this  is  the  way  to  manage  the  disaffected,  to 
frustrate  their  schemes  and  save  the  country." 

Heron's  letter  contains  within  itself  evidence  of  being  a  fabri- 


cation.  It  was  obviously  written  to  impress  Clinton  and  not 
to  tell  him  the  truth.  He  says  that  he  introduced  his  business 
by  giving  Parsons  an  account  of  his  commercial  negotiation 
(which  he  knew  would  be  alluring  to  him).  As  Heron  went  to 
New  York  in  his  own  boat,  this  "  commercial  negotiation,"  if 
such  there  was,  could  have  been  nothing  but  illicit  trading,  and 
Parsons,  who  had  for  years  been  trying  to  break  up  the  prac 
tice,  was  the  last  person  in  the  world  he  would  have  wished  to 
know  it.  Moreover,  this  statement  is  in  effect  flatly  contra 
dicted  by  Parsons  in  his  letter  recommending  Heron  as  a  spy, 
for  had  Heron  ever  told  him  that  he  was  engaged  in  illicit  trad 
ing,  he  never  would  have  written  thus  positively  to  Washington : 

Heron's  enemies  suggest  that  he  carries  on  an  illicit  trade  with 
the  enemy,  but  I  have  lived  two  years  next  door  to  him  and  am 
fully  convinced  he  has  never  had  a  single  article  of  any  kind  for 
sale  during  that  time,  nor  do  I  believe  he  was  in  the  most  distant 
manner  connected  with  commerce  at  that  time  or  any  subsequent 
period.  I  know  many  persons  of  more  exalted  character  are  also 
accused,  none  more  than  Governor  Trumbull,  nor  with  less  reason. 
I  believe  the  Governor  and  Mr.  Heron  as  clear  of  this  business  as 
I  am,  and  I  know  myself  to  be  totally  free  from  everything  which 
has  the  least  connection  with  that  commerce. 

The  conversation  between  Heron  and  a  gentleman  in  New 
York,  detailed  in  the  letter  of  April  24,  may  have  occurred, 
for  it  was  exactly  what  the  mention  of  the  alleged  remark  of 
Lawrence  was  intended  to  bring  about ;  but  when  Heron  repre 
sents  Parsons  as  saying  "  that  he  found  himself,  upon  the 
strictest  examination,  disposed  to  a  reconciliation,  to  effect 
which  he  would  use  his  influence  and  lend  his  aid,"  he  represents 
what  might  possibly  have  been  believed  by  Clinton,  but  what 
would  have  been  ridiculed  by  Parsons'  friends,  who  knew  that 
of  all  the  leaders  of  the  Revolution  no  one  was  more  hostile 
to  reconciliation  than  he,  or  more  determined  that  the  contest 
should  not  end  until  Independence  should  be  acknowledged  by 
Great  Britain ;  and  when  he  further  makes  him  say  "  that  he 
would  draw  after  him  the  officers  of  the  Connecticut  Line  who 
look  up  to  him  as  a  father,  and  that  their  joint  influence  would 
be  exerted  among  the  citizens,  which  would  turn  the  tables  in 


436  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

favor  of  Government  in  our  State,"  he  suggests  something  so 
absurd  and  quixotic  that  it  is  incredible  that  the  British  Com 
mander,  even  at  Livingston's  and  Sullivan's  estimate,  could 
have  read  it  without  a  consciousness  of  being  imposed  upon. 
And  then,  in  his  usual  indirect  manner,  Heron  introduces  the 
subj  ect  of  money :  "  but  in  consideration  of  these  services  he 
must  have  a  reasonable  and  meet  compensation  for  his  commis 
sion,  it  being  all  he  had  to  depend  upon,"  which  Heron  knew 
to  be  false,  but  it  would  furnish  a  reason  for  larger  demands. 
The  audacity  and  monumental  assurance  of  Heron  in  putting 
this  trick  upon  Clinton,  is  paralleled  only  by  the  credulity  of 
those  who  have  given  credence  to  his  lies. 

The  practical  mind  of  the  Adjutant  General  seems  not  to 
have  been  satisfied  with  mere  talk,  for  we  find  under  date  of  next 
day  a  memorandum  of  the  following  conversation  between 
Major  DeLancey  and  Heron: — 

25  April,  1781. 

Memorandum  taken  of  a  conversation  with  Hiram   [Heron]. 

He  promises  to  get  from  General  Pa s  the  following  infor 
mation: — The  exact  state  of  West  Point.  What  troops.  What 
magazines.  What  new  Works  and  how  many  guns.  Who  commands. 
If  there  is  a  boom  below  Fort  Clinton.  He  is  to  let  me  know  what 
to  point  out  himself.  He  is  to  tell  him  he  can  no  way  serve  us  so 

P s'  wish  is,  how  he  can  serve  him  and  the  methods  he  means 

well  as  continuing  in  the  army;  that  the  higher  his  command,  the 
more  material  service  he  can  render.  He  is  to  promise  him  great 
rewards  for  any  services  he  may  do  us.  He  is  to  hold  up  the  idea  of 
Monk  to  him,  and  that  we  expect  from  his  services  an  end  to  the  war. 
That  during  the  time  he  continues  in  their  army  he  shall  have  a 
handsome  support,  and  should  he  be  obliged  to  fly,  to  remind  him 
of  the  example  and  situation  of  Arnold.  I  am  to  hear  from  him 
on  Friday  next,  when  he  will  let  me  know  how  far  he  has  operated 

on  Pa s.  I  shall  tell  him  further  what  steps  to  take.  He  is 

to  go  to  Hartford  and  attend  the  Assembly,  from  whence  he  will 
collect  minutes,  and  in  the  month  of  June  will  transmit  them  to  the 

General.  He  makes  no  doubt  of  bringing  Par s  to  do  what  we 

wish. 

Heron's  deception  seems  to  have  been  successful,  but  in  view 
of  what  he  states  as  to  his  progress  with  Parsons,  he  seems  to 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      437 

have  taken  a  pretty  large  contract,  and  nowhere  does  he  claim 
that  he  has  been  able  to  fulfil  it. 

After  the  capture  of  his  boat  by  the  "  Argo  "  on  the  20th, 
Heron  was  not  released  until  he  had  communicated  with  Head 
quarters.  Three  letters  passed  between  Lieut.  Colonel 
DeWurmb  of  the  Yagers  and  Major  Kissam,  in  reference  to 
his  detention  and  release,  which  the  Editor  of  the  "  Record  " 
introduces  at  the  close  of  his  annotation  of  the  Heron  letters  as 
corroborative  evidence  of  the  charge  he  makes  against  Parsons. 
None  of  them  refer  to  Parsons,  except  the  following,  dated, 

WESTBURY,  April  28,  1781, 

SIR. — I  enclose  a  passport  for  Mr.  Heron  and  should  wish  for  his 
return  to  Stamford  whenever  the  wind  will  permit  of  it.  I  have  not 
yet  received  any  answer  from  New  York,  but  as  soon  as  those  things 
wanted  by  General  Parsons  shall  arrive,  I  will  not  fail  to  forward 
them  by  another  flag. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  great  regard,  Sir,  Yours  &c., 

L.  J.  A.  DEWURMB,  Lt.  Col. 

What  is  meant  by  the  "  things  wanted  by  General  Parsons," 
must  be  left  to  conjecture.  He  may  have  sent  for  medicines  or 
clothing  for  the  use  of  prisoners,  but  the  probable  explanation 
is,  that  an  unauthorized  use  was  made  of  Parsons'  name  to 
obtain  "  those  things  "  which  Heron  wanted.  At  any  rate,  the 
things  must  have  been  wanted  for  a  legitimate  purpose,  for 
there  was  no  concealment  about  the  transaction  and  evidently 
neither  DeWurmb  nor  Kissam  regarded  it  as  anything  unusual 
or  suspicious,  as  certainly  would  have  been  the  case  had  the 
"  things  "  been  ordered  for  private  use ;  for,  it  must  be  remem 
bered,  these  officers  were  entirely  ignorant  of  the  alleged  nego 
tiation  with  Parsons  and  could  not  have  known  of  any  wish  to 
grant  him  unusual  favors. 

How  the  reference  in  this  letter  of  the  23d  to  "  those  things 
wanted  by  General  Parsons,"  about  which  nothing  further  is 
said  or  known,  can  corroborate  the  charge  of  an  offense  based 
wholly  upon  Heron's  letters,  an  offense  which  Heron  in  his  com 
munications  of  the  24th  and  25th  does  not  pretend  has  yet  been 
committed,  I  fail  to  see;  but  I  can  understand  how  this  cor 
respondence  might  be  made  to  appear  to  the  unobservant  or 


438  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

indifferent  reader  corroborative  proof,  by  introducing  it  only 
at  the  end  of  the  annotations,  so  that  it  would  seem  to  relate  to 
matters  subsequent  and  not  prior  to  Heron's  letters.  I  can  also 
understand,  how,  by  following  up  the  Kissam  letters  with 
garbled  extracts  from  Trumbull's  letters  to  Washington  of  the 
9th  and  17th  of  July,  1781,  the  report  which  Parsons  made  to 
Washington  of  the  alarming  disaffection  in  the  Connecticut 
Line,  could  be  made  to  appear  an  additional  evidence  of  dis 
loyalty,  when  the  complete  correspondence  passing  between 
Washington,  Parsons  and  Trumbull  on  the  subject  of  the 
report,  (see  Chap.  XXII)  shows  that  Parsons,  strongly  sup 
ported  by  Washington,  was  patriotically  and  successfully  urg 
ing  his  State  to  grant  that  justice  to  his  troops,  the  inexcus 
able  delay  in  which  was  threatening  the  very  existence  of  the 
Line.  Thimble-rigging  with  facts  is  never  resorted  to,  to  sup 
port  a  strong  case. 

Heron  on  his  return  to  Redding,  May  1,  brought  to  Par 
sons  the  very  important  intelligence  obtained  in  New  York, 
which  he  communicated  to  Washington  in  his  letter  of  May  2. 
On  the  17th  of  June,  Heron  was  again  in  New  York,  where  he 
writes  the  following  letter  to  the  Adjutant  General,  Major 
DeLancey : — 

NEW  YORK,  Sunday,  June  17,  1781. 

SIR. — Being  somewhat  recovered  from  the  fatiguing  riding  last 
night  till  12  o'clock,  I  sit  down  to  give  you  the  heads  only,  (to  avoid 
prolixity)  of  such  matters  as  have  fallen  within  my  observation  since 
I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  last.  Soon  after  my  return  home, 
I  prepared  dispatches  for  you  and  left  them  at  the  appointed  place, 
and  I  find  they  are  taken  away,  but  whether  by  Bulkley,  or  any  other 
person,  I  know  not.  They  contained  amongst  other  matters  an 
account  of  the  intended  route  of  the  French  troops,  the  place  of  their 
destination  and  the  ground  on  which  they  were  to  encamp.  Like 
wise  an  account  of  the  State  of  West  Point  and  its  dependencies. 

This  early  notice  I  had  from  G 1  P s,  who  had  it  from 

the  French  Officers  who  had  been  viewing  the  place  of  encamp 
ment. 

The  "state  of  West  Point "  is  one  of  the  items  of  informa 
tion  which  Heron,  on  his  last  visit  to  New  York,  promised  to 
get  from  General  Parsons,  but  he  does  not  say  that  the  infor 
mation  contained  in  the  "  dispatches  "  was  obtained  from  him, 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      439 

or  any  other  information  except  that  regarding  the  route, 
destination  and  camping  place  of  the  French.  Indeed,  by  par 
ticularizing  one  item  as  that  furnished  by  Parsons,  Heron,  by 
implication,  states  that  the  other  items  came  from  another 
source;  and  I  here  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  none  of  his 
letters  or  conversations  does  Heron  claim  that  he  has  had  from 
Parsons  any  of  the  intelligence  he  communicates,  excepting  this 
unimportant  item  as  to  the  French  troops.  As  Heron  did  not 
obtain  the  promised  information  from  Parsons,  and  the  alleged 
dispatches  were  never  received  at  Headquarters,  it  is  safe  to 
assume  that  they  were  never  prepared,  and  that  the  claim  that 
they  were  was  made  merely  to  gain  time.  Heron  in  this  letter 
also  gives  information  as  to  what  occurred  in  the  Connecticut 
Legislature  a  month  previous,  and  the  substance  of  Washing 
ton's  Circular  written  May  10  and  read  the  24th.  He  has  an 
estimate  of  the  expenses  of  the  current  year,  but  has  not  dared 
to  bring  it  with  him  (and  never  intended  to).  The  French,  he 
says,  are  on  their  march,  a  thing  everybody  knew.  Of  General 
Parsons  he  further  says : — 

G 1  P s  assisted  me  in  coming  here  now.     We  concerted 

measures  for  our  future  conduct  with  regard  to  conveying  such  intel 
ligence  as  may  come  to  his  knowledge.  I  find  him  disposed  to  go 
some  lengths  (as  the  phrase  is)  to  serve  you,  and  even  going  thus  far 
is  gaining  a  great  deal.  But  I,  who  am  ever  jealous  of  intriguing 
persons,  especially  in  this  cause,  fearing  the  measures  calculated  to 
promote  the  interest  of  Government  may  be  frustrated  or  thwarted 
by  them,  and  myself  made  an  instrument  of  fraud  in  a  cause,  for  the 
support  of  which  I  have  hazarded  everything,  have,  therefore,  exerted 
all  the  perspicacity  I  am  master  of,  to  analize  (so  in  the  MS.)  the 
gentleman  in  question,  and  find  he  will  not  at  present  explicitly  say 
that  he  will  go  such  lengths  as  I  could  wish.  I  know  the  scruples  he 
has  to  struggle  with,  those  of  education,  family  connections  and  mili 
tary  ideas  of  honor.  But  interest,  together  with  the  prejudices  now 
subsisting  between  the  Army  and  the  State,  rather  than  principle, 
may  overcome  these.  Thus  have  I  dealt  with  you  with  faithfulness 
and  sincerity  (as  I  think  it  my  duty)  and  leave  the  improvement  of 
the  foregoing  hints  to  your  own  superior  judgement. 

Meantime  I  remain,  Sir 
Yr.  most  obt.  &  very  hbl.  servt., 

W.  H. 


440  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Heron  does  not  write  so  hopefully  of  Parsons  in  this  as  in  his 
previous  letter,  and  apparently  thinks  that  he  has  gone  too 
fast.  The  Adjutant  General  noticing  this,  on  the  20th,  in  con 
sequence  of  a  conversation  with  Heron  the  night  before,  puts 
to  him  in  writing  the  following  very  pointed  question :  "  Is 

it  your  opinion  that  Gen'l.     P s  will  enter  so  heartily  as 

to  make  us  hope  he  will  take  an  open,  determined  step  in  our 
favor?"     In  reply  to  this  Heron  writes: — 

It  is  my  opinion  that  he  does  not  wish  to  take  an  open  and 
avowed  part  at  present,  however  determined  he  may  appear  to  be 
(and  is  really  so)  to  communicate  any  material  intelligence  in  his 
power,  to  inculcate  principles  of  reconciliation,  and  detaching  his 
subordinate  officers  from  French  connection.  I  have  no  authority  to 
say  that  he  will  give  up  any  Post  or  men  committed  to  his  care.  This 
in  my  opinion  must  depend  upon  future  contingencies  and  the  adverse 
turn  their  affairs  are  like  to  take;  for,  were  he  sure  that  Independ 
ence  would  take  place,  his  prospects  as  a  general  officer  would  be  so 
great  from  the  country,  that  they  would  outweigh  every  other  con 
sideration.  ...  I  have  on  a  former  occasion  described  the  man 
to  you,  his  local  attachments,  his  scruples,  his  prejudices,  and  talents 
at  intrigue;  and,  as  he  has  already  embarked  half  way,  your  own 
acquaintance  with  the  human  heart  will  enable  you  to  judge  whether 
it  is  not  probable  that  in  time  he  will  go  through  the  several  grada 
tions  you  would  wish  and  expect  of  him.  To  effect  this  something 
generous  ought  to  be  given  in  hand,  but  (in  my  opinion)  not  as  much 
as  I  know  he  would  ask.  His  expectations  may  be  raised.  It  is  for 
you  to  judge  how  much  you  would  be  willing  to  give  at  present  as 
and  adequate  reward  for  what  I  have  given  you  reason  to  expect ;  and 
I  find  myself  disposed  to  fall  short  rather  than  raise  your  expecta 
tions,  as  I  think  it  the  more  pardonable  error  of  the  two.  Whatever 
you  are  willing  to  give,  shall  be  my  business  to  safe  convey. 

This  is  such  a  bald  attempt  to  obtain  money  under  false  pre 
tences,  that  it  would  seem  impossible  for  anyone  but  an 
extremely  innocent  person  to  dream  of  taking  Heron  seriously. 
The  prudence  of  Heron's  reply,  "  I  have  no  authority  to  say 
that  Parsons  will  give  up  any  Post  or  men  committed  to  his 
care,"  is  very  noteworthy  for  had  he  committed  himself  by 
naming  any  Post  or  men,  he  would  have  furnished  the  Adjutant 
with  a  test  of  his  sincerity  which  would  have  speedily  ended  his 
career  as  a  British  spy. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      441 

To  determine  the  efficiency  of  Heron's  bureau  of  information, 
the  Adjutant  General  gives  him  twelve  general  heads  of  "what 
we  could  wish  our  friend  should  inform  us  of." 

1.  The  state  of  the  American  Army. 

2.  The  state  of  the  French  Army. 

3.  How  each  Army  is  situated. 

4.  What  enterprise  they  mean  to  undertake,  and  the  method  of 
counteracting  them. 

5.  What  supplies  and  from  whence  they  expect  to  subsist. 

6.  Where  the  magazines  are,  and  how  to  be  destroyed. 

7.  The  movement  of  the  French  fleet  and  their  intentions. 

8.  News  from  the  Southward  of  consequence. 

9.  The  situation  of  the  different  forts. 

10.  News  from  Europe. 

1 1 .  The  hopes  of  the  ensuing  campaign. 

12.  As  much  of  the  correspondence  between  General  Washington 
and  the  Congress  as  possible. 

The  above  are  general  heads.  His  own  knowledge  will  point  out 
any  further  information  that  may  be  of  use,  and  I  hope  his  zeal  will 
make  these  communications  frequent. 

To  which  Heron  replies : — 

The  several  heads  from  the  first  to  the  twelfth  inclusive  shall  be 
attended  to;  but  as  I  may  not  retain  them,  and  it  not  being  safe  to 
carry  such  minutes  out  with  me  now,  it  will  be  best  to  send  them  out 
to  Bulkley  and  order  him  to  leave  them  at  the  usual  place,  (a  hole  in 
the  rocks  or  stone  fences).  They  ought  to  be  in  cypher.  I  shall 
look  for  them  back  about  the  28th  inst.  and  shall  collect  such  intelli 
gence  (to  convey  back  by  the  same  hand)  as  I  find  are  deserving  of 
notice.  The  necessity  of  our  friend's  giving  me  frequent  and  par 
ticular  information  of  every  occurrence  in  order  to  transmit  them 
here  shall  be  urged.  Nothing  shall  be  wanting  on  my  part  that  may 
tend  to  beget  in  him  a  firm  and  perfect  reliance  on  those  offers  you 
are  pleased  to  authorize  me  to  make.  The  ascendency  I  have  over 
him,  the  influence  I  have  with  him,  the  confidence  he  has  already 
reposed  in  me,  the  alluring  prospect  of  pecuniary,  as  well  as  hon 
orary  rewards,  together  with  the  plaudits  of  a  grateful  nation,  shall 
all  be  combined  together  and  placed  in  a  conspicuous  point  of  view, 
to  engage  him  heartily  in  the  cause.  I  know  of  no  better  method  to 
try  his  sincerity  than  for  him  to  select  out  of  the  foregoing  heads, 


442  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

from  the  first  to  the  twelfth  inclusive,  such  as  he  can  give  proper  and 
precise  answers  to,  and  intrust  me  with  the  care  of  communicating 
them.  In  this  service  it  would  not  be  amiss  for  me  to  be  able  to  tell 
what  he  may  expect  at  present.  I  urge  this  to  prevent  his  making  an 
unreasonable  and  extravagant  demand. 

The  clerk  who  entered  this  letter  in  the  "  Record,"  under 
scored  the  word  "  grateful,"  evidently  amused  at  the  kind  of 
gratitude  a  compliance  with  Heron's  wishes  was  likely  to  inspire 
and  the  kind  of  plaudits  Parsons  was  likely  to  receive.  The 
Adjutant  General,  evidently  not  entirely  satisfied  with  Heron's 
assurances  and  desirous  of  putting  him  to  a  further  test, 
adds : — 

As  it  is  necessary  I  should  report  to  the  Commander-in-Chief, 
he  will  think  the  business  in  no  great  forwardness  unless  I  could  give 
him  some  marks  of  the  sincerity  of  our  friend's  intentions.  To  you 
I  leave  the  method  of  procuring  it. 

Heron  is  now  in  a  predicament.  He  must  without  delay  get 
something  from  Parsons  to  show  Clinton,  or  his  deception  will 
be  exposed.  As  usual,  he  proves  equal  to  the  emergency.  He 
writes  privately  to  Parsons,  or  pretends  to  have  done  so,  and 
uses  his  reply,  or  what  he  pretends  is  his  reply,  to  prove  the 
sincerity  of  Parsons'  intentions.  It  is  not  known  that  there 
ever  was  any  special  intimacy  between  Parsons  and  Heron  or 
any  considerable  correspondence.  This  reply,  if  genuine,  is 
the  only  letter  known  to  be  in  existence  which  purports  to  have 
been  written  by  Parsons  to  Heron;  and  only  two  letters  have 
come  to  light  written  by  Heron  to  Parsons ;  one  found  among  the 
Trumbull  papers,  dated  January  5,  1781,  in  which  Heron  writes 
to  Parsons,  then  with  the  Army  in  the  Highlands,  "that  one, 
McNeil  had  written  him  from  New  York  that  he  had  almost 
closed  the  settlement  of  the  late  Mr.  Thompson's  estate  and  was 
ready  to  pay  him  a  sum  due  in  compliance  with  a  charge  of 
Thompson  on  his  death  bed.  He  urges  his  need  of  money  and 
wants  a  flag  of  truce  to  get  to  New  York."  Whether  this  was 
an  honest  request  or  not,  is  not  known,  but  he  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  successful,  for  in  his  letter  of  February  4  to 
Major  DeLancey,  he  says,  "I  find  myself  disappointed  in  the 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       443 

hopes  and  expectations  I  entertained,  when  I  wrote  you  last,  of 
seeing  you  ere  now  in  New  York.  I  cannot  obtain  a  flag  of 
truce."  This  must  refer  to  his  attempt  of  January  5,  for  he 
further  says,  "  I  have  made  a  journey  to  Hartford  and  one  to 
Camp,"  which  he  could  not  well  have  done  and  also  gone  to  New 
York  after  January  5.  The  journey  to  Camp  was  made, 
probably,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  a  flag.  The  second  letter, 
which  is  such  as  might  pass  between  any  two  public  men  and 
relates  merely  to  the  resolutions  of  the  Assembly  respecting  the 
Army  and  the  difficulties  encountered  in  the  election  of  delegates 
to  Congress,  is  as  follows: — 

REDDING,  November  7,  1779. 

SIR. — I  should  have  done  myself  the  pleasure  of  transmitting  you 
a  copy  of  the  resolve  of  the  Assembly  respecting  the  Army's  being 
made  good,  but  judging  the  copy  I  transcribed  for  Colo.  Swift  has 
reached  you  ere  now,  as  that  gentleman  left  Hartford  before  I  did. 

The  Assembly's  committee  appointed  to  adjust  those  matters,  are 
to  meet  the  officers  of  the  Army  at  Durham  (I  think)  sometime  in 
December  next.  All  private  donations,  gratuities  or  moneys  advanced 
with  a  view  to  encourage  men  to  enlist,  are  not  to  be  accounted  any 
part  of  the  men's  wages ;  but  such  sums  as  have  been  advanced  by 
public  communities  on  the  principle  of  making  their  wages  good. 

The  delegates  who  represented  this  State  in  Congress  the  year 
past,  have  their  powers  of  representation  continued  to  them  till  the 
first  of  March  next ;  this  is  owing  to  our  making  no  choice  or  not  elect 
ing  a  proper  number  in  which  both  houses  could  agree.  Much  time 
has  been  spent  in  debating,  conferring,  considering  and  reconsidering 
this  business  of  electing  new  delegates,  but  unhappily  a  concurrence 
could  not  be  had,  so  that  they  (both  houses)  found  themselves  under 
an  absolute  necessity  of  continuing  the  old  ones  for  a  limited  time 
as  above  hinted,  hoping,  doubtless,  that  by  the  next  adjourned  ses 
sion  (which  is  on  the  first  Thursday  in  Jan'y.  next),  they  will  get 
into  better  humor.  The  lower  House,  in  the  first  place,  made  choice 
of  seven  delegates  whose  names  I  shall  not  trouble  you  with,  as  you 
undoubtedly  have  their  names  already.  The  upper  House  concurred, 
with  an  alteration  in  the  arrangement  or  order  in  which  thejr  names 
stood,  placing  the  old  delegates,  or  those  who  were  in  Congress  here 
tofore,  first  in  the  Roll,  notwithstanding  their  being  lowest  in  the 
nomination;  this  being  a  matter  of  precedency  or  rather  punctilio 
which  that  Hon'ble  House  thought  proper  to  attend  to.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  lower  House  deemed  it  an  infringement  on  the  rights  of 


444  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

the  body  of  the  Freeman,  therefore  they  could  not  concur  with  the 
upper  House  in  the  alteration  made  in  the  arrangement.  Thus  mat 
ters  stood  from  day  to  day  until  the  lower  House  finally  came  into 
the  arrangement. 

But  a  new  difficulty  now  arises  from  Mr.  Hosmer  and  Mr.  Law 
declining  to  serve,  their  places  being  filled  up  by  the  Upper  House 
in  the  persons  of  Colo.  Dyer  and  Mr.  Sherman,  and  sent  into  the 
other  House  for  a  concurrence  about  seven  o'clock  last  Friday  night 
at  a  time  when  most  of  the  members  were  gone;  this  occasioned  their 
finding  themselves  under  a  necessity  of  continuing  the  old  ones  as  I 
have  already  mentioned.  Many  people  who  are  best  acquainted  with 
the  connection  of  certain  personages  make  no  scruple  in  saying  that 
a  great  deal  of  chicanery  and  intrigue  has  been  used  in  this  business. 
A  bill  passed  both  Houses  empowering  any  two  of  our  delegates  in 
Congress  to  meet  in  a  general  convention  of  delegates  from  all  the 
States,  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia  excepted,  at  Philadelphia  next 
month  in  order  to  agree  on  a  limitation  of  prices  of  goods,  produce 
&c.  How  the  gentlemen  will  like  to  descend  from  their  Congres 
sional  character  to  a  Conventional  one,  I  know  not.  Thus  have  I 
thrown  the  foregoing  hints  together  for  your  present  information 
which  you'll  doubtless  have  more  correct  ere  long. 

I  am,  Sir,  with  great  esteem 

Your  most  Obedt.  Servt., 

WM.  HERON. 
To  the  Hon'ble  Brigadier  Genl.  Parsons,  at  Peekskill. 

Heron's  letter  to  Major  DeLancey  in  which  he  enclosed  the 
alleged  Parsons  letter,  is  dated  July  15,  1781,  and  written  in 
New  York  whither  he  had  come,  as  he  says,  "  under  the  sanction 
of  a  commission  from  Governor  Trumbull  to  cruise  in  the 
Sound."  Apparently  answering  a  complaint  from  DeLancey 
that  he  had  failed  to  send  the  information  promised  on  his  last 
visit,  he  writes : — 

It  is  not  my  fault  that  you  have  not  heard  from  me  before  now. 
I  left  two  packets  at  the  place  appointed  for  Bulkley  to  take  them; 
one  of  the  28th  ult.,  the  other  of  the  4th.  inst.  When  I  came  to  the 
place  a  second  time  I  was  surprised  to  find  the  first  packet  there ;  but 
more  so  now  when  I  found  both  there  unmoved. 

Heron  seems  to  understand  the  convincing  character  of  a  lie 
with  the  circumstances,  and  does  not  hesitate  to  use  it  in  excus- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      445 

ing  his  failure  to  DeLancey.  The  hole  in  the  wall,  into  which 
these  packets  were  to  be  put,  was  plainly  not  too  small  for 
Heron  to  crawl  out  of. 

"  Soon  after  my  return  from  New  York/'  he  continues,  "  I  had  an 
interview  with  our  friend,  and  after  acquainting  him  of  the  nature 
of  these  services  expected  from  him,  (at  least  so  far  as  I  could  recol 
lect  the  heads  of  the  Queries  you  last  showed  me),  we  concerted 
measures  for  his  conveying  to  me  every  material  article  of  intelli 
gence.  The  enclosed  is  the  first  essay  of  the  kind,  which  serves  to 
show  the  manner  and  the  style  in  which  he  is  to  write — as  to  a  con 
fidential  friend  anxious  to  know  those  matters  and  occurrences  which 
in  anywise  affect  the  cause  of  our  country." 

If  this  "  interview  "  ever  occurred,  which  seems  far  from  prob 
able,  it  must  have  been  between  the  20th  of  June,  at  which  time 
Heron  was  still  in  New  York,  and  the  8th  of  July,  the  date  of 
the  alleged  Parsons  letter.  Heron  says  it  was  soon  after  his 
return  home  (not  on  his  way  home),  so  that  he  must  have 
returned  to  Redding  before  seeing  Parsons.  On  the  28th  of 
June  and  again  on  the  4th  of  July,  Heron  claims  that  he  left 
dispatches  at  the  hiding  place,  which  was  near  the  Sound,  sixty 
or  seventy  miles  from  Peekskill,  where  Parsons  was  busily 
engaged  at  the  time  in  preparing  for  the  movement  of  the  2d. 
From  the  night  of  the  1st  to  that  of  the  5th  of  July,  the 
Army  was  on  its  march  to  New  York  and  in  the  presence  of  the 
enemy,  so  that  from  the  28th  of  June  to  the  5th  of  July,  an 
interview  with  Parsons  would  have  been  very  difficult  if  not 
impracticable;  and  none  appears  to  have  taken  place  after  the 
5th,  for  the  pretended  letter,  as  itself  states,  was  sent  by  a  mes 
senger.  This  interview,  therefore,  if  had  at  all,  must  have  been 
had  previous  to  the  28th.  Heron  nowhere  mentions  the  time  he 
left  New  York,  but  it  must  have  been  after  the  20th,  and  he  may 
have  left  so  late,  that  his  visit  to  the  hiding  place  on  the  28th, 
was  made  on  his  way  home.  If  so,  he  could  not  have  seen  Par 
sons  at  all.  Had  he  left  New  York  on  the  21st,  which  was  the 
earliest  day  he  could  have  done  so,  he  would  scarcely  have 
reached  home  before  the  22d  or  23d,  and  would  have  had  but 
four  or  five  days  in  which  to  ride  to  camp  and  back,  nearly  ninety 
miles,  a  journey  he  does  not  claim  to  have  made  and  which  in 


446 

the  extreme  heat  he  was  not  likely  to  have  attempted;  and  had 
he  made  it,  he  must  have  arrived  amid  the  hurry  and  confusion 
of  preparations  to  march — a  most  inopportune  time  to  plot 
treason,  as  he  would  be  well  aware.  In  view  of  these  facts,  it  is 
difficult  to  resist  the  conclusion,  that  the  interview  in  question 
is  a  myth,  and  the  alleged  arrangement  for  conveying  intelli 
gence  a  figment  of  Heron's  imagination.  It  was  a  shrewd  move 
on  the  part  of  Heron  to  send  a  messenger  to  Dobb's  Ferry,  for 
thereby  he  obtained  a  written  reply  to  his  anxious  queries  regard 
ing  the  safety  of  the  magazines  and  the  situation  of  the  Army, 
which  he  could  palm  off  on  DeLancey,  when  he  would  have  got 
nothing  but  verbal  answers  had  he  seen  Parsons  in  person. 
Heron  continuing,  says : — 

One  thing  he  said  in  the  course  of  our  conversation  which  con 
vinces  me  that  I  am  not  deceived  by  him;  that  is,  when  he  talked 
about  his  son  he  said,  were  he  brought  into  New  York,  he  wished 
that  some  provision  may  be  made  for  him  in  the  British  Navy  to 
serve  in  Europe  during  the  present  contest.  This  is  a  fact  which 
will  enable  you  to  judge  of  him  for  yourself. 

Heron  in  this  makes  a  slip.  He  forgets  that  grave  suspicion 
would  fall  on  Parsons  were  his  son  to  enter  the  British  Navy,  and 
his  assertion  that  Parsons  wished  it  might  lead  DeLancey  to 
doubt  his  word.  The  editor  of  the  "  Record,"  having  evidently 
little  knowledge  of  Parsons'  family,  thinks  the  son  referred  to 
in  this  letter  is  Enoch,  the  future  banker  and  financier,  then  a 
child  between  eleven  and  twelve  years  of  age;  but,  instead,  it  is, 
William  Walter,  his  eldest  son,  known  as  "  Billy,  the  Midship 
man,"  then  in  the  American  Navy,  whose  escape  from  the  British 
at  St.  Eustatia,  Parsons  had  just  learned  (June  15th),  the  letter 
announcing  which  furnishes  an  instructive  commentary  on  the 
truth  of  Heron's  statement.  Billy  had  been  captured  and  held 
a  prisoner  in  the  British  fleet,  where  he  had  been  treated  with 
great  inhumanity,  having  been  loaded  with  irons  for  seventy-two 
days ;  and  his  intention  was,  now  that  he  had  escaped,  "  to  get  on 
board  some  armed  vessel  that  he  might  have  it  in  his  power  to 
retaliate  for  lost  property  and  abusive  treatment."  Billy,  who 
was  now  just  nineteen,  does  not  seem  to  have  been  blest  with  a 
very  forgiving  disposition,  for  his  first  move  after  escaping 


from  New  York  in  1780,  was  to  obtain,  through  his  father,  con 
trol  of  boats  and  men  to  enable  him  to  capture  and  punish  the 
Tories  on  Long  Island  who  had  been  instrumental  in  having  him 
imprisoned.  Heron  knew  all  this,  and  a  broad  smile  must  have 
lurked  behind  his  "unmeaning  countenance,"  at  the  joke  he  was 
perpetrating  on  Headquarters  in  suggesting  that  Billy  should 
have  a  place  in  the  British  Navy. 

"  I  expected/'  continued  Heron,  "  to  have  been  able  to  furnish 
him  e'er  this  time  with  the  paper  you  showed  me  last,  containing  the 
several  heads  of  those  matters  to  which  you  wished  to  have  clear  and 
explicit  answers.  He  readily  agreed  to  pay  the  strictest  attention  to 
them.  He  will  expect  some  money  by  me  this  time,  but  how  to  get 
it  here,  (in  New  York),  I  know  not,  as  I  would  not  wish  to  have  any 
person  besides  yourself,  or  those  you  confide  in,  made  acquainted 
with  anything  of  that  nature.  The  bearer  will  acquaint  you  where 
I  am  concealed,  but  it  is  not  a  proper  place  for  me  to  see  anybody; 
not  that  I  have  anything  to  fear  from  the  family,  but  from  the 
neighbors." 

Failure  to  receive  the  paper  and  imperfect  recollection  of  the 
contents,  are  the  ingenious  excuses  by  which  Heron  seeks  to  fore 
stall  the  objection  that  the  letter  which  he  presents,  as  showing 
the  manner  in  which  intelligence  is  to  be  conveyed,  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  written  with  the  slightest  reference  to  De- 
Lancey's  Queries.  Attention  is  again  called  to  the  necessity 
for  money,  but  why  Heron  found  it  necessary  to  conceal  himself, 
he  has  left  an  unexplained  mystery. 

Heron  further  says: — 

I  was  at  Knapp's  seasonable  enough  to  acquaint  you  of  the  move 
ment  of  troops  to  Kingsbridge,  and  of  the  French  troops  changing 
or  shifting  their  first  intended  route  for  that  purpose;  but  Mr. 
Knapp  had  not  returned  home  then. 

Heron  has  always  a  ready-made  excuse,  but  as  the  movement 
of  July  2  was  very  suddenly  and  secretly  ordered,  and  was 
begun  and  ended  within  thirty-six  hours,  and  no  orders  were 
received  by  the  operating  columns  until  July  ] ,  it  is  very 
unlikely  that  Heron  could  have  learned  of,  or  acquainted  Clin 
ton  with  it  until  after  its  occurrence.  Heron  also  stated  that  the 
number  of  the  French  was  between  four  and  five  thousand,  that 


448  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

the  New  York  and  New  Jersey  Lines  had  joined  the  Army  and 
that  West  Point  was  garrisoned  by  militia,  but  he  does  not  pre 
tend  that  he  got  any  of  this  information  from  Parsons.  It  is 
important  to  observe,  in  judging  of  Heron,  that  the  "material 
articles  of  intelligence,"  promised  by  him,  seem  never  to  be  forth 
coming.  Heron  ends  his  letter  with 

Should  any  money  be  sent  to  our  friend,  it  will  be  best  to  put  it 
up  in  something  like  a  belt.  I  am  &c., 

W.  H. 
P.  S. — I  thought  it  advisable  to  cut  the  name  off  the  enclosed. 

The  letter  which  Heron  enclosed  to  the  British  Commander 
as  Parsons'  contribution,  and  on  which  especially  the  Editor  of 
the  "  Record  "  founds  his  charge  of  treasonable  correspond 
ence,  is  as  follows  : — 

CAMP  PHILLIPSBURGH,  8th  July,  1781. 

DR  SIR. — We  have  now  taken  a  camp  within  about  twelve  miles  of 
Kingsbridge  where  I  expect  we  shall  continue  until  we  know  whether 
the  States  will  in  any  considerable  degree  comply  with  the  requisi 
tions  made  of  them,  although  we  believe  ourselves  able  to  maintain 
our  ground.  You  may  easily  conjecture  what  our  future  prospects 
are  when  I  assure  you  the  five  regiments  of  our  State  are  more  than 
1200  men  deficient  of  their  complement;  and  the  other  States  (except 
Rhode  Island  and  New  York  who  are  fuller)  nearly  in  the  same 
condition. 

The  right  of  the  front  line  is  commanded  by  me,  consisting  of 
Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  troops ;  the  left  by  General  Lincoln, 
consisting  of  the  brigades  of  Massachusetts.  The  second  line,  one 
brigade  of  Massachusetts  and  New  Hamphire,  commanded  by  Gen 
eral  Howe.  General  McDougall  commands  at  West  Point.  When 
the  York  forces  join,  he  will  be  relieved,  which  I  expect  will  be  very 
soon,  when  I  suppose  he  will  take  the  right  of  the  first  line,  and  I 
shall  be  in  the  center ;  but  this  is  yet  uncertain. 

Our  magazines  are  few  in  number  as  well  as  very  small;  your 
fears  for  them  are  groundless.  They  are  principally  at  West  Point, 
Fishkill,  Wapping's  Creek  and  Newburgh,  which  puts  them  out  of 
the  enemy's  power,  except  they  attempt  their  destruction  by  a  force 
sufficient  to  secure  the  Highlands  (which  at  present  they  cannot  do) 
our  guards  at  the  magazines  being  sufficient  to  secure  them  from  small 
parties. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      449 

As  the  object  of  the  campaign  is  the  reduction  of  New  York,  we 
shall  now  effectually  try  the  patriotism  of  our  countrymen,  who  have 
always  given  us  assurances  of  assistance  when  this  should  become 
the  object;  of  this  I  have  had  my  doubts  for  several  years,  and  wished 
it  put  to  the  test. 

The  minister  of  France  is  in  camp  and  the  French  troops  yester 
day  encamped  on  our  left  near  the  Tuckahoe  road.  Their  number  I 
have  not  had  opportunity  to  ascertain. 

The  other  matters  of  information  you  wish  I  shall  be  able  to  give 
you  in  a  few  days.  The  messenger  waits. 

I  am  Dr.  Sir 

Yr.  obdt.  Servant 

The  signature,  Heron  says,  he  "  thought  it  advisable  to 
cut  off." 

This  letter — the  only  letter  Heron  claims  ever  to  have  received 
from  Parsons, — is  obviously  in  reply  to  one  from  Heron  in 
which  he  asks,  among  other  questions,  as  to  the  location  of  our 
magazines,  for  the  safety  of  which  he  artfully  expresses  fears, 
and  as  to  the  strength  of  the  French,  with  the  evident  intent  of 
drawing  statements  from  Parsons  which  he  can  put  off  on  De- 
Lancey  as  answers  to  his  queries,  for  his  own  letter,  which 
reports  the  number  of  the  French,  shows  that  he  does  not  ask  for 
the  sake  of  information.  His  success,  however,  was  not  great, 
for  Parsons  tells  him  that  the  magazines  are  out  of  the  enemy's 
reach  and  that  he  has  not  had  opportunity  to  ascertain  the  num 
ber  of  the  French  troops. 

This  letter  on  its  face  is  a  private  letter  and  such  as  any 
officer  might  have  written  to  a  friend  in  the  Assembly,  and  there 
is  no  evidence  that  it  is  anything  else  than  a  private  letter  written 
for  an  innocent  purpose,  except  Heron's  statement  that  it  was 
intended  to  convey  intelligence  to  the  enemy.  If  adaptation  to 
an  end  is  any  evidence  of  design,  then  Heron's  statement  is  un 
true,  for  while  Parsons  might  have  written  of  the  strength  of 
the  two  armies,  the  state  of  their  supplies,  the  disaffection  of  the 
Connecticut  Line  and  of  the  important  movement  against  New 
York  ordered  for  the  14th,  and  many  other  things  very  useful 
for  Clinton  to  know,  and  would  have  undoubtedly  done  so  had 
his  intention  been  to  convey  intelligence,  the  fact  is  that  he  did 
not,  but  wrote  only  of  matters  well  known  to  both  armies.  That 


450  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

the  allies  had  attacked  on  the  3d,  and  were  now  encamped  above 
Kingsbridge;  that  the  Continentals  were  not  recruited  up  to 
their  full  strength ;  that  our  magazines  were  few  in  number  but 
out  of  the  enemy's  reach ;  that  Parsons  commanded  the  right  of 
the  line  where  the  enemy's  spies  had  reported  seeing  him  with 
Washington  on  the  4th,  and  that  New  York  was  the  object  of 
the  campaign,  might  have  been  news  to  the  country  member  up 
in  Redding  to  whom  Parsons  was  writing,  but  to  Clinton  it 
was  as  valuable  as  would  have  been  the  information  that  the 
Dutch  had  taken  Holland.  If  Parsons  had  been  attempting  to 
answer  DeLancey's  queries,  we  should  expect  to  find  them 
answered  seriatim,  of  which  the  "  Record "  contains  several 
examples,  but  he  does  not  refer  to  or  apparently  have  any  knowl 
edge  of  any  questions  except  those  asked  by  Heron  in  his  letter. 
The  peg  manifestly  does  not  fit  the  hole  for  which  Heron  says 
it  was  made,  but  it  was  the  best  he  could  get,  and  to  extricate 
himself  from  his  dilemma  he  offers  it,  such  as  it  is,  as  the  first  of 
the  series  of  "  confidential  friend  "  letters  through  which  Parsons 
is  to  furnish  "  every  material  article  of  intelligence."  The  won 
der  is  that  Clinton  should  have  been  so  dull  and  credulous  as 
not  to  have  detected  the  imposition. 

If  any  doubt  remains  as  to  this  being  a  private  letter,  fraudu 
lently  used  by  Heron,  it  should  be  removed  by  the  following 
letter  written  by  Parsons  July  12,  four  days  aftei  the  date  of 
the  "  confidential  friend  "  letter,  when  it  is  not  unreasonable  to 
suppose  that  his  feelings  and  sentiments  remained  the  same  as  on 
the  8th.  This  letter  was  written  to  Thomas  Mumford,  of 
Groton,  Connecticut,  a  very  intimate  and  confidential  friend  of 
Parsons,  whose  house  was  burned  in  September  during  Arnold's 
raid  on  New  London.  The  original  of  this  letter,  which  has 
never  been  published,  I  now  have  before  me,  together  with  the 
originals  of  ten  other  letters  to  Mumford,  all  in  Parsons'  own 
handwriting  and  abounding  in  patriotic  sentiments.  Mumford 
had  been  for  years  a  member  of  the  Assembly,  was  an  earnest 
patriot,  a  man  of  large  wealth  and  one  of  those  who  united  with 
Parsons  is  raising  the  money  to  set  on  foot  the  expedition  which 
surprised  and  captured  Ticonderoga.  In  this  letter,  which  is 
unquestionably  private  and  confidential,  Parsons  doubtless 
expresses  his  real  sentiments  and  feelings.  It  is  very  similar  in 


tone,  sentiments  and  even  expressions  to  the  one  written  to 
Heron,  and  much  nearer  an  answer  to  DeLancey's  Queries.  He 
commences  his  letter  to  Heron  with,  "  We  have  now  taken  a 
camp  within  about  twelve  miles  of  Kingsbridge,  where  I  expect 
we  shall  continue  until  we  know  whether  the  States  will  in  any 
considerable  degree  comply  with  the  requisitions  made  of  them." 
He  writes  to  Mumford,  "  The  next  day  we  possessed  this  camp 
where  I  expect  we  shall  remain  until  we  know  what  the  States 
will  do  towards  enabling  us  to  pursue  the  intended  operations  of 
this  campaign."  He  is  unreserved  and  unconstrained  in  writing 
to  his  friend  Mumford,  and  speaks  freely  of  matters  which 
would  have  been  highly  interesting  to  Clinton,  but  in  what  he 
says  to  Heron,  who  is  not  his  intimate  and  whom  he  knows  as  a 
spy,  he  is  cautious  and  guarded,  writes  briefly  and  as  if  merely 
replying  to  requests  for  legitimate  information.  We  see  by 
this  letter,  that  instead  of  "  no  great  cordiality  subsisting 
between  him  and  the  gentry  of  that  Nation,"  he  appears  to  have 
been  very  friendly  with  the  French  and  not  at  all  horrified  by  the 
"  unnatural  alliance  with  the  enemies  to  the  Protestant  religion, 
a  perfidious  nation  with  whom  no  faith  can  long  be  kept,"  which 
the  "  gentleman  "  in  New  York  thought  him  "  possessed  of  too 
much  understanding  and  liberality  of  sentiment"  to  believe 
"  consistent  with  the  welfare  of  his  country."  A  careful  read 
ing  and  comparison  of  these  two  letters,  written  so  nearly  at  the 
same  time  and  so  very  similar  in  character,  will,  I  think,  con 
vince  every  fair-minded  person  that  the  letter  to  Heron  was  a 
private  letter  and  nothing  more,  and  written  without  a  suspicion 
of  the  treacherous  use  to  which  it  was  to  be  put.  The  sugges 
tion  that  Parsons  wrote  the  letter  by  connivance  with  Heron  to 
help  out  his  deception,  is  so  violently  opposed  to  Parsons'  high 
ideas  of  honor,  that  it  is  not  worthy  of  a  moment's  consideration, 
to  say  nothing  of  the  improbability  of  a  man  of  his  caution  and 
experience  committing  an  act  so  imprudent  and  so  dangerous  to 
his  reputation.  Nor  is  any  credit  to  be  given  the  suggestion 
that  the  letter  was  written  as  a  decoy  to  confirm  Clinton  in  his 
belief  that  the  reduction  of  New  York  was  the  real  object  of  the 
campaign,  for  it  was  not  until  the  middle  of  August  that  the 
movement  to  the  Peninsula  was  decided  on.  The  following  is 
the  letter  to  Thomas  Mumford: — 


452  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

CAMP  NEAR  DOBB'S  FERRY,  12th  July,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  owe  to  your  friendship  every  intelligence  I  can  give 
you,  and  to  your  patriotism  and  station  in  Government  an  account  of 
your  army  in  every  situation  and  circumstance,  however  disagreeable 
this  account  may  be  at  some  times.  On  the  2nd  inst.  we  marched 
from  Peekskill  with  the  American  Army  (consisting  of  about  3000 
men)  and  at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  3rd  gained  the  Heights 
near  King's  Bridge,  where  the  Jagers  and  Refugees  attacked  our 
advance  from  walls,  rocks  and  covers  at  a  distance  and  without  any 
order  or  regularity,  by  which  we  lost  near  twenty  men  killed  and 
about  fifty  wounded,  but  the  enemy  had  too  much  prudence  to  venture 
out  in  force,  although  we  continued  all  day  in  the  state  of  defiance, 
by  which  we  thoroughly  reconnoitered  their  works,  and  formed  our 
opinion  of  their  strength,  which  was  a  principal  design  of  our  march. 
At  night  we  retired  to  Valentine's  Hill,  four  miles  from  the  Bridge, 
and  the  next  day  possessed  this  camp,  where  I  expect  we  shall  remain 
until  we  know  what  the  States  will  do  towards  enabling  us  to  pursue 
the  intended  operations  of  the  campaign.  We  are  erecting  works 
at  Dobb's  Ferry  to  preserve  the  communication  there  which  will  em 
ploy  us  about  a  fortnight,  by  which  time  the  States  ought  to  be  ready 
with  their  men  to  prevent  our  wasting  the  campaign  in  fruitless  at 
tempts  against  the  enemy's  capital  post  in  America.  Our  news  from 
General  Greene  and  from  Virginia  is  important  and  favorable,  but 
we  have  no  official  accounts ;  Ninety  Six  and  Augusta  are  said  to  have 
fallen  with  500  prisoners  in  the  latter,  by  which  S.  Carolina  and 
Georgia  are  again  in  our  possession  except  Charleston  and  Savannah. 
The  Governors  of  those  States  have  left  Philadelphia  to  resume  their 
Governments.  Gen.  Cornwallis  is  said  to  have  lost  500  men  by  deser 
tion  and  is  retiring  with  his  greatly  diminished  army  towards  Ports 
mouth.  'Tis  also  reported  that  the  Marquis  has  fallen  upon  his  rear 
and  killed  and  taken  near  200,  but  as  we  have  no  official  accounts  of 
any  of  these  transactions,  I  only  give  you  such  reports  as  gain  credit 
here. 

Our  allies  are  with  us  (perhaps  about  our  number).  Every  civility 
and  attention  is  paid  to  us.  They  are  as  fine  a  body  of  men  as  I 
ever  beheld.  The  greatest  harmony  prevails  between  the  allied 
armies  and  I  think  it  will  continue.  Nothing  so  much  wounds  our 
feelings  as  to  find  ourselves  unable  to  return  the  civilities  we  receive. 

I  must  now  ask  your  attention  to  the  disagreeable  and  often  re 
peated  history  of  your  own  line  of  the  army.  The  New  England 
States,  (except  Connecticut),  New  York,  New  Jersey  and  Pennsyl 
vania  have  paid  and  clothed  their  officers  and  soldiers  so  as  to  give 
them  content.  In  January,  February,  March,  April  and  May  we 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      453 

were  fed  upon  promises  of  a  speedy  payment  of  some  part  of  our 
wages  in  solid  coin,  and  different  periods  of  payment  have  been 
affixed  by  the  Council  not  less  than  three  or  four  times,  the  last  of 
which  was  the  first  of  July;  but  not  a  farthing  has  been  received  to 
this  day;  our  accounts  are  refused  to  be  adjusted,  and  we  having  now 
taken  the  field  cannot  even  extort  an  answer  to  our  importunate 
applications ;  we  are  wretched  indeed,  rendered  mean  and  contempti 
ble  by  our  distresses  and  the  resentments  of  every  rank  of  battalion 
officers  raised  to  the  highest  pitch,  and  you  can  no  more  convince  our 
officers  and  men  that  the  State  ever  designed  to  pay  them  than  you 
can  create  a  world;  our  officers  are  daily  resigning  and,  with  every 
possible  importunity,  I  can  scarcely  persuade  the  other  officers  to 
remain  in  the  field  until  there  is  time  to  receive  an  answer  to  the  Gen 
eral's  letter  and  two  of  my  own  to  the  Council  on  the  subject  of  their 
neglect.  Without  money  I  fear  ten  days  will  ruin  our  Line.  'Tis 
injustice  to  deny  us  our  pay  for  eighteen  months,  and  'tis  insult  to 
drive  us  to  the  field  where  our  own  honor  is  concerned  in  remaining 
the  campaign  and  then  even  refuse  us  soothing  words. 

What  can  more  sensibly  affect  the  honor  of  a  man  than  to  receive 
every  mark  of  respect  from  the  French  troops  serving  with  us  and 
in  return  ask  them  to  drink  a  cup  of  cold  water?  Yet  this  is  liter 
ally  our  state.  I  know  the  State  has  so  often  heard  of  the  danger  of 
its  Line  disbanding,  that  a  repetition  makes  very  little  impression, 
and  our  officers  being  compelled  by  indigence  and  extreme  poverty  to 
retire  from  the  field  is  pleasing  to  the  envious  and  malicious,  the 
miser  and  the  leveller,  which  compose  too  great  a  proportion  of  the 
State.  I  suppose  by  the  conduct  of  my  countrymen,  they  expect  to 
obtain  by  their  prayers,  what  less  orthodox  men  are  apt  to  believe  is 
to  be  wrought  out  by  our  own  exertions. 

I  wish  in  addition  to  the  first  they  would  do  a  little  of  the  latter. 
I  should  feel  much  easier  in  my  mind,  as  I  don't  believe  that  since 
the  days  of  miracles  Providence  assists  those  people  who  will  not 
help  themselves.  I  find  by  the  acts  of  Assembly  that  we  are  to  have 
785  men  to  fill  up  our  Continental  battalions,  (we  say  we  are  more 
than  1300  deficient)  800  militia  for  three  months  and  1500  under 
General  Waterbury  till  January;  of  the  first  we  have  received  12 
since  the  Assembly  rose,  including  three  who  were  mustered  out  and 
sent  on  again,  none  of  the  second  and  about  300  under  General 
Waterbury;  that  of  the  estimation  of  the  Government  we  are  now 
2773  men  deficient;  the  same  proportion  holds  nearly  in  the  other 
States,  that  of  about  15,000  required  and  promised  by  the  New  Eng 
land  States  only,  we  are  deficient  near  9000  men;  but  I  won't  scold 


454  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

any  more  lest  you  think  it  personal.  However,  I  have  some  reason 
to  expect  something  of  importance  will  be  attempted  by  surprise 
within  four  days,  perhaps  it  will  not;  if  'tis  attempted  and  we  suc 
ceed,  it  will  nearly  decide  the  fate  of  New  York. 

I  am  sure  you  are  tired  of  reading  and  for  this  and  other  reasons 
I  must  bid  you  adieu  at  present. 

I  am  Dr.  Sr.  yr.  much  obliged  friend, 


cum 


To  Thomas  Mumford. 

The  surprise  referred  to  was  the  movement  of  July  21, 
which  was  planned  for  the  14th,  but  was  postponed  on  account 
of  the  heavy  and  incessant  rains. 

I  have  so  far  treated  the  alleged  "  confidential  friend  "  letter 
as  genuine,  but  there  is  a  very  strong  probability  that,  on  the 
contrary,  it  is  a  forged  or  altered  letter.  Parsons  in  his  cor 
respondence  often  retained  the  original  and  forwarded  a  signed 
copy,  for  we  find  many  of  his  originals  among  his  papers. 
Washington  and  other  officers  were  accustomed  to  do  the  same 
thing,  so  that  a  letter  in  the  handwriting  of  a  secretary  over  the 
author's  signature  was  no  more  unusual  or  suspicious  than  is  a 
signed  typewritten  letter  to-day.  It  would  have  been  very  easy, 
therefore,  for  Heron  without  danger  of  detection  to  have  forged 
a  letter  or  copied  and  altered  an  original.  The  only  difficulty 
would  have  been  with  the  signature,  for  doubtless  through  per 
mits  and  passes,  Parsons'  bold,  round  signature  was  well  known 
at  Headquarters  and  could  not  be  counterfeited  without  great 
risk  of  detection.  But  Heron  was  in  close  quarters  and  some 
thing  had  to  be  done.  In  a  postscript  to  his  letter  he  tells  us 
what  he  did.  "  I  thought  it  advisable  to  cut  the  name  off  the 
enclosed."  What  probability  is  there,  that  Parsons'  name 
was  there  to  cut  off?  Parsons'  letter  not  being  in  ex 
istence,  we  have  no  means  of  knowing  whether  it  Avas  an 
original  or  a  copy ;  whether  it  was  forged  or  altered,  except 
as  we  can  infer  from  circumstances.  It  it  was  an  original,  the 
desirability  of  committing  Parsons  to  the  fullest  extent  would 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      455 

seem  to  be  the  strongest  reason  for  not  removing  the  signature, 
for  what  better  evidence  against  him  could  there  be  than  a  letter 
in  his  own  handwriting,  signed  by  his  pwn  hand?  If  it  was  a 
copy,  this  reason  would  press  with  still  greater  force,  as  then 
the  signature  would  be  the  only  means  of  authentication.  If 
the  letter  were  forged  or  altered,  the  signature,  if  any,  must 
necessarily  have  been  forged,  and  though  the  forgery  might 
pass  undetected  for  the  moment,  the  constant  fear  of  discovery 
would  naturally  make  Heron  think  it  "  advisable  to  cut  the  name 
off,"  or  pretend  to  do  so.  The  fair  inference  from  his  act  would 
seem  to  be  that  this  letter,  in  the  shape  it  appears  in  the 
"  Record,"  was  not  written  by  Parsons  but  was  gotten  up  by 
Heron.  An  original  letter  might  have  been  used  as  a  basis,  for 
the  sentences,  "  We  have  now  taken  a  camp  within  about  twelve 
miles  of  Kingsbridge  where  I  expect  we  shall  continue  until  we 
know  whether  the  States  will  in  any  considerable  degree  comply 
with  the  requisitions  made  of  them,"  and,  "As  the  object  of  the 
campaign  is  the  reduction  of  New  York,  we  shall  now  effectually 
try  the  patriotism  of  our  countrymen,  who  have  always  given  us 
assurances  of  assistance  when  this  should  become  the  object;  of 
this  I  have  had  my  doubts  for  several  years,  and  wished  it  put 
to  the  test,"  for  they  express  the  well-known  sentiments  of  Par 
sons  whose  patience  had  been  severely  tried  by  the  apathy  of 
the  States ;  but  the  last  clause,  "  The  other  matters  of  informa 
tion  you  wish  I  shall  be  able  to  give  you  in  a  few  days.  The 
messenger  awaits,"  reads  like  an  excuse  which  Heron  had  added 
to  account  for  the  paucity  of  the  information.  If  this  infer 
ence  is  correct,  or  is,  as  I  believe  it  to  be,  so  probably  correct  as 
to  destroy  the  value  of  the  letter  as  evidence,  the  annotator's 
charge  is  disposed  of.  But  some  may  contend  that  the  letter 
was  an  original  and  the  signature  cut  off  to  save  Parsons.  Even 
so,  but  this  would  be  an  admission  that  the  letter  was  a  private 
one,  used  without  Parsons'  knowledge,  for  it  is  not  to  be  sup 
posed  for  a  moment  that  if  Parsons  had  so  far  compromised 
himself  as  to  write  to  the  enemy  under  the  guise  of  a  letter  to 
Heron,  that  either  Heron,  or  even  Clinton  himself,  would  be  so 
stupid  as  to  destroy  the  one  piece  of  evidence  which  would  have 
placed  him  so  completely  in  their  power. 

March   4,   1782,   Conway  moved   in  the   British   Parliament 


456  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

"  that  the  House  would  consider  as  enemies  to  his  Ma j  esty  and 
the  country  all  those  who  should  advise,  or  by  any  means 
attempt,  the  further  prosecution  of  war  on  the  Continent  of 
America."  This  was  carried  without  a  division.  The  next 
day  the  Attorney  General  introduced  a  plan  for  a  truce,  and 
orders  soon  went  out  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities.  Of  all  this 
Clinton  of  course  was  duly  informed.  Parson  had  been  in  very 
feeble  health  throughout  the  Spring  and  on  the  6th  of  April, 
1782,  he  writes  that  he  has  left  the  service,  which  practically,  on 
account  of  his  health,  he  had  done  some  months  before.  And 
yet  Heron,  in  the  postscript  of  a  letter  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
dated  March  4,  1782,  the  day  Conway's  resolution  was  passed, 
writes  such  bosh  as  the  following,  which  ought  to  be  sufficient 
to  convince  anyone  that  Heron  was  merely  attempting  to  hood 
wink  Clinton  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  money. 

I  have  kept  General  Parsons  in  a  tolerable  frame  of  mind  since 
I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  last,  and  although  he  was  somewhat 
chagrined  when  I  returned  from  this  place  last  October,  yet  I  am 
convinced  that  in  endeavoring  to  serve  you  he  has  since  rendered 
himself  in  some  measure  unpopular.  As  you  very  well  remember,  I 
acquainted  you  with  this  man's  prevailing  disposition  and  temper, 
and  observed  that  although  I  believed  him  a  rank  Republican  in  prin 
ciple,  yet  he  was  capable  of  serving  you  from  other  motives.  The 
same  motives  are  still  existing,  and  in  addition  to  them,  disgust, 
chagrin  and  disaffection  towards  his  superiors  come  in  as  powerful 
auxiliaries — his  frustrating  the  expedition  concerted  by  Tallmadge 
against  Lloyd's  Neck,  his  being  an  advocate  for  loyal  subjects,  and 
his  being  ready  to  communicate  whatever  comes  to  his  knowledge 
of  the  secrets  of  the  Cabinet,  are  facts  which  are  indisputable. 
Whether  such  services  merit  any  reward,  or  whether  a  man  of  prin 
ciples  can  be  useful  to  you,  is  not  for  me  to  say.  However,  he  has 
been  encouraged  to  expect  something,  and  I  suppose  can't  be  kept 
much  longer  in  countenance.  For  my  own  part  I  consider  myself 
bound  to  persevere  in  discharging,  as  far  as  my  situation  will  admit 
of,  those  duties  which  I  owe  my  sovereign  and  my  country. 

It  is  amusing  to  read  of  Heron's  efforts  to  keep  Parsons  "  in 
a  tolerable  frame  of  mind  " — Parsons  who  is  so  willing  to  serve 
the  enemy,  so  ready  to  furnish  "  every  material  article  of  intelli 
gence,"  and  so  in  earnest  as  to  communicate  information  over  his 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      457 

own  signature ; — to  listen  to  his  intimation  to  Clinton  that  more 
money  must  be  forthcoming,  for  Parsons  is  a  man  of  such  high 
principles,  such  a  rank  Republican,  so  devoted  to  the  interests 
of  his  country,  that  he  cannot  be  induced  to  serve  except  for 
money,  and  to  observe  with  what  deference  he  leaves  it  to  Clinton 
to  say  "  whether  a  man  of  principles  can  be  useful  to  him."  The 
three  indisputable  facts  which  Heron  mentions,  Parsons  "  frus 
trating  the  expedition  concerted  by  Tallmadge  against  Lloyd's 
Neck,  his  being  an  advocate  for  loyal  subjects  and  his  being 
ready  to  communicate  whatever  comes  to  his  knowledge  of  the 
secrets  of  the  Cabinet,"  are  three  indisputable  falsehoods.  As 
we  have  already  seen  by  Parsons'  letter  of  November  8,  to 
Trumbull,  and  by  his  correspondence  with  General  Heath,  it  was 
Parsons,  not  Tallmadge,  who  planned  and  urged  upon  Heath  an 
expedition  to  break  up  the  Tory  nest  at  Lloyd's  Neck ;  who  made 
all  the  preparations  and  secured  from  New  London  the  fleet 
which  was  to  co-operate ;  and  it  was  someone  at  Headquarters, 
and  not  Parsons,  who  frustrated  the  expedition.  Heron 
undoubtedly  knew  all  this,  but  how  could  he  have  reconciled  Par 
sons'  persistent  activity  and  determined  hostility  with  his  pre 
vious  representations  to  Clinton  respecting  him,  had  he  told  him 
the  truth.  Having  been  appointed  to  command  the  Coast  Guard, 
Parsons  undoubtedly  endeavored,  as  he  did  in  1779,  to  break  up 
illicit  trading  and  prevent  the  plundering  expeditions  of  the 
Shore  people  against  the  inhabitants  of  Long  Island,  all  of 
which  naturally  made  him  unpopular  with  the  marauders  and 
brought  upon  him  from  this  class  accusations  of  protecting 
"loyal  subjects."  If  Parsons  were  in  fact  so  ready  to  com 
municate  the  secrets  of  the  Cabinet,  and  if  Heron  were  such  a 
friend  of  the  British  as  he  pretended  to  be,  how  did  it  happen 
that  Clinton  was  left  in  the  dark  for  ten  days  as  to  Washington's 
plans  when  he  began  his  march  to  Yorktown ;  and  how  was  it 
that  Parsons  neglected  to  inform  him  of  the  projected  raid  upon 
the  Tories  at  Lloyd's  Neck.  The  fact  that  Heron's  bureau  of 
information  always  failed  to  work  at  critical  periods  is  pretty 
good  evidence  that  it  had  no  existence. 

But  the  important  part  of  this  postscript  is  the  following: — 
"  Whether  such  services  merit  any  reward,  or  whether  a  man  of 
principles  can  be  useful  to  you,  is  not  for  me  to  say ;  however, 


458  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

he  has  been  encouraged  to  expect  something,  and,  I  suppose, 
can't  be  kept  much  longer  in  countenance."  This  is  virtually 
saying,  that,  although  Parsons  "  has  been  encouraged  to  expect 
something,"  he  has  not  as  yet  received  anything ;  and  that  unless 
something  is  forthcoming,  his  goodwill  and  favor  "  can't  be 
kept  much  longer."  Had  Heron  been  able  to  satisfy  Major 
DeLancey  that  Parsons  had  yielded  to  temptation  and  was 
actually  furnishing  intelligence,  the  money  would  certainly  have 
been  forthcoming,  for  Clinton  had  long  before  been  authorized 
and  urged  by  Lord  George  Germain  to  spare  no  expense  in  gain 
ing  over  American  officers  of  influence  and  reputation ;  and  the 
fact  that  money,  though  often  asked  for,  was  not  forthcoming, 
must  be  taken  as  conclusive  evidence  that  Heron  had  as  yet  given 
no  satisfactory  proof  that  he  had  done  or  would  be  able  to  do 
those  things  he  had  promised.  There  could  have  been  no  diffi 
culty  in  furnishing  the  proof  had  Parsons  been  guilty,  and 
satisfactory  proof  was  absolutely  essential  to  the  success  of 
Heron's  scheme  to  obtain  money.  Why  then  does  he  not  furnish 
it?  The  only  answer  can  be  that  Parsons  is  innocent,  and 
Heron's  negotiation  to  bring  him  over,  a  pretence  and  a  fraud. 
This  is  the  whole  case  against  Parsons.  It  rests  entirely 
upon  the  unsupported  statements  of  Heron  contained  in  the  fore 
going  letters.  Many  of  these  statements  we  have  seen  to  be 
improbable;  some  have  been  shown  to  be  false  and  all  are  dis 
credited  by  Heron's  admission  in  the  postscript  to  his  letter  of 
March  4,  1782.  Heron  wrote  under  no  fear  of  detection 
except  from  the  British.  Within  this  limit,  he  was  entirely  free 
to  mix  up  truth  and  falsehood  in  any  proportions  which  would 
best  suit  his  purposes,  for  he  never  dreamed  that  his  letters,  once 
buried  in  the  archives  of  the  British  Secret  Service,  would  ever 
rise  up  to  torment  him.  These  letters  make  a  great  show  of  zeal 
in  the  British  cause,  but  the  valuable  information  which  Heron 
brought  to  Parsons,  contrasted  with  the  worthless  rubbish  with 
which  he  amused  Headquarters,  should  be  sufficient  to  convince 
everyone  that  his  interest  was  not  real.  A  desire  to  plunder  the 
enemy  and  obtain  early  intelligence  of  their  plans  and  purposes, 
seems  to  have  inspired  his  letters  and  his  actions.  Deception, 
as  we  have  seen,  was  a  weapon  he  did  not  hesitate  to  use.  To 
accept  statements,  made  under  such  circumstances  and  with  such 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      459 

objects  in  view,  as  evidence  prejudicial  to  an  officer  of  un 
blemished  reputation  and  with  a  high  sense  of  honor,  who  had 
risked  life  and  property  in  the  service  of  his  country,  evinces 
either  an  astonishing  degree  of  credulity,  or  a  burning  anxiety 
to  discover  something  with  which  to  blacken  the  reputation  of 
any  so  presumptuous  as  to  dispute  the  authority  of  his 
Majesty,  King  George. 

The  Hon.  Joseph  Gurley  Woodward,  in  an  able  and  exhaus 
tive  paper  read,  May  5,  1896,  before  the  Connecticut  Historical 
Society,  after  reviewing  the  whole  evidence  and  showing  the 
utter  absurdity  and  falsity  of  the  charge  against  Parsons,  thus 
characterizes  Heron : — "  William  Heron  was  a  professional  spy  ; 
he  swore  falsely  in  the  General  Assembly,  betrayed  his  employers 
on  both  sides,  and,  by  his  own  statement,  was  engaged  in.  a 
scheme,  either  to  rob  a  British  officer  of  his  gold  or  his  intimate 
friend  of  his  honor.  Parsons  knew  him  as  a  Whig;  Clinton 
knew  him  as  a  Tory ;  we  know  him  as  a  liar.  The  unsup 
ported  testimony  of  such  a  witness  against  any  man,  where  de 
flection  from  the  truth  would  be  of  advantage,  should  not  have  a 
pin's  weight." 

Clinton's  "  Secret  Service  Record,"  unfortunately  was  anno 
tated  by  one  to  whom  might  well  be  applied  the  remark  made  by 
Sparks  in  reference  to  the  English  historian,  Adolphus,  "  that 
prejudice  and  embittered  feelings  are  infirmities  peculiarly 
unfortunate  in  a  historian,  whose  aim  should  be,  truth,  candor 
and  justice."  With  little  knowledge  of  Parsons  and  no  sym 
pathy  with  the  cause  for  which  he  fought,  the  unsupported  state 
ments  of  Heron  are  seized  upon  with  an  eagerness  not  begotten 
of  a  desire  for  truth  or  justice,  and  the  rotten  charge  exhumed 
with  almost  "  ghoulish  glee  "  from  the  "  Record,"  is  flung  out 
to  the  world  for  professional  iconoclasts  and  sensational  histo 
rians  to  feed  upon.  High  character,  eminent  services,  uniformly 
consistent  and  patriotic  conduct,  a  reputation  unsullied  through 
a  long  and  honorable  career,  the  fact  of  his  having  the  entire 
confidence  of  Washington  with  whom  he  was  intimately  asso 
ciated,  and  of  all  the  military  and  civil  officers  of  his  State,  weigh 
nothing  against  inherited  prejudices,  and  the  declaration  is 
boldly  and  unblushingly  made  that  Heron's  letters  "  conclusively 
show  that  while  a  Major  General  in  the  American  Army,  and 


460  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

the  senior  General  Officer  of  the  Connecticut  troops  in  that 
Army,  he  was  in  secret  communication  with  the  enemy  and  fur 
nished  them  intelligence," — and  this,  notwithstanding  that  every 
act  and  utterance  of  his  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  his 
life,  gives  the  lie  to  the  charge  and  throws  the  burden  of  proof 
upon  his  accuser,  who,  unless  able  to  sustain  himself  by  irrefut 
able  evidence,  must  be  regarded  by  the  world  as  a  libeller,  and  his 
act  all  the  more  mean  and  contemptible  because  directed  against 
a  man  no  longer  able  to  speak  for  himself. 


CHAPTER  XXV 

SHAY'S  REBELLION.  LETTERS  TO  JOHNSON.  APPOINTED  COMMIS 
SIONER  TO  TREAT  WITH  THE  SHAWANESE.  JOURNEY  TO  THE  MIAMI. 
VISITS  THE  FALLS  OF  THE  OHIO.  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  IN 
DIANS.  TREATY  CONCLUDED  FEBRUARY  FIRST.  TERMS  OF  THE 
TREATY.  LETTER  TO  PRESIDENT  WILLARD,  GIVING  AN  ACCOUNT 
OF  His  OBSERVATIONS  AND  DISCOVERIES  IN  THE  OHIO  COUNTRY. 

July,  1782— October,  1786 

AFTER  leaving  the  Army,  General  Parsons  fixed  his  residence  at 
Middletown,  Connecticut,  to  which  place  he  had  already  removed 
his  family,  intending  to  resume  there  the  practice  of  his  profes 
sion.  A  more  attractive  spot  for  a  home  or  a  more  promising 
place  for  business,  he  could  not  have  selected  in  all  the  State, 
for  the  town  at  this  time  was  in  a  thriving  condition,  second  in 
population  only  to  New  Haven  and  Hartford,  the  population  of 
New  Haven  by  the  census  of  1782,  being  7966 ;  of  Hartford, 
5495  and  of  Middletown,  4612. 

Unfortunately,  Parsons  after  his  retirement  was  very  slow  in 
regaining  his  health  and  strength,  and  for  that  reason  was 
unable  for  a  long  time  to  resume  actively  his  professional  labors. 
Impoverished  by  the  war  and  feeling  the  necessity  of  an 
immediate  income  for  the  support  of  his  family,  he  wrote  as 
follows  to  his  friend,  William  Samuel  Johnson,  then  Member  of 
Congress  from  Connecticut,  and  afterwards  United  States  Sena 
tor  and  President  of  Columbia  College,  asking  his  assistance  in 
procuring  the  office  of  Collector  of  Imposts  for  Connecticut: — 

MIDDLETOWN,  July  2,  1782. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  apply  to  you  at  this  time  on  a  subject  interesting 
and  important  to  me,  because  I  have  from  former  experience  found 
you  willing  to  do  me  any  friendly  office  in  your  power.  It  is  to  beg 
your  assistance  to  procure  for  me  the  office  of  Collector  of  the  Impost 
for  this  State;  Mr.  Morris  informs  me  the  office  is  in  the  gift  of 

461 


462  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Congress,  and  that  he  is  willing  to  aid  me  as  far  as  it  is  proper  for 
him,  but  the  nomination  for  this  office  will  be  by  the  delegates  of  the 
State.  Judge  Huntington  has  written  to  Secretary  Thomson  on  the 
subject,  and  Governor  Trumbull  assures  me  of  his  friendship.  I 
need  not  repeat  to  you  the  many  inconveniencies  of  my  pres 
ent  situation,  nor  need  I  tell  you,  to  whom  'tis  fully  known, 
that  these  inconveniences  are  the  result  of  seven  years  service 
in  the  Army.  You  must  be  very  sensible  that  my  feelings  will 
be  wounded  by  returning  to  the  profession  of  the  law,  and,  in 
deed,  the  labor  'and  fatigue  of  that  business  will  be  too  great  for 
my  enfeebled  constitution  to  endure.  On  many  accounts  my  claim 
to  the  appointment  is  preferable  to  most  other  persons,  and  in 
none  to  be  postponed  to  any  other  candidate.  I  think  where  I  relin 
quish  all  claim  to  present  support  or  future  compensation,  I  may 
fairly  ask  for  any  office  in  the  gift  of  the  public  to  the  discharge  of 
which  my  abilities  are  competent.  As  to  the  place  of  residence,  I 
shall  make  no  difficulty.  New  London  will  be  as  agreeable  to  me 
as  any  other,  and  whatever  securities  are  necessary  for  a  faithful 
execution  of  the  trust  I  am  ready  to  procure.  The  salary  of  the  office 
I  don't  know;  but  should  it  be  less  than  a  support  for  my  family,  it 
would  at  least  ease  me  of  much  labor  by  enabling  me  to  confine  my 
business  to  a  less  compass.  I  wish  to  hear  from  you  on  the  subject, 
and  if  you  think  it  necessary,  I  will  come  to  Philadelphia.  I  have  rea 
son  to  expect  the  friendship  of  the  gentlemen  joined  with  you  from 
this  State  and  have  no  doubt  of  your  kind  assistance. 

I  am  with  sentiments  of  great  respect,  Dear  Sir, 

Yr.  Obedient  Servt., 
To  William  Samuel  Johnson.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

Parsons  does  not  appear  to  have  been  successful  in  his  appli 
cation,  but  the  people  of  Middletown  showed  their  appreciation 
of  his  services  by  electing  him  frequently  to  the  General  Assem 
bly  during  the  next  few  years. 

The  following  letter  General  Parsons  addressed  to  the  Judges 
of  the  Superior  Court  of  Connecticut,  requesting  them  to  com 
municate  it  to  the  Governor  and  Council  in  such  manner  as  they 
deemed  proper: — 

HARTFORD,  November  22,  1782. 

GENTLEMEN. — Mr.  Walters,  a  classmate  and  intimate  friend  of 
mine,  who  is  a  gentleman  (except  in  his  political  creed)  of  a  very 
amiable  character,  has  lately  been  made  prisoner  to  the  United  States, 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      463 

and  having  been  out  to  answer  his  parole,  I  had  an  interview  with 
him,  and  strongly  importuned  him  to  find  if  no  way  could  be  devised 
to  relieve  our  subjects  now  in  imprisonment  in  New  York,  and  he 
engaged  to  apply  to  the  Admiral  on  the  subject  and  inform  me  on 
his  arrival  in  New  York,  and  accordingly,  I  have  received  the  fol 
lowing  letter  from  him  which  I  think  it  my  duty  to  communicate  to 
the  Governor  and  Council,  and  request  your  Honors  to  communicate 
the  same  in  such  manner  as  shall  appear  proper. 

(Copy.) 

NEW  YORK,  November  18th,  1782. 

DEAR  SIR. — Having  an  earlier  opportunity  of  writing  than  I  ex 
pected,  I  avail  myself  of  it  to  acquaint  you  of  my  safe  arrival  at  my 
home  and  finding  my  family  very  well. 

I  have  not  had  time  to  make  full  inquiry  into  the  subject  of  your 
prisoners,  about  which  we  were  conversing  when  I  had  the  pleasure 
to  see  you,  but  from  the  general  knowledge  which  I  have  and  the 
little  I  have  learned  already,  I  am  of  opinion  that  if  a  proper  person 
duly  authorized  from  the  State  should  make  application  to  the 
Admiral  for  the  release  of  the  prisoners  of  the  State  on  a  full  dis 
charge  of  those  that  may  be  now  with  you  and  an  absolute  engage 
ment  to  send  in  such  as  may  from  time  to  time  fall  into  your  hands, 
that  he  would  certainly  succeed,  for  I  know  'that  the  State  of  Con 
necticut  stands  very  fair  with  his  Excellency  on  the  score  of  ex 
change,  and  that  he  truly  sympathises  with  the  persons  confined  on 
account  of  their  being  very  illy  provided  for  withstanding  the  in 
clemencies  of  the  approaching  season. 

Wishing  you  all  happiness,  I  am,  Dear  Sir, 

Yr.  most  Obedt.  Serv't., 

W.  WALTER. 

P.  S. — Should  such  person  be  thought  proper  to  send,  I  need  not 
say  that  I  wish  you  may  be  the  one. 

I  am  with  great  esteem  yr.  Honors  Obed't  Ser'vt, 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  "Society  of  the  Cincinnati"  was  instituted  May  13, 
1783,  by  the  officers  of  the  Revolutionary  Army  under  the  com 
mand  of  General  Washington,  at  the  Headquarters  of  Baron 
Steuben,  in'  the  Highlands  of  the  Hudson.  General  Parsons 
became  a  member  of  the  Society,  as  did  most  of  the  officers  of 
the  Army.  Washington  was  elected  the  first  President ;  Parsons 
for  some  time  was  President  of  the  Connecticut  Branch. 

The  basic  principles  of  the  Society  are : — 


464  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

An  incessant  attention  to  preserve  inviolate  those  exalted  rights 
and  liberties  of  human  nature  for  which  they  have  fought  and  bled, 
and  without  which  the  high  rank  of  a  rational  being  is  a  curse  instead 
of  a  blessing. 

An  unalterable  determination  to  promote  and  cherish  between 
the  respective  States,  that  union  and  national  honor  so  essentially 
necessary  to  their  happiness  and  the  future  dignity  of  the  American 
Empire. 

Knowing  how  absolutely  harmless  this  Society  has  proved  to 
be,  it  is  amusing  to  read  to-day  of  the  general  disapproval  it  met 
with  throughout  the  country.  "  It  was  to  be  hereditary  in  the 
family  of  the  members ;  it  had  a  badge  or  order,  offensive  in 
Republican  eyes  as  imitating  the  European  orders  of  Knight 
hood  ;  it  admitted  foreign  officers  who  had  served  in  America  and 
their  descendants ;  it  provided  for  an  indefinite  accumulation  of 
funds  which  were  to  be  disposed  of  at  the  discretion  of  the 
members ;  it  was  anti-republican,  and  a  most  dangerous  political 
engine." 

On  the  4th  of  January,  1785,  occurred  an  interesting  event  in 
General  Parsons'  family,  the  marriage  of  his  eldest  daughter 
Lucia,  not  yet  twenty-one,  to  Stephen  Titus  Hosmer,  one  year 
her  senior,  a  brilliant  young  lawyer  of  Middletown,  destined  to 
become  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  State.  He  was  a  graduate  of 
Yale,  as  were  his  father  and  grandfather  before  him,  and  a 
student  of  law  in  the  office  of  Oliver  Ellsworth,  Chief  Justice  of 
the  United  States,  after  whom  he  named  his  youngest  child.  In 
1823,  Hosmer  was  honored  by  his  Alma  Mater  with  the  degree 
of  Doctor  of  Laws. 

General  Parsons,  who  was  now  in  the  Connecticut  Legislature, 
wrote  from  Middletown,  May  21,  to  his  friend  William 
Samuel  Johnson,  as  follows : 

DEAR  SIR. — The  vote  of  the  General  Election  you  have  doubtless 
known  before  this  time.  The  gentlemen  of  the  Superior  Court,  who 
were  all  of  the  Council,  have  resigned  their  seats  at  the  Council 
Board,  their  friends  having  made  an  ineffectual  effort  to  repeal  the 
law  which  made  them  capable  of  holding  both  offices.  In  conse 
quence,  General  Erastus  Wolcott,  Mr.  Treadwell  and  Mr.  Sturges 
have  been  appointed  of  the  Council  and  have  taken  their  seats. 
McLane  is  chosen  Chief  Judge  and  General  Wadsworth  the  assistant 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      465 

Judge  of  the  Superior  Court  in  the  lower  house;  but  this  matter  is 
not  yet  settled. 

The  troops  in  this  State  are  ordered  to  be  raised  and  the  officers 
in  command  are  appointed.  One  thing  appears  to  me  very  necessary 
for  raising  the  full  quota,  for  the  small  monthly  pay  will  hardly 
induce  men  to  enlist,  but  should  Congress  assign  the  lands  promised 
to  the  soldiers  in  that  region,  I  believe  we  should  readily  raise  our 
quota  of  very  good  men,  who  will  go  out  with  views  of  permanent 
residence  in  that  country.  This  appears  to  me  of  so  much  conse 
quence  that  I  hope  Congress  will  not  omit  to  ascertain  the  place 
and  manner  of  our  taking  up  our  land. 

Mr.  Sturges  informs  me  you  were  kind  enough  to  request  me  to 
nominate  to  you  our  surveyor  of  that  country  for  this  State.  I  am 
so  far  unacquainted  with  your  system  as  to  be  unable  to  judge  of  the 
duty  of  this  officer,  or  the  pay  or  other  profits  of  the  appointment; 
whether  he  is  to  be  an  actual  resident  in  that  country,  and  survey  the 
lands  granted  to  individuals  or  States,  or  only  register  the  surveys 
made  under  his  orders  and  generally  superintend  that  business.  Of 
either  I  believe  myself  capable,  and  having,  as  you  well  know,  long 
entertained  ideas  of  establishing  myself,  or  at  least  finding  an  estate 
in  that  country,  I  beg  you  to  consider  whether  this,  or  some  other 
appointment  there,  would  answer  my  wishes.  If  so,  I  shall  hope  for 
your  friendship  in  procuring  me  such  appointment.  I  care  little  for 
the  name;  it  is  only  the  substantial  benefit  I  look  at.  If  it  is  only 
the  mechanical  part  of  the  business  this  officer  is  to  attend  to  and  his 
profits  arise  only  from  the  actual  surveys  made  by  him,  perhaps  it 
will  not  be  worth  my  attention.  However,  of  this  you  are  the  more 
competent  to  judge.  If  so,  give  me  leave  to  inform  you  that  Mr. 
Obadiah  Gore,  an  officer  of  our  Line  and  a  late  inhabitant  of  Wyo 
ming,  is  an  ingenious  surveyor  and  accurate  in  his  drafts  and  much 
used  to  traversing  the  country  in  its  wild  state,  who  will,  I  believe, 
gladly  accept  the  appointment  and  do  great  justice  in  the  execution 
of  it. 

Nothing  yet  is  done  respecting  the  recommendation  of  Congress 
to  provide  for  the  foreign  debt.  The  committee  to  which  that  and 
other  revenue  matters  are  referred,  (of  which  I  am  one)  has  unani 
mously  agreed  to  make  any  provision,  in  any  way,  whereby  the 
foreign  and  domestic  national  debt  shall  be  secured,  only  provided — 
in  any  way  by  imposts  or  some  other  way  by  which  the  revenues  shall 
be  derived  from  the  joint  benefits  of  the  States  and  paid  into  the 
common  treasury,  (subject  to  the  order  of  Congress  only)  and  Con 
gress  be  granted  the  right  of  regulating  the  trade  of  the  United 


466  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

States.  I  have  thought  of  granting  the  imposts  on  the  agreement  of 
nine  States  and  in  the  meantime  would  be  disposed  to  secure  ourselves 
from  the  nefarious  consequences  of  New  York's  refusing  the  imposts. 
If  any  kind  of  provision  can  be  made  for  me,  I  am  sure  you  will 
be  inclined  to  befriend  me. 

I  am  with  great  esteem,  your  obed't  servt., 
To  Wm.  S.  Johnson.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  three  following  letters  are  also  from  General  Parsons  to 
Mr.  Johnson: — 

MIDDLETOWN,  June  18,  1785.  ' 

DEAR  SIR. — I  have  received  your  favor  in  answer  to  my  two  let 
ters.  Your  attention  to  me  demands  my  grateful  acknowledgement, 
but  several  reasons  induce  me  to  beg  your  friendship  for  my  friend 
Pomeroy,  for  the  appointment  to  which  I  stand  nominated,  viz : 
A  Commissioner  for  settling  accounts  in  Virginia.  First,  I  believe 
him  better  qualified  for  that  office  than  I  am,  and  he  is  in 
need  of  some  appointment  as  well  as  myself.  Second,  The  pay  of 
that  office  will  not  exceed  seven  hundred  pounds  per  annum.  I  have 
been  a  Major  General  in  the  Army  and  in  Virginia  I  must  carry 
that  rank  with  me  or  fall  into  disgrace,  and  I  believe  it  will  be  more 
than  twice  the  expense  for  me  to  live  there  than  for  another  man  who 
has  never  held  the  military  rank  I  have  held. 

I  know  the  office  of  a  surveyor  is  a  subordinate  one,  not  honorary, 
nor  can  I  yet  find  how  far  it  may  be  lucrative.  Simply  the  fees  of 
office  would  not  tempt  a  man  to  undergo  the  fatigue  and  risk,  but,  as 
it  stands  in  connection  with  the  future  disposal  of  the  land,  I  think 
it  may  be  worth  trying,  especially  as  Land  Companies  may  be  dis 
posed  to  make  a  compensation,  and  the  Army  Locations  are  also 
much  dependent  on  a  full  knowledge  of  that  country.  The  fatigue 
or  risk  will  by  no  manner  of  means  prevent  my  undertaking,  if  I 
find  other  prospects  to  my  mind.  Before  I  decide,  I  should  choose 
to  become  acquainted  with  the  geographer  and  know  his  character 
and  views ;  however,  as  I  shall  be  named  to  you  by  the  Governor,  I 
wish  to  be  appointed  and  noticed,  on  which  I  will  go  to  New  York 
and  fully  inform  myself.  If  the  place  of  a  Commissioner  to  treat 
with  the  Indians,  or  a  superintendency  of  Indian  Affairs  with  a  kind 
of  Consular  authority,  can  be  promised,  I  can  as  well  answer  my 
purposes  as  by  a  survey;  the  last  is  preferable;  the  first  not  incon 
sistent  with  the  survey,  but  may  be  assistant  in  the  execution. 
I  am,  dear  Sir,  with  the  greatest  respect 

Your  obedient  servant, 
To  Wm.  S.  Johnson.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 


MIDDLETOWN,  July  31,  1785. 

MY  DEAR  SIR. — My  unlucky  stars  are  forever  placing  me  where 
I  should  not  be.  By  a  letter  from  our  friend  Baldwin,  I  find  I 
ought  to  have  been  at  New  York  four  days  ago,  (and  it  does  not 
appear  likely  the  appointment  of  a  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs 
is  suspended  to  this  time,)  and  my  journey  cannot  avail  me  should 
I  undertake  it.  I  must,  therefore,  trust  to  the  exertions  of  my  friends 
who,  I  am  sure,  will  do  what  in  propriety  can  be  done  to  gratify  my 
wishes.  However,  to  remove  the  objection  of  my  appointment  in 
Virginia,  I  have  herewith  sent  a  letter  of  resignation  of  my  former 
appointment  to  be  used  if  this  Commissioner  is  not  appointed,  and  if 
it  should  become  necessary  for  the  purpose.  If  this  should  not  be 
couched  in  proper  terms,  or  other  better  adapted  reasons  can  be 
assigned,  I  wish  the  favor  of  you  and  Mr.  Baldwin  to  prepare  an 
other  letter  of  resignation  in  my  name  and  have  it  presented  if  neces 
sary.  I  have  written  to  Mr.  Foster  and  several  other  gentlemen  of 
Congress,  which  I  have  enclosed,  open.  Those  of  them  which  you 
think  best  should  be  delivered,  and  I  beg  you  to  take  the  trouble  to 
seal  and  deliver.  Those  which  will  do  me  no  good,  I  wish  may  be 
suppressed ;  this  depending  on  circumstances  existing  at  the  time  and 
on  the  particular  feelings  of  them,  I  cannot  judge  of  at  this  dis 
tance.  I  am  sorry  to  be  obliged  to  give  you  so  much  trouble.  I  fear 
I  shall  never  be  able  to  repay  your  friendship.  I  would  not  wish  to 
relinquish  my  present  appointment  unless  it  is  necessary  to  secure 
the  other.  I  am  &c., 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 
To   Wm.  S.  Johnson. 

P.  S. — The  ordinance  of  Congress  that  no  man  hold  two  offices  (if 
there  be  such  an  one)  cannot  affect  my  case;  I  am  surely  eligible 
though  I  can't  hold  both.  The  case  of  Dr.  Lee  who  is  nominated  to 
the  Treasury  and  is  now  one  of  the  Commissioners  of  Indian  Affairs, 
is  a  proof  of  it. 

MIDDLETOWN,  August  9,  1785. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  received  a  letter  of  the  26th  ult.  from  Mr.  Baldwin 
informing  me  you  were  kind  enough  to  put  me  in  nomination  for  the 
place  resigned  by  General  Wolcott,  and  by  a  postcript  that  the  elec 
tion  was  assigned  for  the  28th.  This  leaving  me  no  time  to  arrive 
at  New  York  before  the  day  of  election,  rendered  it  an  unnecessary 
step  for  me  to  go  to  New  York.  I,  therefore,  wrote  a  number  of 
letters  to  Dr.  Johnson,  Mr.  Baldwin,  Mr.  Foster,  Mr.  Howell,  Gen 
eral  McDougall  and  Mr.  Chas.  McEvers,  enclosed,  open,  in  a  cover 
to  Mr.  Baldwin  lest  you  should  be  absent,  desiring  him,  if  you  were 


468  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

in  New  York,  to  consult  you  on  the  subject,  and,  if  the  election  was 
not  made,  to  deliver  such  of  those  as  you  should  judge  proper.  I 
also  enclosed  a  Carte  Blanche  to  write  whatever  you  thought  proper 
respecting  my  Virginia  appointment,  since  which  I  have  received  one 
of  the  28th,  the  day  on  which  the  election  was  to  have  taken  place, 
but,  as  it  had  not  taken  place  when  he  wrote,  I  concluded  it  was  laid 
by  for  that  day.  I  since  find  my  letter  to  General  McDougall  has 
been  delivered — the  enclosed  is  his  answer.  I  believe  I  may  form 
some  expectation  of  Mr.  Lawrence's  vote  and  perhaps  of  the  State 
of  New  York  through  that  medium.  Mr.  McEvers  will  have  influ 
ence  with  Delaware  and  some  southern  members.  Massachusetts 
may  be  prevailed  upon  if  Col.  Pickering  can  have  my  present  ap 
pointment,  which  I  am  sure  he  will  prefer.  How  far  Dr.  McHenry, 
with  whom  I  have  some  acquaintance,  will  favor  me,  I  cannot  say; 
perhaps  Virginia  may  not  be  unfriendly,  but  on  this  I  do  not  build. 
I  shall  much  prefer  this  to  the  other  appointment.  The  uncertainty 
of  the  time,  whether  the  appointment  is  not  already  made,  prevents 
my  going  to  New  York.  I  am  sure  your  friendship  will  be  necessary 
to  accomplish  my  wishes. 

Pray  inform  me  whether  t'will  be  necessary  to  go  down  and  when. 
If  I  should  obtain  this  appointment,  would  not  the  tour  and  a  return 
through  Mississippi  to  Georgia  be  agreeable  to  your  son  ? 

I  am  &c., 
To  Wm.  S.  Johnson.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  insurrection  in  Massachusetts,  known  as  Shay's  Rebel 
lion,  had  at  this  time  assumed  alarming  proportions.  The  in 
surgents  declared  the  whole  machinery  of  government  to  be  a 
scheme  of  oppression  and  openly  proclaimed  their  right  to  dis 
regard  all  laws  obnoxious  to  them.  In  Bristol,  Worcester  and 
Middlesex  Counties,  an  armed  mob  had  compelled  the  judges  to 
adjourn  their  courts.  An  attempt  was  made  to  seize  the  Arsenal 
at  Springfield,  and  it  was  the  evident  purpose  of  the  malcon 
tents  to  march  on  Boston  and,  if  possible,  to  take  possession  of 
the  Capitol.  The  license  running  riot  across  the  border  was 
rapidly  spreading  into  Connecticut.  Windham  had  voted  the 
Court  of  Common  Pleas  a  nuisance  and  directed  its  representa 
tives  in  the  Legislature  to  move  for  paper  money  to  depreciate 
five  per  cent,  annually  for  twenty  years,  a  scheme  worthy  of 
some  modern  financiers.  Fearful  of  the  consequences  unless  the 
insurrection  should  be  promptly  put  down,  Parsons  wrote  as 


follows    regarding  the   matter  to   his   friend,   Mr.    Johnson   in 
Congress : — 

MIDDLETOWN,  October  2,  1785. 

SIR. — You  will  doubtless  wish  to  have  a  more  particular  knowledge 
of  the  insurgency  in  Massachusetts  and  the  hopeful  prospect  of  a 
crop  of  sedition  in  our  Country.  Two  of  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court  are  now  here  from  Springfield,  and  from  them  I  find  that  on 
Tuesday  morning,  General  Shepard  with  a  body  of  militia  took  pos 
session  of  the  street  near  the  Court  House  in  Springfield  and  drew 
up  his  men  in  order  and  planted  a  field  piece  or  two  near  the  Court 
House  for  the  protection  of  the  Court.  In  the  afternoon  of  that  day, 
the  Court  opened  and  adjourned  to  Wednesday.  The  insurgents 
formed  themselves  in  martial  order  at  about  half  a  mile  distant,  and 
in  the  evening  sent  a  committee  to  the  Court  demanding  that  no  civil 
causes  should  be  tried  nor  any  indictment  found  against  the  rioters 
at  Northampton  or  against  them  for  their  present  assembling.  This 
was  refused  by  the  Court.  On  Wednesday  the  Court  opened  and 
adjourned  to  Thursday  and  then  adjourned  without  day  and  without 
doing  any  business.  On  Wednesday  the  insurgents  sent  out  for  rein 
forcements  from  Berkshire  and  Worcester  Counties,  which  arrived  on 
Thursday  morning.  General  Shepard's  force  was  fluctuating  till 
Thursday,  when,  being  purged  of  the  dross,  they  amounted  to  eight 
hundred  and  fifty  men,  well  armed  and  disposed  to  fight.  Among 
these  was  one  entire  company  of  Continental  officers  under  the  com 
mand  of  Colonel  Oliver.  The  insurgents  were  about  twelve  hundred, 
nine  hundred  of  whom  were  armed  with  fire  arms  and  three  hundred 
with  staves  and  clubs.  When  the  Court  adjourned  without  day,  Shep 
ard  marched  out  of  the  town  to  secure  the  Continental  stores.  The 
insurgents  marched  in  with  drums  and  fifes  playing  and  colors  flying, 
and  the  Judges  took  themselves  to  places  of  more  safety.  The  insur 
gents  were  prevented  with  difficulty  by  their  leader  from  beginning 
an  attack  on  Shepard,  and  he  with  as  much  difficulty  restrained  his 
men  from  commencing  an  attack  on  them.  On  the  whole,  the  business 
of  the  Court  has  been  entirely  prevented  by  the  insurgents  in  the 
Counties  of  Middlesex,  Worcester,  Hampshire  and  Berkshire,  in  the 
last  of  which  they  have  opened  the  prison  doors  and  set  the  prisoners 
free  in  the  face  of  the  militia,  who  refused  to  oppose  them.  The  real 
grievances  are  the  existence  of  public  and  private  debts ;  if  both  are 
abolished,  I  believe  the  people  will  be  quiet  for  a  small  season.  In 
this  State  their  doctrines  gain  ground  and  are  publicly  avowed  by 
great  numbers,  though  at  present  we  can  outnumber  them.  Wind- 


470  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

ham,  the  first  in  the  cause  of  liberty  or  licentiousness,  has  had  a  town 
meeting  in  which  they  have  voted  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  a  nui 
sance  and  directed  their  deputies  to  move  for  paper  money  to  depre 
ciate  five  per  cent  annually  for  twenty  years.  In  short,  I  believe  if 
measures  are  not  taken  by  the  present  General  Court  in  Boston  (then 
in  special  session)  to  put  a  final  stop  to  those  commotions  in  that 
State,  we  shall  be  as  effectually  destroyed  within  three  months  as 
that  State  at  present  is. 

It  is  the  urgent  wish  of  your  friends  that  both  you  and  Mr. 
Sturges  attend  our  Assembly,  and  that  a  delegation  be  sent  from 
Congress  to  enforce  their  requisitions.  I  hope  to  see  you  this  week. 
In  the  mean  time, 

I  am  &c., 
To  William  Samuel  Johnson,  M.  C.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 


On  the  25th  of  June,  1785,  Congress  had  directed  a  treaty  to 
be  negotiated  with  the  Shawanese  and  other  Western  Indians. 
On  the  22d  of  September,  General  Parsons  was  appointed  by 
Congress  "  one  of  the  Commissioners  for  the  extinguishment  of 
the  Indian  claims  to  lands  northwest  of  the  Ohio."  Associated 
with  him  were  General  George  Rogers  Clarke  of  Kentucky  and 
General  Richard  Butler  of  Pennsylvania.  Clarke  was  by  birth 
a  Virginian  and  noted  as  an  Indian  fighter.  His  capture  of 
Kaskaskia  and  Vincennes  in  1789  had  won  him  the  appellation 
of  the  Hannibal  of  the  West.  Butler  had  served  with  distinc 
tion  during  the  War  as  Lieut.  Colonel  in  Morgan's  Rifle  Corps. 
Butler  left  his  home  at  Carlisle,  September  9,  and  arrived  at 
Fort  Pitt  on  the  16th.  With  him  was  a  young  Member  of  Con 
gress,  Colonel  James  Monroe,  Jefferson's  successor  in  the  Presi 
dency,  who  desirous  of  seeing  the  country,  accompanied  Butler 
as  far  as  Limestone  in  Kentucky,  whence  he  returned  by  way  of 
Lexington  to  his  home  in  Virginia.  Leaving  Fort  Pitt,  the 
26th,  with  several  boat  loads  of  goods  and  provisions  to  be  used 
in  the  negotiations  with  the  Indians,  and  a  company  of  infantry 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Finney,  Butler  reached  the 
mouth  of  the  Miami  on  the  22d  of  October,  at  which  place  he 
was  joined  the  next  day  by  General  Clarke. 

General  Parsons  left  Middletown  for  the  Ohio  on  the  4th  of 
October,  as  appears  from  his  letter  of  the  3d  to  Colonel 
Wadsworth : — 


MIDDLETOWN,  October  3d,  1785. 

SIR. — I  am  obliged  to  set  off  to-morrow  about  noon  for  the  Indian 
treaty  on  the  Ohio.  I  should  have  wished  to  have  seen  you  before 
I  took  my  leave  of  this  city,  but  time  will  not  admit.  I  have  to  beg 
of  you  to  furnish  me  with  letters  to  your  acquaintances  in  Philadel 
phia,  Lancaster  and  Carlisle  in  Pennsylvania,  and  a  letter  of  credit 
for  one  hundred  dollars.  I  do  not  imagine  I  shall  want  more  money 
than  I  have,  but  I  am  going  to  a  country  unknown  to  me,  and  cannot 
be  covered  by  my  friends  against  accidents. 

I  am  in  haste,  Dear  Sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Colonel  Jeremiah  Wadsworth,  Hartford. 

P.  S. — If  you  are  coming  to  Middletown  to-morrow,  I  will  wait 
till  eleven  o'clock,  or  see  you  at  New  Haven  to-morrow,  if  you  are 
going  that  way. 

Upon  his  arrival  at  Trenton,  he  wrote  as  follows  to  his  son, 
William  Walter,  at  Middletown: — 

TRENTON,  October  H,  1785. 

DEAR  WILLIAM. — It  rained  yesterday  so  as  to  stop  me  at  Prince 
ton  from  whence  I  came  this  morning,  and  to  ease  my  horses  shall 
take  my  baggage  in  the  stage  and  expect  to  reach  Philadelphia  to 
night  and  to  proceed  on  Sunday  for  Pittsburgh.  I  have  left  a  little 
money  for  your  mother  with  Capt.  Watson  which  she  may  draw 
for  when  she  wants,  but  before  she  draws  at  the  end  of  my  first 
quarter  she  must  be  informed  whether  Capt.  Watson  has  received 
my  pay ;  this  he  will  inform  her  of  or  she  may  send  to  enquire.  Just 
as  I  was  leaving  New  York,  Mr.  Morrison  and  Dr.  Cogswell  applied 
to  me  for  the  purchase  of  the  Horseneck  farm;  I  gave  the  lowest 
price,  which  was  630  pounds  lawful  money — and  that  the  notes  in 
my  name,  which  Dr.  Cogswell  received  of  me  for  the  Pauguronk  (  ?) 
lands,  should  be  taken  in  payment  as  far  as  they  would  go — the  rest 
in  money ;  they  are  going  to  see  the  farm,  and  if  they  like  it,  will 
apply  to  you  on  the  subject.  I  am  clearly  of  the  opinion  you  had 
best  take  that  price  and  pay.  Tell  Mr.  Hosmer  that  if  he  draws  off 
my  account  against  Thomas  Pratt  and  sends  it  to  Mr.  Townshend  at 
Colchester,  he  will  collect  the  money.  I  shall  send  back  from  Fort 
Pitt  if  I  can,  after  which  you  may  not  expect  to  hear  from  me  until 
my  return  from  Pittsburgh  or  'till  I  arrive  at  Richmond,  which  I 
intend  to  attempt  through  the  wilderness. 

I  am  yours  affectionately, 
To  William  Walter  Parsons.  S.  H.  PARSONS. 


472  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

The  farm  at  Horseneck  referred  to,  was  the  151  acres  granted 
him  by  Connecticut  in  October,  1781,  for  four  pounds  ten  shill 
ings  per  acre,  in  exchange  for  obligations  held  by  him  against 
the  State. 

October  16,  General  Parsons,  then  in  Philadelphia,  wrote  to 
Colonel  Edward  Carrington,  a  Member  of  Congress  from  Vir 
ginia,  in  regard  to  a  third  Commissioner  to  adjust  the  Virginia 
accounts : — 

PHILADELPHIA,  October  16th,  1785. 

Sm. — I  am  unhappy  to  find  so  good  a  man  as  Colonel  Pickering, 
of  whose  integrity  and  abilities  we  mutually  entertained  so  good  an 
opinion,  is  necessitated  to  decline  the  nomination  we  have  made  of 
him  as  a  third  Commissioner.  As  I  am  now  on  my  way  to  the  Indian 
Treaty,  I  shall  have  no  other  opportunity  of  writing  you  before  I 
hope  to  meet  you  at  Richmond  in  the  month  of  December  or  January 
next.  I  therefore,  take  the  liberty  of  naming  to  you  General  Wil 
liam  Irvine  of  Carlisle  in  Pennsylvania,  or  Ralph  Pomeroy,  Esq.,  of 
Hartford  in  Connecticut,  as  a  third  Commissioner  to  adjust  those 
accounts.  General  Irvine's  character  I  imagine  is  equally  known  to 
both  of  us;  so,  Mr.  Pomeroy 's  character.  If  either  of  those  gentle 
men  will  be  agreeable  to  you,  I  consent  to  your  requesting  their 
acceptance  and  will  join  you  myself  as  soon  as  possible.  In  the 
meantime  I  have  desired  Mr.  Johnson,  (son  of  Wm.  S.  Johnson), 
whom  I  have  appointed  my  clerk,  to  go  on  to  Richmond  as  soon  as 
he  can,  and,  until  my  arrival,  he  will  do  what  he  can  to  assist  you, 
and  to  your  patronage  I  would  commend  him. 

I  am  &c., 

To  Colonel  Edward  Carrington.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

Richmond,  Va. 

P.  S. — Col.  Thomas  Heartly  of  York  Town  in  Pennsylvania,  is 
a  gentleman  with  whom  I  shall  be  satisfied  if  he  is  more  agreeable 
to  you;  if  either  of  those  gentlemen  are  acceded  to  on  my  part,  I 
wish  you  to  write  duplicates  to  them  that  they  may  be  able  to  have 
one  of  your  letters  with  the  Secretary  of  Congress  to  warrant  his 
draft  on  the  Treasury. 

On  the  same  day  (October  16),  General  Parsons  left  Phila 
delphia  for  Pittsburgh.  His  first  stage  was  twenty-six  miles 
which  brought  him  into  what  was  known  as  the  "  Great  Valley," 
a  fertile  tract  underlaid  with  limestone — the  source  of  lime  for 
all  the  surrounding  country.  The  next  day  he  reached  Lancas- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      473 

ter,  sixty-six  miles  from  Philadelphia,  where  he  found  two  of  his 
compatriots,  General  Hand  and  Colonel  Atlee,  and  with  them 
"  spent  an  agreeable  evening."  From  this  place  he  wrote  to 
his  friend,  William  Samuel  Johnson,  respecting  the  Virginia 
accounts : — 

LANCASTER,  October  18th,  1785. 

SIR. — I  arrived  here  last  night  without  any  accident  of  conse 
quence,  and  am  to-day  pursuing  my  route  to  Pittsburgh,  where  I 
hope  to  arrive  in  eight  days.  I  get  no  news  of  the  Commissioners 
or  of  the  disposition  of  the  Indians.  I  think  it  a  fortunate  circum 
stance  to  have  come  first  into  this  country  before  I  go  to  Virginia, 
if  I  finally  settle  those  claims.  I  am  fully  convinced  the  United 
States  should  not  be  in  haste  to  adjust  those  accounts.  The  supplies 
furnished  from  the  Magazines  of  the  Continent  in  the  back  country, 
the  boats  and  men  furnished  from  our  Posts  to  General  Clarke  on 
that  expedition,  and  the  stores  sent  from  New  Orleans  by  Willing 
which  were  seized  by  General  Clarke  and  applied  to  the  use  of  that 
expedition,  the  orders  of  the  State  of  Virginia  to  seize  the  property 
of  the  non-juring  inhabitants,  the  amount  of  the  property  so  taken 
and  the  mode  of  payment  for  the  supplies  furnished  by  that  State, 
are  all  enquiries  of  serious  consequence  in  this  matter.  I  shall  make 
every  inquiry  on  this  subject.  Much  information  I  have  received. 
When  I  see  Clarke,  I  think  I  can  draw  out  the  whole  history. 

I  am  &c., 
To  William  Samuel  Johnson.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

On  the  18th,  Parsons  rode  to  Middletown  on  the  Susquehanna 
River  six  miles  below  the  Falls,  a  distance  of  thirteen  miles.  On 
the  morning  of  the  19th  he  arrived  at  Harris'  Ferry,  now  Harris- 
burgh,  then  an  infant  city  scarcely  four  months  old,  but,  already 
boasting  some  forty  houses  and  growing  rapidly.  About  five 
miles  west  of  the  River,  he  found  Major  Reed  of  Hazen's  regi 
ment,  who  had  beaten  his  sword  into  a  plough-share  and  was 
raising  on  his  fine  plantation  a  thousand  bushels  of  wheat  a 
year.  That  night  he  reached  Carlisle,  where  he  found  a  "  richer 
soil,  a  pleasanter  situation  and  a  politer  circle  than  at  any  place 
since  he  left  Philadelphia."  He  called  upon  Mrs.  Butler,  wife 
of  his  fellow  Commissioner,  "  an  exceedingly  polite  and  agree 
able  woman."  General  William  Irvine,  who  lives  at  Carlisle, 
"  is  doing  me  every  friendly  office  to  forward  me  on  my 
way." 


474  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

He  learned  here  that  "  General  Butler  left  Fort  Pitt  the  first 
inst.,  and  that  the  information  from  the  Indian  country  does  not 
indicate  the  most  friendly  disposition  in  the  natives."  "  I  shall 
have,"  he  writes,  "  a  lonely  route  down  the  River  to  join  him, 
five  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  Pittsburgh,  but  am  determined 
to  surmount  every  difficulty  and  danger  to  accomplish  the  object 
of  my  commission."  The  roads  through  this  country  he  finds 
unusually  good ;  that  which  he  passed  over  in  going  from  Eliza- 
bcthtown  to  Carlisle  is  far  better  than  that  from  Middletown  to 
Hartford.  On  the  21st,  he  rode  from  Carlisle  through  the 
Cumberland  Valley  to  Chambersburgh,  "  meeting,"  he  says,  "  a 
greater  crowd  of  travellers  to  the  Ohio  in  one  day,  than  you  will 
find  through  Middletown  in  a  week.  I  have  passed  to-day  seven 
with  their  families  and  several  pack  horses,  besides  other 
travellers,  all  bound  the  same  way.  ...  I  hope  to  reach  Fort 
Littleton  to-morrow  and  to  be  at  Pittsburgh  next  Wednesday  if 
rain  or  accident  doth  not  prevent.  I  still  intend  to  go  to  Vir 
ginia  when  I  have  finished  the  treaty,  but  design  coming  home  in 
the  Spring."  After  a  tedious  ride  over  the  Alleghanies,  Parsons 
reached  Pittsburgh  (Fort  Pitt),  on  Thursday,  the  27th.  On  the 
same  day  he  wrote  at  length  to  William  Samuel  Johnson,  in  Con 
gress,  regarding  Indian  affairs  : — 

FORT  PITT,  October  27th,  1785. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  arrived  this  morning  and  find  General  Butler  has 
teen  gone  a  month.  The  troops  left  Fort  Mclntosh  last  Tuesday 
and  I  shall  leave  this  place  on  the  29th,  one  day  being  necessary 
to  make  my  preparations.  I  find  this  a  more  serious  and  arduous  busi 
ness  than  I  apprehended,  nor  do  I  believe  all  the  treaties  we  can  make 
will  be  of  any  utility  whilst  the  Posts  on  the  Western  Waters  are 
in  the  hands  of  the  British  troops ;  nor  are  the  Indians  such  insensi 
ble  animals  as  some  have  considered  them.  The  less  removed  a 
person  is  from  a  state  of  nature,  the  fewer  and  more  simple  are  his 
ideas,  yet  some  truths  are  as  clearly  discerned  by  them  as  by  persons 
more  refined  and  civilized.  The  Indians  reason  thus : — we,  say 
they,  grew  out  of  this  land;  our  fathers  were  planted  here  by  the 
great  Spirit,  and  he  gave  us  this  land;  if  you  take  it  from  us,  we 
have  no  hunting  ground  and  our  wives  and  our  children  cannot  be 
subsisted.  You,  say  they,  live  by  tilling  the  ground  and  have  land 
enough;  we  live  by  hunting  the  deer  arid  must  have  more  room — 
therefore,  you  are  unjust  to  take  our  lands  from  us.  The  great 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      475 

King  over  the  Water  never  owned  our  lands  and  could  not  give 
them  away,  and  he  tells  us  he  never  has  given  you  our  lands,  only 
granted  to  you  the  right  of  protecting  us.  You  told  us  last  year 
you  had  conquered  us  and  the  lands  were  your  own,  and  that  you 
were  going  with  your  soldiers  to  take  possession  of  Detroit;  you  did 
not  tell  us  the  truth.  Why  have  you  not  got  possession  of  Detroit, 
and,  if  it  is  peace,  our  lands  are  still  our  own.  On  the  whole,  I  own 
there  appears  to  me  so  much  reason  in  their  observations  that  I 
scarcely  know  a  sufficient  answer. 

It  is  not  my  province  to  call  in  question  the  propriety  of  our 
proceedings,  yet  let  me  suggest  a  thought.  Suppose  the  land  to  be 
our  own,  is  it  not  more  expedient  to  give  content  to  the  Indians  by 
purchasing  such  tracts  as  they  will  sell,  than  to  hold  out  an  idea 
which  fires  their  pride  and  alarms  their  fears  and  will  probably 
deluge  our  frontiers  with  blood?  Very  many  families  have  gone 
from  these  parts  to  Detroit  in  the  year  past.  Two  hundred  families 
have  crossed  the  Ohio  at  one  ferry.  The  British  give  them  lands, 
implements  of  husbandry  and  a  year's  provisions.  The  Indians  have 
lately  held  a  great  Council  to  brighten  their  chain,  as  they  say.  but, 
as  is  here  believed,  to  form  a  general  combination  for  defending 
their  country,  and  an  Indian  war  seems  to  be  apprehended  here. 
The  Indians  at  the  treaty  last  year,  allege  they  were  forced  to  sign 
the  deed  to  convey  their  lands,  and  I  am  convinced  they  do  not 
intend  we  shall  proceed  in  the  survey  until  some  further  satisfaction 
is  made  them.  This  is  a  fine  country  from  the  Alleghany  mountains, 
though  hilly;  the  soil  is  rich,  the  timber  flourishing  and  the  earth 
free  from  stone  and  well  watered.  'Tis  pity  peace  cannot  give 
Spring  to  the  industry  of  the  inhabitants. 

I  am  convinced  this  is  the  only  proper  route  to  be  taken  to  get  a 
knowledge  sufficient  to  settle  the  Virginia  accounts  with  justice; 
and  Congress  ought  by  no  means  to  be  in  haste  to  close  that  account. 
I  have  taken  minutes  of  every  information  relative  to  that  matter, 
and  shall  be  better  able  to  satisfy  my  own  mind  on  the  subject  than 
by  three  months'  inquiry  in  Virginia.  I  shall  go  down  the  River  the 
day  after  to-morrow  and  hope  to  be  at  the  Treaty  in  eight  or  ten  days, 
but  the  waters  are  yet  low  and  I  have  five  hundred  and  fifty  miles 
to  the  Miami. 

I  intend,  if  practicable,  to  return  by  the  wilderness  to  Virginia; 
if  not,  I  shall  winter  in  Kentucky  or  proceed  to  New  Orleans,  as  I 
see  little  prospect  of  returning  this  way  in  the  winter. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Dr.  William  S.  Johnson.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 


LIFE    ANI}    LETTERS    OF 

Arthur  Lee  in  his  journal  says  of  Pittsburgh  in  1784: — 

Its  inhabitants  are  almost  entirely  Scotch  and  Irish,  who  live  in 
paltry  log  cabins.  A  great  deal  of  small  trade  is  carried  on,  mostly 
for  barter,  the  goods  being  brought  from  Philadelphia  and  Balti 
more  at  a  cost  of  forty-five  shillings  per  cwt.  There  are  in  the 
town  four  attorneys,  two  doctors  and  not  a  priest  of  any  persuasion, 
nor  church  nor  chapel,  so  that  they  are  likely  to  be  damned  without 
benefit  of  clergy.  The  place,  I  believe,  will  never  be  very  con 
siderable.  Batteaux  pass  daily  with  whole  families,  stock  and  furni 
ture,  for  Kentucky. 

On  the  29th  of  October,  General  Parsons  commenced  "  his 
lonely  route  "  down  the  Ohio  to  the  mouth  of  the  Miami.  The 
voyage,  so  far  as  appears  from  his  correspondence,  was  unevent 
ful  except  for  an  occasional  collision  with  snags  in  the  channel 
and  an  attack  from  the  Indians  at  Double  Island,  a  few  miles 
above  the  Station  at  Limestone.  In  a  letter  to  his  children 
written  from  the  Great  Miami,  November  21,  he  gives  the  fol 
lowing  account  of  the  affair : — 

At  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  as  we  were  carelessly  floating 
down  the  River  awaiting  the  coming  up  of  six  boats  in  company 
which  we  had  left  about  two  miles  astern,  we  received  a  fire  from 
five  skulking  Indians  who  had  concealed  themselves  in  the  willows 
by  the  side  of  the  River  within  forty  yards  of  us.  I  had  not  been 
more  off  my  guard  during  the  voyage.  I  was  leaning  on  the  awning 
standing  on  a  thwart  of  the  boat,  and  not  a  man  but  was  in  fair  view, 
where  with  the  greatest  deliberation  they  had  opportunity  to  take 
the  best  aim,  but  no  man  was  hurt.  We  returned  their  fire  with  all 
the  arms  we  had,  but  apparently  with  no  better  success.  We  pulled 
to  the  point  of  an  island  and  landed,  where  we  awaited  the  arrival 
of  our  rear  boats,  when  we  set  off  in  order  of  battle  and  kept  our 
selves  prepared  for  action  that  day  and  night  without  further  acci 
dent.  We  had  about  forty  armed  men  in  the  different  boats. 

In  closing  this  letter,  he  adds: — 

The  Indians  have  not  yet  arrived.  We  had  a  letter  a  few  days 
since  from  them  on  the  way  and  hope  the  treaty  will  end  the  next 
month.  I  am  very  happy  with  my  colleagues,  Generals  Clarke  and 
Butler,  who  are  here.  I  hope  to  see  you  in  the  month  of  March.  At 
present  I  think  we  shall  return  by  Orleans,  but  this  is  uncertain, 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      477 

but  I  shall  urge  it,  as  I  wish  to  be  able  to  give  every  information 
to  the  Line  of  the  Army  which  they  want  of  this  country,  in  which 
they  ought  to  find  their  homes. 

On  Sunday,  November  the  13th,  General  Parsons  arrived 
safely  at  the  mouth  of  the  Miami,  where  he  was  formally  received 
by  his  fellow  Commissioners  and  produced  his  commission  from 
Congress  appointing  him  one  of  the  Commissioners  of  Indian 
Affairs.  The  preparations  for  the  treaty  he  found  well 
advanced,  the  four  blockhouses  of  Fort  Finney  and  several  dwell 
ings  having  been  nearly  completed,  and  a  storehouse  built  and 
already  sheltering  the  goods  brought  down  from  Fort  Pitt. 

While  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  Indians,  the  Commissioners 
explored  the  surrounding  country,  visiting  a  canebrake  down  the 
river,  searching  for  the  remains  of  an  Indian  fort  on  the 
opposite  shore  and  examining  the  place  selected  for  a  camp  for 
the  expected  Indians.  Major  Finnej^'s  house  being  completed, 
he  invited  them  to  a  house-warming  and  dance  and  a  week  later 
dined  and  wined  them  and  their  officers.  At  the  request  of  his 
colleagues,  Parsons  drew  up  the  regulations  to  be  observed  during 
the  treaty.  On  the  28th,  a  complimentary  visit  was  made  by 
the  Wyandots  and  Delawares,  who  had  been  the  first  to  arrive  at 
the  Council.  They  were  received  in  due  form  with  a  salute,  and 
after  the  little  etiquette  of  reception  had  been  observed,  such  as 
serving  them  with  pipes,  tobacco  and  a  dram  all  around,  General 
Parsons'  arose  and  welcomed  them  in  a  brief  address,  as  follows : — 

We  are  glad  to  see  you  the  first  at  the  Council  Fire  of  the 
United  States.  It  is  a  proof  of  your  good  intentions  and  determi 
nation  to  hold  fast  that  chain  of  friendship  which  binds  the  United 
States  and  you  together.  We  are  glad  to  find  by  the  reports  of  our 
messengers,  that  you  have  given  both  advice  and  assistance  to  bring 
the  other  western  tribes  of  Indians  to  the  same  way  of  thinking  with 
yourselves.  We  hope  it  will  be  effectual,  and  that  they  will  listen 
to  the  voice  of  proffered  peace  and  consult  their  future  interest.  We 
advise  you  as  brothers  to  continue  your  endeavors  in  the  good  work. 
We  are  pleased  to  see  the  Shawanese  and  expect  they  will  return 
to  their  people  convinced  of  the  falsehoods  which  have  been  propa 
gated  amongst  them  by  persons  who  are  enemies  to  them  and  to  the 
United  States,  and  that  they  now  see  that  the  United  States  are  ready 


478  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

to  grant  them  peace,  and  have  opened  their  arms  to  receive  them  into 
their  protection. 

The  address  ended,  the  Commissioners  retired,  having  first 
ordered  additional  refreshments,  which  the  Indians  took  to  their 
encampment  to  drink. 

The  Shawanese  not  having  as  yet  responded  to  the  call  to  the 
treaty,  another  effort  was  now  made  to  induce  them  to  come  in. 
Word  was  sent  out  by  runners  that  the  Commissioners  would  wait 
fifteen  days  for  their  determination,  and  even  longer  if  assured 
they  were  on  the  way,  but  in  case  of  refusal,  they  must  blame 
themselves  alone  for  future  consequences.  While  waiting  for 
the  decision  of  the  Indians,  the  Commissioners  employed  the 
interim  in  visiting  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio.  They  left  the  Miami 
December  5,  and  returned  the  15th.  It  was  on  this  trip  that 
Parsons  saw  the  curious  petrifications  he  describes  in  a  letter  to 
President  Willard  of  Harvard  College,  a  reprint  of  which  closes 
this  chapter. 

On  the  3d,  General  Parsons  wrote  Mr.  Johnson  as  to  matters 
of  public  interest  lately  brought  to  his  attention : — 

FORT  FINNEY  AT  THE  MIAMI,  December  3d,  1785. 

DEAR  SIR.- — In  my  last  to  you  I  enclosed  a  crude,  undigested  plan 
for  securing  and  making  the  best  public  advantage  of  this  country, 
on  which  subject  I  will  converse  when  I  see  you.  At  present  I  will 
only  say,  I  am  convinced  the  present  plan  of  Congress  is  not  only 
impracticable,  but  is  in  its  operation  so  slow  that  it  will  defeat  itself. 

These  some  days  we  have  been  taken  up  with  attention  to  some 
of  the  Shawanese,  who  are  a  haughty,  proud  race  of  beings  who 
call  themselves  the  "  Heart  of  Mankind,"  but  who,  I  think  may  be 
managed  advantageously  in  their  own  way.  These  fellows  do  not 
own  a  foot  of  land  in  the  world,  but  have  the  address  with  their  few 
numbers,  not  exceeding  three  hundred,  to  become  the  key  by  which 
the  door  to  the  other  nations  is  opened  or  shut.  They  have  turned 
back  the  other  nations  who  were  on  their  way  to  the  treaty.  This 
morning  they  set  off  for  their  town  to  bring  in  their  nation  and  to 
call  back  those  who  had  returned.  I  am  deceived  greatly  if  they 
do  not  use  every  exertion  to  bring  in  their  people.  We  refuse  to 
hold  any  treaty  with  them  unless  their  nation  is  all  convened,  and 
have  agreed  to  wait  fourteen  days  and  no  longer.  They  have  gone 
back  with  very  good  impressions. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      479 

There  are  some  things  you  ought  to  know  respecting  this  country. 
Here  Congress  places  its  expectations  for  paying  the  National  Debt, 
and  I  have  not  a  doubt  it  is  an  ample  fund  for  the  purpose  if  that 
attention  is  paid  to  it  which  the  importance  of  the  object  requires; 
but  should  this  be  omitted,  I  need  not  be  a  prophet  to  assure  you  the 
United  States  will  never  be  one  farthing  benefitted  by  these  lands. 
The  population  of  the  country  on  the  east  of  the  Ohio,  their  views 
and  conduct,  you  have  no  conception  of;  and  I  wish  those  views 
may  not  be  extended  further  than  the  present  settlers.  I  find  from 
Mississippi  to  Virginia,  from  North  to  South,  agents  are  employed 
for  defeating  the  benefit  the  United  States  expect  from  these  lands. 

I  am  now,  (the  7th  of  December)  at  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio,  where 
we  have  come  to  pass  away  the  time  to  the  1 5th,  when  we  have  every 
reason  to  expect  the  Nations  of  Indians  at  the  Miami,  where  they 
have  been  prevented  attending  by  British  emissaries  and  our  own, 
who  are  the  worse  of  the  two.  I  had  another  reason  for  coming  here, 
viz :  to  give  the  people  of  this  country  an  opportunity  of  laying  their 
sentiments,  as  well  as  distresses,  before  the  Commissioners,  and  to 
examine  as  well  as  I  am  able,  the  foundation  of  their  grievances  and 
their  complaints  of  the  conduct  of  the  Indians.  On  these  subjects 
I  am  convinced,  but  do  not  wish  to  trust  my  opinion  in  a  letter  the 
route  this  might  take.  I  have,  also,  informed  myself  of  the  business 
of  my  other  Commission,  and  am  still  of  opinion  that  no  time  is  yet 
lost  in  postponing  that  settlement. 

There  at  present  seems  a  prospect  of  the  Indians  treating  to  our 
wishes,  but  'tis  uncertain.  The  western  nations  were  on  their  way 
and  were  stopped  by  the  Shawanese.  These,  in  turn,  have  sent  out 
to  those  and  other  nations  to  come  in,  and  we  have  great  reason  to 
believe  that  nation  will  be  in  very  generally  next  week.  If  nothing 
is  heard  from  them  in  that  time,  we  shall  make  our  course  home  in 
the  safest  possible  manner.  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  enclose  my 
son's  letter  to  your  care  for  more  reasons  than  one.  I  beg  you  to 
forward. 

I   am  &c., 
To  Wm.  Samuel  Johnson,  M.  C.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  following  letter  is  from  General  Parsons  to  his  children 
in  Connecticut,  and  is  one  of  a  series  of  letters  informing  them 
from  time  to  time  of  the  incidents  of  his  journey.  Of  this  series, 
unfortunately,  a  few  only  have  been  preserved,  and  these  mostly 
in  such  bad  condition  as  to  be  unavailable : — 


480  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

FORT  FINNEY,  MOUTH  OF  MIAMI,  January  7,  1786. 
MY  CHILDREN. — I  wrote  you  last  from  the  Falls  the  10th  of 
December.  I  returned  to  this  place  the  15th,  since  which  I  have 
nothing  of  consequence  to  inform  you,  nor  has  there  been  any  oppor 
tunity  to  convey  any  letter  to  the  settlements.  I  find  the  spirit  of 
emigrating  to  this  country  begins  to  reach  Connecticut.  A  short  time 
since,  one  Ebenezer  Smith  of  Chatham  with  his  family,  with  two 
other  Connecticut  families,  arrived  at  the  settlements  of  Kentucky. 
It  may  be  well  for  you  to  inform  David  Smith  of  Middle  Haddam 
of  the  welfare  of  his  brother,  and  also  of  another  brother  who  is 
settled  on  the  Mississippi  about  one  hundred  miles  above  the  mouth 
of  the  river  Ohio.  The  people  come  on  very  inconsiderately,  for 
although  no  man  has  painted  the  goodness  and  advantages  of  that 
country  in  too  high  a  point  of  light,  at  least  in  my  opinion,  yet  the 
titles  to  the  landed  estate  in  Kentucky  are  so  very  uncertain,  that 
the  chance  is  at  least  three  to  one  that  a  man  who  purchases  there 
must  defend  his  title  by  a  law  suit,  the  expense  of  which  will  ruin 
a  new  settler,  even  if  he  should  succeed.  This  arises  from  the  ex 
cellence  of  the  country.  Real  or  supposed  defects  in  making  a  good 
title  has  induced  survey  upon  survey,  in  many  instances  as  many  as 
eight  or  nine,  which  may  all  be  contested,  a  fruitful  source  of  profits 
for  lawyers,  but  poverty  to  the  honest  purchaser.  After  he  has 
expended  his  all,  he  is  left  a  beggar,  perhaps  with  a  right  of  recover 
ing  on  his  warranty,  without  means  of  pursuing  it.  The  emigrations 
from  my  country  have  induced  these  remarks  from  me.  I  believe 
every  man  has  some  national  attachments,  else  I  can't  assign  a 
reason  why  I  should  feel  a  stronger  inclination  to  prevent  my  own 
Countrymen  involving  themselves  in  trouble  than  the  men  of  other 
States.  I  think  I  am  under  no  great  obligation  to  take  this  trouble 
from  any  special  favors  I  have  received  in  the  State  which  gave  me 
birth;  the  unmerited  abuse  I  have  so  liberally  received  from  my  own 
people,  fully  balances  every  honor  their  own  opinions  or  their  own 
interests  have  conferred  upon  me.  But  silence  in  this  case  would 
be  criminal  resentment.  I  therefore,  wish  you  to  make  no  secret  of 
my  opinion  on  this  subject.  If  those  who  have  views  this  way  treat 
the  opinion  with  neglect  or  contempt,  it  is  what  I  have  often  ex 
perienced  without  deserving  it;  and  I  shall  have  all  the  satisfaction 
I  wish — a  consciousness  of  having  honestly  warned  my  brethren  to 
avoid  an  evil  I  have  pointed  out.  If  they  want  further  evidence  of 
the  propriety  of  the  assertion,  no  obligation  lies  on  me  to  take  any 
more  trouble  on  the  subject.  The  lands  northwest  of  the  Ohio  are 
in  every  respect  equal  to  those  of  Kentucky  from  which  the  River 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      481 

divides  them.  If  any  of  my  friends  cannot  wait  until  Congress  opens 
its  sales,  there  are  150,000  acres  of  land  granted  to  General  Clarke 
and  his  officers  and  soldiers,  to  which  the  title  is  unquestionable  and 
where  they  may  purchase  with  safety.  This  tract  begins  on  the 
River  Ohio  about  eighteen  miles  above  the  Falls  and  extends  twenty- 
four  miles  on  the  River  and  back  from  the  River  so  as  to  make  that 
quantity  of  land.  Any  person  applying  to  General  Clarke  at  the 
Falls,  will  be  informed  with  truth  and  certainty  as  to  whatever  he 
wishes  to  know  on  the  subject,  and  from  whose  honor  and  friendli 
ness  he  will  find  himself  saved  from  many  evils  he  will  fall  into 
among  the  land  jobbers  of  Kentucky.  The  grant  to  General  Clarke 
and  his  officers  and  soldiers,  goes  under  the  name  of  the  Illinois 
Grant,  and  is  in  many  respects  as  valuable  tract  of  land  as  any  in 
these  Waters,  and  has  this  great  advantage  above  the  lands  of  Ken 
tucky,  that  the  title  is  undisputed. 

When  I  say  the  lands  northwest  of  the  Ohio  are  as  good  as  those 
of  Kentucky,  I  would  be  understood  as  saying  that  I  believe  there 
is  as  much  good  land  as  in  Kentucky,  but  not  lying  in  one  tract. 
The  best  lands  in  that  country  are  in  a  valley  or  glade  beginning 
near  Limestone,  about  eighteen  miles  below  the  Scioto  and  extend 
ing  in  a  curvilinear  direction  to  the  Falls,  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  by  fifty  miles.  The  whole  of  this  great  tract  is  excellent  land. 
As  much  land  every  way  equal  to  that  may  be  found  on  this  title 
between  Limestone  and  the  Falls,  extending  as  far  into  the  country 
west  from  the  River  as  Kentucky  does  east,  but  not  as  great  a 
quantity  in  one  body. 

The  Indians  have  not  come  in  and  I  believe  there  is  no  prospect 
of  a  general  attendance.  We  are  perplexed  about  the  mode  of  getting 
away  from  this  Garrison.  The  distance  to  New  Orleans  is  nearly 
sixteen  hundred  miles  and  the  passage  from  thence  uncertain.  To 
go  through  the  wilderness  is  three  hundred  miles  and  we  have  no 
horses.  To  return  to  Fort  Pitt,  five  hundred  and  fifty  miles  against 
the  stream  and  driving  ice,  is  also  attended  with  difficulties.  I  don't 
know  what  course  we  shall  take,  but  believe  the  last  the  fore 
part  of  February,  when  the  River  will  be  less  difficult  and  the  season 
so  far  advanced  as  to  render  the  road  less  dangerous  from  the 
enemy. 

I  wish  you  a  happy  New  Year.  If  wisdom,  prudence,  morality, 
religion  and  industry  should  increase  in  you  with  your  accumulated 
years,  it  would  be  happy  indeed.  Your  mother's  welfare  is  much 
in  my  thoughts.  My  affectionate  remembrance  of  her  you  will  com 
municate  to  her.  Tell  Lucia,  Esther  and  all  the  children  nothing 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

would  more  increase  my  happiness  in  this  world  than  once  more  to 
see  them.  For  me,  'tis  of  little  consequence  what  my  lot  is  in  the 
few  remaining  days  I  have  in  this  world. 

Yours  affectionately, 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

January  7,  1786. 

P.  S. — At  last  we  find  the  Indians  are  about  to  attend  us.  Nearly 
five  hundred  are  here  and  near  us  and  other  nations  are  on  their 
way.  Perhaps  we  may  have  one  thousand  of  different  tribes.  This 
I  fear  will  keep  us  till  March,  which  will  make  me  as  late  home  as 
about  the  10th  or  15th  of  April.  If  we  conclude  the  treaty  to  our 
satisfaction,  I  think  we  shall  go  through  the  Indian  towns  to  Fort 
Pitt,  which  will  give  me  a  further  opportunity  of  seeing  the  country. 

My  love  to  your  mother  and  the  family.  We  send  an  express  to 
Fort  Pitt  to-morrow  and  this  goes  to  be  forwarded. 

The  task  before  the  Commissioners  was  to  persuade  the  Sliaw- 
anese  to  surrender  peaceably  the  lands  occupied  by  them  in  that 
part  of  the  Northwest  Territory,  and  accept  the  protection  of 
the  United  States.  By  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  (October 
22d,  1784),  the  Iroquois,  who  claimed  the  country  as  conquerors, 
had  relinquished  all  their  rights  to  the  lands  northwest  of  the 
Ohio.  By  the  treaty  of  Fort  Mclntosh  (January  21,  1785), 
the  Wyandot,  Delaware,  Chippewa  and  Ottawa  nations  had 
acknowledged  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States,  and  ceded 
to  it  all  the  lands  claimed  by  them  except  the  land  included  within 
a  boundary  line  beginning  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cuyahoga  River 
and  extending  with  the  course  of  the  River  to  the  portage  between 
that  and  the  Tuscarawas ;  thence  down  that  stream  to  the  cross 
ing  place  above  Fort  Lawrence ;  thence  westwardly  to  the  port 
age  of  the  Great  Miami ;  thence  along  the  portage  to  the 
Maumee  River  and  down  that  River  to  Lake  Erie ;  and  thence 
along  the  south  shore  of  the  Lake  to  the  mouth  of  the  Cuyahoga. 
This  reservation  may  be  roughly  described  as  the  tract  between 
Cleveland  and  Toledo  extended  southerly  about  sixty  miles.  But 
the  Shawancse  proved  far  less  pliable  than  the  other  tribes.  They 
objected  most  strenuously  to  the  advance  of  the  white  man  beyond 
the  Ohio,  and  were  reluctant  to  enter  into  any  treaty  surrender 
ing  their  lands  and  acknowledging  the  supremacy  of  the  United 
States.  Persuaded  at  last,  largely  through  the  friendly  inter- 


cession  of  the  Wyandots  and  Delawares,  the  Chiefs  conferred 
with  the  Commissioners  and  agreed  upon  the  terms  of  a  treaty 
to  be  submitted  to  the  General  Council,  the  articles  of  which, 
at  the  request  of  his  colleagues,  General  Parsons  drew  up  in  due 
form. 

On  Monday,  the  30th  of  January,  1786,  a  General  Council 
was  held  in  the  Council-House  at  which  were  present  the  Chiefs 
and  Warriors  of  the  Shawanese,  their  women  and  children,  with 
their  friends,  the  Wyandots  and  Delawares,  to  consider  the 
terms  of  the  proposed  treaty.  The  Commissioners,  General  Par 
sons,  who  drafted  the  treaty  acting  as  their  spokesman,  made  a 
brief  address  and  read  the  several  articles  of  the  treaty.  The 
address,  a  copy  of  which,  in  his  own  handwriting,  is  among  the 
General's  papers,  is  as  follows : — 

Chiefs  and  Warriors  of  the  Shawanese: 

We  have  attentively  considered  everything  you  said  to  us  yester 
day.  We  are  happy  to  find  you  disposed  to  join  with  us  in  measures 
to  stop  the  further  effusion  of  human  blood,  and  to  hear  your  pro 
fessions  of  sincerity  in  earnestly  desiring  a  restoration  of  peace 
between  the  United  States  and  your  nation.  We  know  the  great 
God  above  sees  what  we  are  about  and  knows  our  thoughts,  and  will 
punish  you  or  us  if  what  we  speak  with  our  lips  does  not  come  from 
our  hearts.  It  gives  us  great  pleasure  to  hear  you  have  at  length 
opened  your  eyes  to  your  true  interest,  and  are  determined  not  to 
listen  to  evil  counsel  in  future. 

You  told  us  you  had  brought  three  prisoners  with  you  whom  you 
had  taken  from  us,  and  would  take  them  back  to  your  towns  that 
all  the  rest  of  our  flesh  and  blood  might  be  collected,  and  all  brought 
in  together.  This  is  not  in  any  degree  satisfactory  to  us.  We  do 
not  see  a  necessity  of  these  three  prisoners  returning  to  your  towns, 
but  they  must  be  delivered  to  us  and  effectual  measures  taken  im 
mediately  to  restore  to  us  all  others  who  have  been  taken  away  by 
your  nation  in  the  late  war. 

Having  already  stated  to  you  fully  your  own  situation  in  regard 
to  the  United  States,  it  remains  for  us  to  inform  you  of  the  terms 
on  which  peace  will  be  granted  to  you,  and  your  nation  received  into 
the  friendship  and  protection  of  the  United  States. 

General  Butler,  in  his  journal  of  the  events  of  the  treaty,  has 
so  amplified  and  elaborated  this  address  as  to  render  it  almost 


484  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

unrecognizable,  and  all  he  says  of  it  is,  that  the  Commissioners 
made  it.  Aside  from  the  address  being  among  the  Parsons 
papers,  there  can  be  no  question  as  to  Parsons  having  delivered' 
it,  for  Clarke  took  no  part  in  the  discussion,  and  Butler  never 
took  part  without  plainly  stating  that  he  did  so.  The  follow 
ing  are  the  articles  of  the  treaty: — 

1.  Three  hostages  shall  be  immediately  delivered  to  the  Commis 
sioners  by  the  Shawanese,  to  remain  in  the  possession  of  the  United 
States  until  all  the  prisoners,  white  and  black,  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  who  were  taken  by  the  Shawanese  nation  or  any  of  them  or 
any  other  Indians  residing  in  their  towns,  shall  be  restored. 

2.  The  Shawanese  acknowledge  the  United  States  to  be  the  sole 
and  absolute  sovereign   of  all  the  territory  ceded  to  them  by  the 
King  of  Great  Britain  by  the  treaty  of  peace  made  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States,  the  Shawanese  to  be  under  their  pro 
tection. 

3.  If  any  Indian  or  Indians  of  the  Shawanese  nation,  or  any  other 
Indian    residing   in    any   of   their   towns    shall   commit   murder,   or 
robbery,  or  do  any  other  injury  to  any  of  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States,    the    nation    shall    be    obliged    to    deliver    such    offender    or 
offenders  up  to  the  officer  commanding  the  nearest  Post  of  the  United 
States,  to  be  punished  according  to  the  ordinances  of  Congress ;  in 
like  manner,   any   citizen  of  the   United   States   who   shall   commit 
murder,  or  robbery,  or  do  any  other  ^mjury  to  any  Indian  or  Indians 
of  the  Shawanese  nation,  or  any  other  Indian  living  in  any  of  their 
towns  under  their  protection,  shall  be  punished  by  the  laws  of  the 
United  States,  or  of  the  State  to  which  such  offending  citizen  belongs. 

4.  The  Shawanese  having  knowledge  that  any  nation  or  body  of 
Indians  designs  to  make  war  on  the  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
or  of  their  counseling  together  for  that  purpose,  shall  immediately 
inform  the  Commanding  Officer  of  the  nearest  Post  of  the  United 
States,  thereof;  or  in  default  thereof  shall  be  considered  as  parties 
in  such  war  and  punished  accordingly.     The  United  States  assumes 
the  corresponding  obligation. 

5.  Upon    the    Shawanese    nation    agreeing    to    these    articles    the 
United  States  do  grant  peace  to  that  nation  and  receive  them  into 
their  friendship  and  protection. 

6.  The   United   States   do   allow  to  the   Shawanese   nation   lands 
within  their  territory  to  live  and  hunt  upon,  the  east,  west  and  south 
boundaries  of  which  are  as  follows: — commencing  at  the  southeast 
corner  of  the  tract  reserved  to  the  Wyandots  and  Delawares  by  the 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      485 

treaty  of  Fort  Mclntosh;  running  thence  down  the  Great  Miami  to 
the  forks  of  that  River  next  below  the  old  Fort  which  was  taken  by 
the  French  in  1752 ;  thence  due  west  to  the  River  de  le  Panse;  thence 
down  that  River  to  the  Wabash  and  down  the  Wabash  to  the  Ohio, 
beyond  which  lines  none  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  shall 
settle  or  disturb  the  Shawanese  in  their  settlement  and  possession. 
And  the  Shawanese  do  hereby  relinquish  to  the  United  States  all 
title  or  pretence  of  title  they  ever  had  to  the  lands  east,  west  and 
south  of  said  lines. 

7.  Any  citizen  settling  on  the  lands  so  allowed  to  the  Shawanese, 
is  out  of  the  protection  of  the  United  States. 

The  terms  of  the  treaty  were  discussed  with  much  warmth  and 
spirit  on  both  sides,  the  Indians  asking  modifications,  particularly 
of  the  boundaries,  which  the  Commissioners  would  not  agree  to. 
No  conclusions  having  been  reached,  the  Council  was  continued 
the  next  day  and  the  treaty  further  explained,  but  it  was  not 
until  the  Commissioners  in  plain  terms  presented  the  alternative 
of  cession  or  war,  that  the  Shawanese  chose  the  former,  as  had 
the  other  tribes.  It  being  late,  and  the  Chiefs  observing  that 
it  was  not  customary  with  them  to  do  business  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  day,  the  treaty,  although  agreed  to  on  the  31st,  was  not 
signed  until  February  1.  Eight  Chiefs  signed  in  behalf  of 
the  Shawanese,  the  only  nation  participating  in  the  treaty,  and 
the  Commissioners  in  behalf  of  the  United  States.  The  num 
ber  of  Indians  present  at  the  treaty,  including  men,  women  and 
children,  by  actual  count  on  the  2d,  was  four  hundred  and  forty- 
eight,  of  whom  three  hundred  and  eighteen  were  Shawanese. 
The  territory  ceded  by  this  treaty  includes  the  city  of  Cincinnati 
and  a  large  part  of  the  State  of  Indiana.  By  way  of  celebrat 
ing  the  treaty,  the  Indians,  all  the  following  day,  continued 
drinking,  but  on  the  3d  and  4th  were  so  far  recovered  as  to  be 
able  to  receive  their  presents  and  prepare  for  returning  to  their 
towns.  Parsons  was  right  when,  on  his  way  to  the  treaty,  he 
wrote  Mr.  Johnson  from  Fort  Pitt,  "  I  do  not  believe  all  the 
treaties  we  can  make  will  be  of  any  utility  whilst  the  Posts  on 
the  Western  Waters  are  in  the  hands  of  the  British  troops,"  for 
it  was  not  long  before  the  Shawanese  repudiated  the  terms  of 
the  treaty  they  had  agreed  to  in  apparent  good  faith. 

Captain  Jonathan  Heart,  who  writes  the  following  letter  to 


486  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Colonel  Jeremiah  Wadsworth  of  Hartford,  was  a  graduate  of 
Yale  in  1768,  served  through  the  war  in  the  Connecticut  Divi 
sion  and  for  a  time  was  Brigade  Major  of  the  First  Connecticut 
Brigade.  In  April,  1785,  he  came  to  Ohio  as  Captain  in  Colonel 
Harmar's  First  Infantry,  a  regiment  of  regulars  raised  especi 
ally  for  service  in  the  West,  and  at  this  time  was  stationed  at 
Fort  Harmar  at  the  mouth  of  the  Muskingum.  In  1791,  he 
was  made  Major  in  the  Second  Infantry,  a  new  regiment  just 
raised,  and  was  with  St.  Clair  in  November  of  that  year,  when  he 
suffered  his  disastrous  defeat  on  the  banks  of  the  Wabash,  and 
was  killed  while  leading  a  charge  against  the  Indians : — 

FORT  HARMAR,  January  22d,  1785. 

SIR. — In  any  other  situation  I  would  not  have  taken  this  freedom 
with  your  name,  but  at  this  distance  from  my  connections,  a  letter 
directed  to  a  common  citizen  would  scarcely  find  the  Country,  much 
less  the  person,  to  whom  directed.  I  have,  therefore,  presumed  to 
request  a  communication  through  a  more  conspicuous  character,  and, 
as  it  respects  a  most  valuable  friend  to  the  happiness  of  America, 
I  may  with  propriety  use  the  freedom. 

Major  General  Parsons  has  been  pleased  to  honor  me  with  a  letter 
of  the  9th  instant,  received  this  day  by  a  Delaware  Chief.  General 
Parsons  requests  me,  as  opportunity  may  present,  to  give  informa 
tion  to  his  friends.  He  passed  this  Post  the  7th,  and  arrived  at  the 
Miami  the  13th  of  November.  On  the  passage,  he  was  fired  upon 
by  a  party  of  Cherokees,  but  without  injury.  Cherokee  is  a  name 
like  Refugee,  and  includes  the  banditti  of  all  Tribes  and  friends  of 
none.  Equally  enemies  to  Americans,  Britons  and  Indians,  they 
are  determined  to  make  no  peace,  but  happily  their  numbers  are  in 
considerable.  The  treaty  was  not  entered  upon  the  9th  instant,  as 
every  exertion  had  been,  and  was  still  making  by  British  Emissaries 
and  others  opposed  to  a  peace  to  prevent  the  Indians  from  coming 
to  the  treaty;  he  says,  however,  a  number  of  tribes  have  already 
arrived,  many  others  near,  and  every  favorable  appearance  that  the 
western  tribes  will  generally  come  in,  and  he  can  see  no  reason  why 
a  peace  may  not  be  made  with  them  agreeable  to  our  wishes. 

He  has  been  as  low  as  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio  and  is  delighted  with 
the  country;  indeed,  the  richness  of  soil,  agreeableness  of  situation 
and  extent  of  valuable  territory  ceded  to  the  United  States  by  the 
late  treaty,  is  scarcely  conceivable;  and  to  obtain  a  peaceable  posses 
sion  of  this  soil  for  the  purpose  of  sinking  our  national  debt  and 
opening  a  field  for  European  as  well  as  American  emigrants,  are 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      487 

objects  generally  considered  of  importance.  No  country  was  ever 
yet  discovered  better  calculated  for  industrious  farmers  than  the 
lands  on  the  Ohio — rich  soil,  good  timber,  temperate  summers  and 
mild  winters — and  as  to  the  future  advantages  of  trade,  the  water 
communications,  as  delineated  on  the  maps,  sufficiently  point  out. 

I  cannot  do  justice  to  the  country  by  description.  General  Par 
sons  is  so  much  delighted  with  it,  he  earnestly  recommends  it  to  our 
eastern  inhabitants  to  turn  the  course  of  their  emigration  from  the 
mountains  of  Vermont  to  this  most  delightful  country.  He  will 
probably  return  about  the  last  of  April;  and  here  I  cannot  help 
observing,  that  in  the  situation  the  Indians  were  left  at  the  close  of 
the  war  under  British  influences,  their  emissaries  at  all  times  with 
them,  a  better  man  than  General  Parsons  could  not  have  been  sent 
out  to  unravel  their  intrigues,  counteract  their  disguised  policies, 
and  by  a  fair,  open  and  honest  treatment,  lead  the  uncivilized  nations 
to  a  friendly  treaty ;  and  if  we  have  peace,  he  has  made  it.  Please. 
Sir,  acquaint  his  more  intimate  connections  of  his  situation. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  &c., 
To  Colonel  WadsmortTi,  Hartford.  JONATHAN  HEART. 

The  two  following  letters  relate  to  the  settlement  of  the 
Virginia  accounts  and  the  selection  of  an  additional  Com 
missioner  : — 

NEW  YORK,  June  12th,  1786. 

SIR. — Upon  receipt  of  your  letter,  I  applied  to  Colonel  Pickering, 
requesting  him  to  accept  the  trust  you  proposed  to  him,  but  he  again 
declines.  I  then  wrote  to  General  Lincoln  on  the  same  subject  and 
have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  he  agrees  to  undertake  with  us 
the  settlement  of  those  accounts  as  soon  as  he  shall  return  from  the 
eastern  part  of  Massachusetts,  which  he  informs  will  be  early  in 
July.  I  am  of  the  opinion  it  will  be  necessary  to  agree  upon  certain 
principles  conformable  to  which  the  accounts  should  be  made  out; 
these  being  settled,  the  accounts  and  arranging  the  evidence  to  sup 
port  the  charges  is  merely  a  mechanical  part  of  the  business,  as  well 
executed  by  our  clerks  under  the  inspection  of  one  of  the  Comis- 
sioners,  as  by  ourselves.  I  therefore  propose  that  you  meet  General 
Lincoln  and  myself  in  this  city  the  last  week  in  July,  when  every 
question  necessary  to  be  decided  previous  to  shaping  the  accounts 
may  be  determined,  and  the  accounts  being  prepared  agreeable  to 
such  determination,  will  be  very  readily  closed  in  a  short  time.  I 
am  inclined  to  make  this  proposition,  as  the  season  of  the  year  is 
such  as  will  induce  vou  to  come  to  the  northward,  and  we  should  with 


488  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

reluctance  consent  to  go  to  Virginia  until  the  season  should  be 
further  advanced;  and  should  we  be  so  fortunate  as  to  agree  on  the 
mode  of  arranging  the  accounts  and  the  principles  on  which  they  are 
to  be  adjusted,  much  time  will  be  saved  in  the  settlement. 

I  wish,  Sir,  your  answer  as  soon  as  possible,  directed  to  me  at 
Middletown  in  Connecticut,  that  I  may  be  able  to  inform  General 
Lincoln  of  your  intention  on  this  subject. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Colonel  Heth.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

BOSTON,  August  16,  1786. 

SIR. — Your  letter  of  August  4th,  directed  to  my  father,  General 
Lincoln,  came  to  hand  a  few  days  after  he  sailed  from  this  place  to 
the  Penobscot  on  a  commission  from  this  Government,  among  other 
things,  to  treat  with  a  tribe  of  Indians  there.  Supposing  that  a 
reply  to  his  letter  of  May  13th  would  arrive  in  his  absence,  he  re 
quested  me  to  open  it,  and  to  write  to  you  that  as  you  had  not  said 
anything  further  relative  to  the  subject  of  your  letter  and  his  reply 
in  May  last,  he  supposed  the  Commission  was  at  an  end  and  accord 
ingly  felt  himself  at  liberty  to  accept  the  appointment  which  I 
have  mentioned.  He  expects  to  return  in  about  two  months  and  will 
then,  if  requested,  attend  the  trust  you  have  been  pleased  to  repose 
in  him. 

From  the  knowledge  I  have  of  my  father's  engagements,  I  am 
confident  that  the  month  of  November  will  be  convenient  for  his 
attendance.  And  as  to  the  pecuniary  part,  I  know  that  he  has  no 
money  to  spare  for  expenses  in  public  business,  and  that  he  has 
labored  too  long  already  without  pay,  other  than  the  important  en 
gagements  of  the  public,  further  to  be  deluded  by  them.  Your  senti 
ments  on  these  points  will,  I  venture  to  say,  be  perfectly  in  unison. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir,  with  great  respect 

Your  most  humble  servant, 
To  Saml.  H.  Parsons.  BENJ.  LINCOLN,  JR. 

The  following  is  from  General  Parsons  to  Mr.  Johnson : — 

MIDDLETOWN,  October  8,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR. — Superstition,  which  you  will  say  has  the  least  place  in 
my  character,  with  my  present  indisposition,  keeps  me  here. 

I  proceeded  as  far  as  Fairfield  last  Friday  on  my  way  to  New 
York ;  between  Stratford  and  Fairfield,  the  horses  were  taken  sick, 
the  stage  broke  down,  the  driver  was  ill  natured  and  I  broke  my 
walking  stick,  and  on  Saturday  returned  home  where  I  am  at  present 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      489 

confined  by  a  violent  cold ;  however,  I  hope  to  be  able  to  make  another 
attempt  to-morrow  or  Wednesday.  I  hear  General  St.  Clair  is  my 
rival  about  the  Western  Country ;  if  so,  I  am  willing  to  accept  the 
office  of  Chief  Justice  if  I  can  obtain  it,  provided  he  succeeds  in  the 
other.  I  will  do  this  only  on  that  condition,  as  I  know  of  no  other 
man  with  whom  I  should  be  willing  to  go  in  a  subordinate  character 
who  is  likely  to  be  appointed.  That  Country  is  my  obj  ect ;  I  hope  to 
be  with  you  this  week.  Mr.  Mitchell  thinks  it  not  necessary  to  send 
a  committee  from  Congress  to  your  Assembly,  as  nothing  will  be  done 
under  the  present  factious  state  of  our  Government;  but  all  your 
friends  join  in  ardent  wishes  that  you  and  Mr.  Sturges  will  be  in 
the  Assembly  next  week. 

I  am,  Dear  Sir,  &c., 
To   William  Samuel  Johnson.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

P.  S. — The  Massachusetts  mob  have  prevented  the  Supreme  Court 
in  Berkshire. 

The  Commissioners,  immediately  after  the  conclusion  of  the 
treaty  at  Fort  Finney,  commenced  preparations  for  their  home 
ward  journey.  As  the  route  by  Fort  Pitt  was  the  only  prac 
ticable  one  at  that  season  of  the  year,  they  returned  that  way, 
Generals  Parsons  and  Butler  reaching  Fort  Mclntosh,  March 
12,  1786.  General  Parsons,  during  his  absence  upon  the  busi 
ness  of  the  treaty,  noted  everything  new  or  strange  which  came 
under  his  observation.  The  accounts  of  his  discoveries  which 
got  abroad,  attracted  much  attention,  but  were  so  incorrectly 
reported,  that,  in  the  following  October,  in  a  letter  to  President 
Willard  of  Harvard  College,  he  gave  a  particular  description 
of  them  for  the  information  of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts 
and  Sciences.  This  letter  appears  in  full  in  the  Memoirs  of  the 
Academy  for  1793.  (Vol.  XI.  Part  1,  p,  119.)  The  plan  of 
an  ancient  fortress  mentioned  in  this  letter,  General  Parsons  had 
sent  to  President  Stiles  of  Yale  College,  who,  upon  receiving  it, 
had  enclosed  it  to  Benjamin  Franklin  and  written  him  asking 
his  opinion  as  to  the  Indian  Mounds  described  in  Parsons'  com 
munication.  The  letter  as  published  in  the  Memoirs,  is  as 
follows : — 

MIDDLETOWN  IN  CONNECTICUT,  October  2d,  1786. 
SIR. — The  frequent  publications   I   have  lately  seen  of  accounts 
said  to  have  been  given  by  me  of  my  discoveries  in  the  Western 


490  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

country,  many  of  them  misrepresentations  and  some  of  them  totally 
without  foundation,  induces  me  to  execute  a  purpose  I  had  long 
since  entertained  of  communicating  to  the  Society  for  promoting 
Arts  and  Sciences  in  your  State  such  observations  as  occurred  to  me 
in  my  journey  into  that  country  and  the  discoveries  there  made. 

It  appears  to  me  of  consequence  that  information  of  facts  which 
may  tend  to  throw  light  upon  any  inquiries  in  the  natural  world, 
should  be  given  to  some  literary  Society  where  all  facts  and  observa- 
itons  being  carefully  compared,  our  reasoning  on  the  subject  may  be 
with  more  certainty,  and  old  principles  confirmed  or  new  hypotheses 
established  with  more  accuracy. 

I  left  the  settled  parts  of  Pennsylvania  the  latter  part  of  October 
last,  and,  not  to  mention  the  large  limestone  springs  frequently  to 
be  found  in  the  County  of  Cumberland  sufficient  to  turn  mills  within 
a  few  rods  of  their  issuing  from  the  ground  and  other  curiosities  I 
never  saw  before,  about  the  25th  of  that  month  I  passed  the  Alle- 
ghany  Mountains  in  the  old  Pennsylvania  road.  The  ascent  of  about 
three  miles  is  gradual  and  easy.  On  the  summit  is  a  large  extent  of 
land  comparatively  plain.  It  is  about  eight  miles  from  the  top  of  the 
mountain  on  the  east  to  the  beginning  of  the  descent  on  the  west; 
whence  to  the  level  on  that  side  is  about  eight  miles  and  a  half.  This 
extent  contains  almost  all  soils  and  descriptions  of  land;  from  the 
sandy  pitch  pine  barrens  and  stony  heath,  where  there  is  no  apparent 
moisture,  to  as  fine  plough-land  and  luxuriant  pasture  and  mowing 
as  I  had  before  seen.  On  the  mount  are  several  mill  streams  and 
springs  of  excellent  water.  It  is  observable  that  the  ascent  of  all 
those  hills  and  mountains  from  the  east,  is  greater  than  the  descent 
on  the  west;  and  from  the  extensive  grand  view  on  the  top  of  the 
mount,  from  which  the  country  on  the  west  and  on  the  east  is  seen 
to  a  great  distance,  it  is  clearly  discovered  that  the  level  of  the 
country  on  the  west  is  vastly  higher  than  the  level  on  the  east  of  the 
mountains.  I  had  no  instruments  to  determine  the  difference  of 
these  levels,  but  the  fact  is  easily  discerned  by  the  eye.  In  travelling 
to  this  place,  I  observed  the  stones  were  pitched  in  the  earth  inclining 
to  the  horizon  in  angles  of  thirty  to  forty  degrees  (very  few  if  any 
lay  horizontally)  and  in  a  general  direction  from  the  northeast  to 
the  southwest,  which  is  a  circumstance  I  do  not  remember  to  have 
found  on  the  west  of  that  ridge  of  mountains. 

I  arrived  at  Pittsburgh  the  30th,  three  hundred  and  twenty  miles 
from  Philadelphia.  This  is  a  place  conveniently  situated  for  carry 
ing  on  the  interior  commerce  of  that  country.  It  stands  on  a  point 
at  the  conjunction  of  the  Alleghany  river  (which  extends  about  two 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       491 

hundred  miles  northeast  from  that  place)  and  the  Monongahela, 
which  in  its  meanders  waters  a  country  southeastward  about  three 
hundred  miles.  From  this  point  begins  the  Ohio,  which  after  run 
ning  in  its  serpentine  course  more  than  eleven  hundred  and  eighty 
miles  and  receiving  in  its  progress  many  large  rivers  from  the  east 
and  from  the  west,  falls  into  the  Mississippi  in  about  latitude  thirty- 
six  degrees  and  forty  minutes.  At  Bedford  on  my  road  to  this  place, 
I  was  informed  by  Col.  Wood  of  many  curious  discoveries  lately 
made  in  the  West  country,  among  others,  that  in  digging  a  cellar 
at  a  place  called  Wheeling,  ninety-seven  miles  down  the  Ohio,  at 
several  feet  depth  in  the  earth,  was  discovered  a  stone  wall  laid  in 
lime.  I  arrived  at  Wheeling  the  3d  November  and  made  strict  in 
quiry  into  this  account,  and  was  informed  by  Mr.  Zanes,  an  intelli 
gent,  sensible  man  and  and  one  of  the  legislature  of  Virginia,  that 
in  digging  for  a  cellar  not  far  from  that  place,  had  been  discovered 
a  wall  some  feet  under  the  earth  very  regularly  laid  up,  apparently 
the  work  of  art;  but  he  knew  nothing  of  the  circumstance  related  of 
its  being  cemented  in  lime.  From  this  on  the  fourth,  I  went  to  Grave 
Creek,  twelve  miles  down  the  river.  Here  is  a  mound  of  earth, 
plainly  the  work  of  men's  hands,  called  an  Indian  grave.  It  is  of  a 
conical  form,  in  height  about  eighty  feet.  It  ascends  in  an  angle 
of  about  forty-five  degrees.  The  diameter  at  the  top  is  about 
sixty  feet,  the  margin  enclosing  a  regular  concave,  sunk  about 
four  feet  in  the  center.  Near  the  top  stands  an  oak  about  three 
feet  in  diameter.  I  did  not  open  this  grave,  but  proceeded  down  the 
river  about  sixty  miles  to  the  mouth  of  the  Muskingum ;  near  this 
river  are  the  remains  of  an  ancient  fortress,  a  plan  of  which  I  find 
has  been  transmitted  to  you  by  President  Stiles.  As  this  is  the  same 
I  furnished  him,  it  will  be  needless  to  attempt  a  more  particular 
description  of  it.  On  the  ruins  of  this  Work  has  grown  a  white  oak, 
now  more  than  three  feet  in  diameter,  which  has  an  appearance  of 
having  sprung  from  the  decays  of  a  tree  in  the  same  place.  This, 
however,  is  conjectural,  there  not  being  so  great  evidence  as  to  render 
the  fact  certain. 

After  two  days  spent  here,  I  proceeded  on  my  journey  about  three 
hundred  and  eighty  miles  without  any  extraordinary  discoveries,  to 
the  great  Miami.  At  the  great  Kanawha  and  sundry  other  places, 
we  found  Indian  graves  similar  to,  but  not  so  large  as,  that  at  Grave 
Creek.  Finding  that  the  bones  of  a  large  animal  had  been  discovered 
about  thirty-two  miles  from  the  station,  curiosity  led  me  to  make 
search  for  them.  Accordingly  an  excursion  was  made  to  the  Big- 
Bone-Lick,  the  place  where  these  bones  were  found.  This  place  is 


492  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

a  resort  of  all  species  of  beasts  in  that  country.  A  stream  of  brack 
ish  water  runs  through  the  land,  which  is  a  soft  clay.  About  twenty 
acres  are  almost  clear  of  trees  and  are  surrounded  by  higher  lands. 
At  this  place  were  found,  some  on  the  surface  and  some  at  the  depth 
of  four  feet  and  more  in  the  ground,  the  bones  of  the  animal.  An 
entire  skeleton  we  did  not  find,  but  of  different  parts  we  brought  off 
about  four  hundred  pounds.  A  thigh  bone  entire  measured  forty- 
nine  inches  in  length.  Parts  of  several  jaw  bones  were  found,  but 
not  an  entire  one.  Some  teeth  were  found  in  and  some  out  of  the 
jaw,  one  of  which  I  herewith  send  you.  Part  of  a  tusk  we  also  had; 
two  of  the  teeth  I  brought  home;  one,  the  corresponding  tooth  of 
the  upper  jaw,  is  at  Yale  College;  the  other  bones  we  boxed  and  left 
at  Pittsburgh.  Of  this  animal  the  natives  have  no  tradition  but  that 
which  is  so  fabulous  that  no  conjecture  can  be  aided  by  it,  unless  it 
be  that  the  animal  was  a  carnivorous  one.  It  is  observable  that  the 
bones  of  this  animal  are  only  found  near  salt  licks  and  in  low,  soft 
grounds. 

In  my  progress  further  down  the  Ohio  to  the  Rapids,  nothing 
occurred  worth  communicating  to  your  Society,  unless  the  petrifica- 
tions  at  the  Rapids,  and  in  sundry  other  places  near  the  river,  may 
be  an  object  of  attention.  That  elementary  water  does  not  possess 
this  quality,  I  suppose  to  be  an  opinion  too  clear  to  admit  of  objec 
tion.  The  greatest  quantity  of  petrifications  I  saw  were  at  the  Falls. 
i  saw  these  when  the  water  was  low  and  the  flat  stones  which  ex 
tended  across  the  river  and  over  which  the  waters  generally  flow, 
were  bare  on  both  sides  the  river  as  much  as  one-fifth  of  a  mile  on 
each  side.  On  the  southeast  side  I  observed  no  petrifications ;  on  the 
northwest  side  they  were  in  great  plenty  of  almost  every  kind  of 
vegetable  production  and  in  every  stage  of  the  process,  from  their 
native  state  to  a  perfect  stone.  Hornet's  and  bird's  nests,  nuts,  roots, 
branches  of  trees,  leaves,  bones,  &c.  &c.  were  in  great  abundance. 
They  appear  at  first  by  accident  to  be  left  resting  on  the  stones,  and 
the  water  exuding  from  the  adjoining  bank  falls  gently  on  the  stones 
and  glides  almost  imperceptibly  over  them,  and  bringing  with  it 
some  adhesive  quality  which  slightly  fixes  the  resting  body  to  the 
stone  on  which  it  lies,  and  an  external  incrustation  is  first  formed 
around  the  body ;  whence  the  petrification  is  continued  till  the  whole 
body  becomes  a  perfect  stone,  retaining  fully  its  original  shape.  It 
is  evident  that  the  stone  on  which  these  petrified  vegetables  are 
formed,  is  also  a  vegetable,  and  grows  about  the  resting  body,  until 
in  some  instances  the  stone  perfectly  covers  it.  We  were  obliged, 
in  many  instances  to  make  use  of  picks  to  break  the  stone  or  rock 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       493 

to  a  depth  of  several  inches,  to  sever  the  petrified  body  from  it. 
Whether  the  matter  possessing  this  petrifying  quality  is  known,  or 
can  be  discovered  and  separated  from  other  earth  so  as  to  become 
useful  as  a  cement  or  otherwise,  I  will  not  pretend  to  assert. 

In  this  country  I  was  informed  that  pieces  of  earthern  ware,  the 
common  utensils  of  a  family,  are  often  dug  out  of  the  earth  some  feet 
under  the  surface;  and  at  Muskingum  in  digging  the  trenches  for 
their  pickets,  a  number  of  pieces  and  one  entire  brick  were  found 
buried  two  or  three  feet  deep.  Not  thinking  it  proper  to  open  the 
mounds  of  earth  supposed  to  contain  the  bones  of  the  dead  whilst 
the  Indians  were  in  treaty  with  us,  I  desired  the  Commanding  Officer 
to  open  them  at  the  Miami  after  the  Indians  had  gone;  and  also 
left  the  same  request  at  Muskingum  with  an  officer  of  learning  and 
great  curiosity  in  his  observations  in  the  natural  world ;  and  to  in 
form  me  of  their  discoveries,  extracts  of  whose  letters  I  herewith 
send  you.  The  Indians  have  no  tradition  what  nation  ever  buried 
their  dead  in  the  manner  we  discovered  there.  The  trees  on  the  In 
dian  graves  and  on  ancient  fortifications  (of  which  there  are  great 
numbers  in  that  country)  appear  to  be  coeval  with  the  adjoining 
forests.  On  the  whole,  I  am  of  opinion  that  country  has  been  thickly 
peopled  by  men  to  whom  the  necessary  arts  were  known  in  a  much 
greater  degree  than  to  the  present  native  Indians  of  that  region ; 
but  I  am  transgressing  my  own  system  and  will  return  to  facts  only 
and  let  others  form  hypotheses.  Among  the  Indian  nations  in  gen 
eral,  I  find  an  appearance  of  a  radical  similarity  in  language,  but 
this  is  not  universally  true;  the  Huron  or  Wyandot  language  having 
no  affinity  to  that  of  the  Shawanese,  Delawares  and  other  nations.  I 
do  not  remember  to  have  heard  a  single  word  in  that  language  which 
has  the  least  affinity  in  sound  with  the  words  in  other  languages 
expressive  of  the  same  idea.  A  few  examples  follow: 


Bear. 

Water. 

Smoke. 

Deer. 

Nose. 

Eye.  Ske-fa-coo.  Wus-kingd.  Yau-pe-dah. 

Among  the  tribes  there  are  as  characteristic  distinctions  in  fea 
ture,  size  and  complexion  as  between  the  French,  Dutch,  English 
and  other  European  nations,  and  no  small  difference  in  their  man 
ners  and  habits.  The  Shawanese  are  generally  of  a  small  size, 


SHAWANESE. 

DELAWARE. 

WYANDOT. 

Mau-quah. 
Nip-peh. 
Mon-na-too. 
Seck-thee. 

Mough. 
Beh. 
Au-kook. 
Au-took. 

Un-yew-ech. 
San-doos-tea. 
Kun-gun-fee. 
She-nun-took. 

O-chau-fee. 

We-ke-un. 

A-youh-joh. 

494  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

rather  elegant  in  their  features  and  a  very  cheerful  and  crafty 
people.  Counseling  among  their  old  people  and  dancing  among 
their  young  men  and  women  takes  up  a  great  part  of  their  time. 
The  Delawares,  on  the  contrary  are  a  stout,  robust  people,  have 
little  of  the  vivacity  of  the  Shawanese,  and  are  more  grave  in  their 
manners.  They  all  agree  in  a  firm  belief  of  a  Supreme  Good  Spirit, 
and  also  in  the  existence  of  evil  spirits;  one,  the  author  of  all  good 
and  the  other  the  cause  of  all  evil,  and  also  in  a  state  of  future 
existence. 

I  could  not  satisfy  myself  that  there  was  among  them  any  set 
worship  paid  to  the  Deity,  except  in  some  nations  once,  and  in 
others  twice,  in  a  year,  a  national  feast  was  provided  to  which  each 
tribe  is  convened;  and  the  Chief,  before  they  eat,  makes  a  speech 
to  them  in  which  the  duties  they  owe  to  the  Supreme  Being  and  to 
one  another  are  explained;  at  the  close  of  their  repast  he  exhorts 
them  to  the  practice  of  their  duties,  and  the  whole  is  ended  with  a 
solemn  dance. 

The  customs  prevailing  in  some  of  the  tribes  bear  an  affinity  to 
the  customs  prevailing  among  the  Jews  (perhaps  the  same  or  nearly, 
might  have  been  practiced  in  early  times  by  other  eastern  nations.) 
Women  in  travail  are  removed  from  the  residence  of  the  family  to 
a  hut  provided  at  a  distance;  when  delivered,  their  food  is  carried 
to  them  and  deposited  near  their  door  for  a  number  of  days.  The 
particular  number  I  find  I  have  not  entered  in  my  journal.  After 
a  certain  number  of  days  are  ended,  (during  which  the  wife  is  ex 
cluded  from  society)  she  returns  home  with  her  infant  and  at  the 
end  of  forty-five  days  is  covered  under  the  same  blanket  with  her 
husband. 

A  woman,  when  her  courses  are  upon  her,  maintains  a  silence, 
touches  none  of  the  family,  eats  by  herself  and  retires. 

Divorces  are  voluntary.  Either  parity  puSts  away  and  takes 
another  mate  at  pleasure;  but  until  the  husband  or  wife  is  put  away, 
adultery  is  considered  a  high  crime.  Among  the  Ottawas,  it  is  pun 
ished  by  biting  off  the  nose  of  the  woman.  The  children,  on  a 
divorce,  are  divided;  among  some  nations,  if  the  number  is  uneven, 
the  mother  takes  the  greater  part. 

If  any  useful  inquiries  can  be  aided  by  anything  I  have  trans 
mitted  to  you,  my  intentions  will  have  been  fully  answered. 
I  am,  Sir,  with  greatest  respect, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  President  Willard,  Harvard  College. 


CHAPTER   XXVI 

THE  OHIO  COMPANY.  PARSONS  PRESENTS  MEMORIAL  TO  CONGRESS 
FOR  PURCHASE  OF  LANDS  IN  OHIO.  BILL  AUTHORIZING  SALE  TO 
COMPANY.  ORDINANCE  OF  1787.  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  NORTH 
WEST  TERRITORY.  PARSONS  APPOINTED  CHIEF  JUDGE.  RATIFICA 
TION  OF  THE  FEDERAL  CONSTITUTION  AND  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE 
GOVERNMENT. 

January,   1786 — April,   1789 

"  THE  early  adventurers  of  the  Northwestern  Territory,"  says 
Judge  Burnett  in  his  Notes  on  that  Territory,  "  were  generally 
men  who  had  spent  the  prime  of  their  lives  in  the  War  of  Inde 
pendence.  Many  of  them  had  exhausted  their  fortunes  in  main 
taining  the  desperate  struggle,  and  retired  to  the  wilderness  to 
conceal  their  poverty  and  avoid  comparisons  mortifying  to  their 
pride  while  struggling  to  maintain  their  families  and  improve 
their  condition."  Their  attention  was  first  directed  to  Ohio,  not 
only  on  account  of  its  fertile  soil,  its  mild  and  healthy  climate 
and  its  proximity  to  the  settlements,  but  because,  the  Indian 
titles  to  Southern  Ohio  and  all  Ohio  to  the  east  of  the  Cuyahoga 
having  been  extinguished,  and  the  country  not  being  claimed 
by  any  particular  State  of  the  Union,  Congress  was  in  position 
to  grant  the  land,  either  in  exchange  for  the  dishonored  pay- 
certificates  of  the  soldiers,  or  in  fulfillment  of  engagements  made 
with  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  should  continue  in  service  until 
the  establishment  of  peace.  On  the  16th  of  June,  1783,  two 
hundred  and  eighty-eight  officers  in  the  Continental  Line  peti 
tioned  Congress  to  mark  out  a  territory  within  the  present  limits 
of  Ohio,  to  be  in  time  admitted  as  one  of  the  "  Confederated 
States  of  America,"  and  to  make  provision  for  the  survey  of  the 
land  with  reference  to  its  use  in  payment  of  soldiers'  claims  and 
its  sale  to  actual  settlers.  This  petition  was  placed  in  Washing 
ton's  hands  by  General  Rufus  Putnam,  who  transmitted  it  to 
Congress  with  a  letter  strongly  commending  the  plan  as  promis- 

495 


496  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

ing  not  only  great  advantages  to  the  settlers  but  to  the  country 
as  well. 

Congress  having  failed  to  act  upon  this  petition,  the  scheme 
for  the  settlement  of  Ohio  assumed  another  form.  It  was  pro 
posed  by  Rufus  Putnam  and  Benjamin  Tupper  in  January 
1786,  that  an  association  be  formed,  to  be  named  "  The  Ohio 
Company,"  the  design  of  which  should  be  to  raise  a  fund  in  Con 
tinental  Certificates  with  which  to  purchase  lands  of  the  United 
States  in  its  Western  Territory,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Company, 
thus  enabling  the  Revolutionary  Soldiers  of  New  England  to 
convert  their  pay-certificates  into  land.  A  meeting  of  the  pro 
moters  of  the  plan  was  called  at  the  "  Bunch  of  Grapes 
Tavern  "  in  Boston,  at  which  it  was  determined  to  organize  the 
proposed  Company.  The  capital  stock  was  to  be  one  million 
dollars,  divided  into  one  thousand  shares  of  the  par  value  of  one 
thousand  dollars  each,  the  price  per  share  to  subscribers  to  be, 
one  thousand  dollars  in  Continental  Certificates,  and  ten  dollars 
in  coin  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  Company.  Subscriptions 
to  the  stock  were  solicited  by  the  agents  of  the  Association,  and 
when  at  a  special  meeting  held  at  Brackett's  Tavern  in  Boston, 
1  on  the  8th  of  March,  1787,  it  appeared  that  two  hundred  and 
fifty  shares  had  been  subscribed,  and  that  many  others  were 
inclined  to  take  stock,  it  was  unanimously  resolved,  "  that  three 
directors  should  be  appointed  for  the  Company,  and  that  it 
should  be  their  duty  to  make  application  immediately  to  the 
Honorable  Congress  for  a  private  purchase  of  lands,  and  under 
such  descriptions  as  they  shall  deem  adequate  to  the  purposes  of 
the  Company."  General  Samuel  H.  Parsons,  General  Rufus 
Putnam  and  the  Rev.  Manasseh  Cutler,  were  thereupon  unani 
mously  chosen  directors : 

In  a  letter  to  Winthrop  Sargent,  Secretary  of  the  Company, 
Cutler  says: — 

I  entirely  approve  of  the  propositions  which  General  Putnam 
suggests  should  be  made  to  Congress,  and  join  with  him  in  request 
ing  General  Parsons  to  make  application  to  that  Honorable  Body 
as  soon  as  possible.  I  have  the  fullest  confidence  that  the  negotia 
tions  will  be  conducted  by  him  in  a  manner  most  advantageous  to 
the  Company.  .  .  .  Could  the  lands  be  immediately  pur 
chased,  I  have  no  doubt  but  that  the  subscriptions  would  go  on 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      497 

rapidly  in  this  part  of  the  country.  .  .  .  With  regard  to  the 
location  of  the  land,  General  Parsons  and  General  Putnam  are  the 
judges. 

In  writing  the  same  day  to  Nathan  Dane,  Delegate  in  Con 
gress  from  Massachusetts,  he  says : — 

General  Parsons  will  make  application  to  Congress  in  the  name 
of  the  other  directors,  in  order  to  make  the  purchase  for  the  Com 
pany,  and  will  propose  terms  which  have  been  agreed  on  by  the 
other  directors.  ...  If  the  lands  can  be  immediately  pur 
chased  on  the  terms  the  Company  propose,  we  have  the  fullest 
assurance  that  the  subscription  for  one  million  dollars  will  be  com 
pleted  in  a  short  time.  Many  of  the  subscribers  are  men  of  very 
considerable  property,  who  intend  to  become  residents  of  that  coun 
try.  The  spirit  of  emigration  never  ran  higher  with  us  than  at  this 
time,  owing  in  a  great  measure  to  the  general  stagnation  of  business. 
If  they  are  disappointed  in  their  expectation  Westward,  they  will 
turn  their  attention  to  some  other  quarter. 

General  Parsons,  having  been  notified  of  his  election  as  one  of 
the  directors  of  the  Ohio  Company  and  of  the  wish  of  his  fellow 
directors  that  he  should  make  the  application  to  Congress  in 
their  behalf,  wrote  to  William  Samuel  Johnson,  who  was  still 
in  Congress,  respecting  the  matter : — 

MIDDLE-TOWN,  April  23,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR. — The  Associated  Ohio  Company  have  so  far  accom 
plished  their  scheme,  as  to  direct  an  application  to  Congress  for  the 
purchase,  and  have  invested  me  with  full  powers  to  negotiate  for 
them,  and  to  fix  the  price  and  make  the  location.  Our  subscriptions 
are  about  five  hundred  shares  and  I  conceive  will  soon  amount  to 
the  one  thousand  shares  proposed.  I  have  enclosed  a  plan  which 
has  suggested  itself  to  me  as  being  reasonable  under  all  circum 
stances.  I  wish,  if  you  approve  the  proposal,  that  General  Varnum, 
Mr.  King,  Colonel  Carrington  and  the  President  may  be  consulted, 
with  such  others  as  you  shall  judge  best  to  consult,  before  I  come 
on,  which  will  be  the  week  after  next.  I  shall  depend  on  you  and 
Mr.  Mitchel  joining  the  Association  when  you  think  it  expedient. 
I  wish  to  know  whether  the  petition,  founded  on  the  enclosed 
propositions,  can  probably  be  taken  up  at  the  time  I  have  mentioned 
and  your  opinion  of  the  success  of  it.  I  think  the  probability  of 
losing  that  country  if  no  measures  are  taken,  the  embarrassed  state 


498  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

of  our  finances  and  the  aid  which  may  be  expected  from  so  large  a 
sale  at  this  time,  will  be  inducements  to  comply  with  our  proposals. 
We  are  in  serious  earnest  and  have  our  settlers  now  ready  to  march. 
I  shall  also  be  desirous,  if  it  can  be  obtained,  that  Congress  trans 
port  our  settlers  and  furnish  one  years  provision,  for  which  con 
sideration  they  will  enlist  for  one  year  to  serve  in  that  country  with 
out  pay  or  clothing.  I  wish  you  to  communicate  to  Mr.  Mitchel 
these  proposals  and  I  shall  depend  on  his  aid  with  you  in  prosecuting 
the  matter.  Wm.  Wimble  Esq.  is  Lieut.  Governor.  The  Lord  have 
mercy  upon  us  and  give  us  a  full  portion  of  patience. 

Yr.  obedient  servt., 
To  the  Hon.  Wm.  S.  Johnson,  M.  C.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

Early  in  May,  General  Parsons  proceeded  to  New  York  where 
Congress  was  then  in  session.  The  Monroe  plan  of  organizing 
the  Northwest  Territory  was  being  considered,  and  on  the  9th 
of  May,  1787,  had  its  second  reading,  after  which  it  was  ordered 
that  it  be  engrossed  and  on  the  morrow  be  read  a  third  time  and 
put  upon  its  passage.  The  same  day  that  this  Ordinance  was 
under  consideration,  the  9th  of  May,  General  Parsons  placed 
lefore  Congress  a  memorial  asking  that  "  a  tract  of  country 
within  the  Western  Territory  of  the  United  States  at  some  con 
venient  place,  may  be  granted  the  Ohio  Company  at  a  reason 
able  price,  upon  its  paying  a  sum  not  exceeding  $1,000,000, 
nor  less  than  $500,000,  and  that  such  of  the  Associators  as,  by 
the  resolutions  of  Congress,  are  entitled  to  receive  lands  for  their 
military  services,  may  have  their  lands  assigned  to  them  within 
the  aforesaid  grant."  In  the  language  of  Mr.  Bancroft,  "  The 
plan  interested  everyone.  For  vague  hopes  of  colonization,  here 
stood  a  body  of  hardy  pioneers ;  ready  to  lead  the  way  to  the 
rapid  absorption  of  the  domestic  debt  of  the  United  States ; 
selected  from  the  choicest  regiments  of  the  army ;  capable  of  self 
defense ;  the  protectors  of  all  who  should  follow  them ;  men 
skilled  in  the  labors  of  the  field  and  of  artisans ;  enterprising 
and  laborious ;  trained  in  the  severe  morality  and  strict  ortho 
doxy  of  the  New  England  villages  of  that  day — all  was  changed. 
There  was  the  same  difference  as  between  sending  out  recruiting 
officers  and  giving  marching  orders  to  a  regular  corps  present 
/  with  music  and  arms  and  banners.  On  the  instant,  the  memorial 
was  referred  to  a  committee,  consisting  of  Edward  Carrington, 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      499 

Rufus  King,  Nathan  Dane,  James  Madison  and  Egbert  Ben 
son — a  great  committee ;  its  older  members  of  Congress  having 
worthy  associates  in  Carrington  and  Benson,  of  whom  nothing 
was  spoken,  but  in  praise  of  their  faultless  integrity  and  right- 
ness  of  intention." 

The  following  is  the  full  text  of  the  Memorial : — 

MEMORIAL  OF  THE  OHIO   COMPANY. 

It  is  proposed  by  Samuel  H.  Parsons,  Rufus  Putnam  and  Manas- 
seh  Cutler,  for  themselves  and  associates,  to  purchase  of  the  United 
States  the  under  mentioned  tract  in  the  Western  Territory  of  the 
United  States,  on  the  following  conditions,  viz: 

A  certain  tract  of  land  in  the  Western  Territory  of  the  United 
States,  bounded  on  the  east  by  the  western  boundary  of  the  seventh 
range  of  townships,  on  the  south  by  the  Ohio  river,  on  the  west  by 
the  river  Scioto,  and  on  the  north  by  a  due  east  and  west  line  run 
from  the  northwest  corner  of  the  south  township  of  the  seventh 
range  (reckoning  from  the  Ohio)  until  it  shall  intersect  the  Scioto. 

1.  The  price  to  be  three  shillings  and  sixpence,  lawful  money,  or 
one-twelfth  of  a  dollar,  per  acre,  payable  in  any  of  the  securities 
of  the  United  States. 

2.  In  payment  for  the  lands,  no  interest  shall  be  computed  on  the 
certificates  paid  in,  provided  that  indents  of  interest,  signed  by  the 
treasurer   of   the   United   States,   shall   be   given  to  the  purchasers 
for  all  arrearages  of  interest  due  on  said  certificates  to  the  date  of 
their  payment,  which  indents  shall  be  receivable  in  all  the  general 
requisitions,  on  which  they  may  be  paid  in. 

3.  The  payments  of  the  above  purchase  to  be  made  in  the  follow 
ing  manner,  viz : 

The  first  payment  shall  be  within  three  months,  computed  from 
the  date  of  this  agreement,  and  shall  amount  to  two  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  dollars. 

The  second  payment  shall  be  when  the  survey  of  the  above  tract 
is  made,  and  shall  amount  to  four  hundred  thousand  dollars. 

The  remainder  shall  be  paid  in  six  equal  instalments,  at  the  ex 
piration  of  every  six  months,  computed  from  the  date  of  the  second 
payment. 

4.  When  the  first  payment  is  made,  an  instrument  of  writing  shall 
be   delivered   to   the    purchasers,    signed   by   the    President   of   the 
United   States   in   Congress,   and   sealed  with  their   seal,   declaring 
that  the  United  States  have  sold  to  Samuel  H.  Parsons,  Rufus  Put 
nam,  Manasseh  Cutler  and  their  associates,  for  and  in  consideration 


500  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

of  one  dollar  per  acre,  the  tract  of  land  above  described.  On  which 
the  purchasers  shall  execute  another  instrument,  binding  themselves 
and  their  associates  for  the  payment  of  the  above  purchase,  agree 
able  to  the  above  conditions. 

And  it  shall  be  further  declared,  in  the  last  mentioned  instrument, 
that  the  purchasers  shall  not  be  entitled  to  take  possession  of  any 
part  of  the  lands  contained  in  the  above  tract  only  in  the  following 
manner,  viz:  When  the  first  payment  is  made,  they  shall  have  a 
right  to  take  possession  of  a  certain  tract  of  land  bounded  east  by 
the  seventh  range  of  townships,  on  the  south  by  the  Ohio  river,  on 
the  west  by  a  line  run  due  north  from  the  western  cape  of  the  Great 
Kanawha,  so  far  as  that  from  its  termination,  a  line  run  east  to  the 
western  boundary  of  the  seventh  range  of  townships  may  compre 
hend  a  quantity  adequate  to  the  first  payment.  When  the  second 
payment  is  made,  they  shall  have  a  right  to  take  possession  of  as 
great  a  quantity  of  land  as  shall  be,  when  added  to  the  aforesaid 
quantity,  equal  to  the  amount  of  one  million  dollars ;  which  lands 
shall  be  bounded  on  the  east  by  the  western  line  of  the  seventh 
range  of  townships,  on  the  south  by  the  first  location,  on  the  west 
by  a  continuation  of  the  line  from  the  Great  Kanawha,  and  on  the 
north  by  an  east  and  west  line  to  the  western  boundary  of  the  sev 
enth  range  of  townships.  Military  rights,  in  ratio  of  one  to  seven, 
to  be  admitted  in  the  above  mentioned  possessions  for  the  officers 
and  soldiers  of  the  late  army  who  may  be  proprietors  in  the  said 
lands,  and  also  two  townships  for  the  establishment  of  a  literary 
institution.  When  the  first  and  second  instalments  are  completely 
paid,  and  not  before,  the  purchasers  shall  have  a  right  to  take  pos 
session  of  as  great  a  quantity  of  lands  as  the  several  payments  at 
that  time  made  shall  amount  to,  and  this  ratio  of  equal  payment  and 
possession  shall  be  continued  until  the  whole  payment  and  posses 
sion  is  accomplished. 

When  the  first  and  second  payments  are  made,  and  the  first  in 
stalment  completed,  then  the  purchasers  shall  receive  a  Federal 
deed  for  the  quantity  of  land  which  shall  be  equal  to  the  purchase 
of  one  million  of  dollars,  comprehended  within  the  boundaries  above 
mentioned;  and  after  this  period  they  shall,  from  time  to  time, 
receive  deeds  for  as  great  a  quantity  of  lands  as  their  several  pay 
ments  shall  entitle  them  to  at  the  price  agreed  on. 

5.  Notwithstanding  the  declaration  of  sale  specified  in  the  first 
mentioned  instrument,  the  purchasers  and  their  associates  bind  and 
oblige  themselves,  in  case  of  failure  in  the  payments  as  above  men 
tioned,  to  renounce  all  claim  or  pretension  of  right  to  any  lands  for 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       501 

which  they  have  not  made  bona  fide  payment  as  before  expressed, 
and  the  said  Company  or  individuals  thereof  shall  have  no  kind 
of  right  or  pretence  to  enter  on  or  take  possession  of  any  parts  of 
said  tracts,  of  which  such  failure  is  made,  and  the  said  tracts  shall 
be  free  to  be  sold  by  Congress  to  any  person  or  persons  whatever; 
and  in  case  the  said  tracts  of  which  such  failure  is  made  be  after 
wards  exposed  to  sale  by  Congress,  the  present  purchasers  shall  be 
liable  to  make  up  the  loss,  if  any,  which  may  arise  betwixt  the  price 
of  the  land  so  sold  and  what  is  hereby  contracted  for. 

6.  The  purchasers   shall  have  the  right  of  preemption  of  three 
additional  townships  somewhere  northerly  of  the  tract  above  speci 
fied,  at  the  price  agreed  on,  and  to  take  possession  of  the  same  when 
the  payment  thereof  shall  be  duly  made. 

7.  The  aforesaid  purchasers  shall,  at  their  own  expense,  within 
seven  years  from  date  hereof,  lay  off  the  whole  tract  which  they 
shall  purchase   into   townships   and   fractional   parts   of  townships, 
and  divide  the  same  into  lots  according  to  the  land  ordinance,  and 
make  complete  returns  thereof  to  the  board  of  treasury.     Lots  Nos. 
8,11  and  26,  in  each  township  and  fractional  part  of  townships,  to 
be  reserved  for  the  future  disposition  of  Congress.     Lot  No.   16 
to  be  given  perpetually  by  Congress  to  the  maintenance  of  schools, 
and  lot  No.  29  to  the  purposes  of  religion  in  the  said  townships. 
Two  townships  near  the  center  of  the  second  specified  tract,  which 
comprehends  the  purchase  amounting  to  the  first  mentioned  million 
of  dollars,  and  of  good  land,  to  be  also  given  by  Congress  for  the 
support  of  a  literary  institution,  to  be  applied  to  the  intended  object 
by  the  legislature  of  the  State. 

This  Memorial,  to  be  found  in  Vol.  XLI.  of  Papers  of  the 
Old  Congress,  Vol.  VIII.  226,  of  the  "  Memorials,"  is  in  Par- 
sonsi  own  handwriting  and  endorsed,  "  Memorial  of  Samuel  H. 
Parsons,  agent  of  the  associators  for  the  purchase  of  lands  on 
the  Ohio.  Read  May  9th,  1787.  Referred  to  Mr.  Carrington, 
Mr.  King,  Mr.  Dane,  Mr.  Madison,  Mr.  Benson.  Acted  on  July 
23,  1787  See  Committee  Book."  The  Memorial  contains  no 
objection  to  the  Ordinance  as  a  scheme  of  government,  but  it 
lifted  the  veil  which  concealed  the  magnificent  future  of  the  Ir 
great  Northwest,  and  made  apparent  to  Congress  the  crudeness 
and  inadequacy  of  the  plan  proposed,  and  suggested  broader 
views  and  the  need  of  more  comprehensive  provisions.  Neither 
on  the  10th,  nor  on  the  llth,  nor  at  any  time  was  the 


502  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Ordinance  called  up  for  a  third  reading.  The  Memorial  pre 
sented  by  Parsons  in  behalf  of  the  Ohio  Company  put  an  end  to 
its  further  consideration. 

From  the  llth  of  May  to  the  6th  of  July,  there  was  no 
quorum,  many  of  the  Members  of  Congress  being  also  members 
of  the  Constitutional  Convention  which  convened  at  Philadel 
phia  in  May.  Finding  it  useless  to  remain  longer  in  New  York, 
General  Parsons  returned  to  Middletown,  and  wrote  his  co-direc 
tors  informing  them  of  the  situation  of  affairs.  While  awaiting 
their  action,  he  writes  Dr.  Johnson  in  regard  to  his  attending  the 
Convention  and  the  scheme  of  government  which  should  be 
adopted  by  it;  and  asks  whether  he  will  join  in  the  purchase  of  a 
township  in  the  Connecticut  lands  in  Ohio,  now  offered  in 
exchange  for  State  Securities : — 

MIDDLETOWN,  June  4,  1787. 

SIR. — You  already  know  my  wishes  respecting  your  attending 
the  Convention,  but  of  course  you  could  not  refuse  the  appointment. 
I  need  not  inform  you  of  my  apprehensions  of  the  people  rejecting 
every  form  of  government  which  will  be  adequate  to  the  purposes 
of  securing  the  citizens  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  property  and  giv 
ing  dignity  to  our  Nation.  However,  if  my  fears  on  this  subject 
should  prove  well  founded,  I  have  confidence  in  the  Convention 
that  they  will  recommend  such  a  system  as,  if  adopted,  will  prove 
effectual,  regardless  of  the  opinions  which  may  at  present  prevail. 
Will  any  measures  effect  the  necessary  purposes  which  will  leave  the 
States  vested  with  sovereign  power?  Is  it  not  necessary  that  all 
authority  in  the  States  should  be  derived  from  the  supreme  sove 
reignty  of  the  Country,  and  the  States  be  rendered  amenable  to  the 
Supreme  Power?  This  will  reduce  them  to  corporations  and  relieve 
us  from  the  absurdity  of  Imperium  in  Imperio.  I  most  ardently 
desire  the  prosperity  of  my  Country;  much,  very  much,  depends  on 
the  wisdom  and  firmness  of  the  Convention.  No  future  Convention 
can  be  in  circumstances  to  devise  or  effect  the  necessary  reforms  so 
effectually  as  the  present.  Their  views  and  advice,  even  if  rejected, 
may  yet  serve  as  a  light  to  guide  us  to  a  safe  port  in  an  hour  of  great 
distress. 

I  wish  to  be  informed  whether  I  am  to  consider  you  a  purchaser 
in  the  Connecticut  lands,  and  in  what  proportion  of  a  township. 
You  know  an  entire  township  amounts  to  $11,000  in  State  securi 
ties.  If  you  become  an  adventurer,  you  will  please  give  me  direc 
tions  where  to  apply  for  your  proportion,  as  I  soon  intend  taking 


out   a   patent   and   making   a   tour   into   that   country   if   I   procure 
a  patent  seasonably. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Dr.  Johnson.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 


The  directors  of  the  Ohio  Company  upon  receiving  Parsons' 
report  of  their  affairs,  decided  that  Dr.  Cutler,  after  conferring 
with  Parsons,  should  proceed  to  New  York  and  continue  the 
negotiations.  Dr.  Cutler  was  a  Massachusetts  clergyman,  of 
more  than  ordinary  ability,  a  born  lobbyist,  remarkable  for  his 
powers  of  persuasion  and  for  his  knowledge  of  men.  He  was  also 
a  man  of  refined  tastes.  fpnd_ofjiature  and  the  natural  sciences 
and  very  observing,  'asa  persual  of  the  entries  in  his  most 
interesting  diary  of  this  journey  will  show.  Leaving  Boston, 
June  25,  he  reached  Middletown  on  the  30th.  f  Approaching 
the  city  from  the  high  ground  at  the  north,  a  great  stretch  of 
country  on  each  side  of  the  river  and  beyond  the  city,  broken  by 
hills  and  valleys,  in  full  view,  he  becomes  wildly  enthusiastic 
over  the  rare  beauty  of  the  scene.  "  The  first  thought  that 
struck  me,"  he  writes  in  his  diary,  "  was  that  this  vast  tract 
was  filled  with  gentlemen's  country  seats,  surrounded  with  exten 
sive  gardens,  fruit  trees  and  groves.  I .  fancied  myself  in  the 
Elysian  Fields,  and  gazed  with  delighted  astonishment  until  the 
sun  was  set  and  the  sable  curtain  of  night  was  so  far  drawn  as  to 
close  the  enchanting  scene."  The  Doctor's  diary  tells  us  of  his 
visit  in  Middletown: — 

I  arrived  at  General  Parsons'  house  early  in  the  evening,  before 
day-light-iii,  but  it  was  too  dark  to  make  any  observations  on  the 
city.  He  lives  in  the  main  street,  opposite  the  church.  His  house 
is  large  and  his  situation  delightful.  The  General  was  very  com 
plaisant  and  insisted  on  my  lodging  with  him.  He  sent  his  servant 
immediately  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Huntington  to  inform  him  of  my  being 
in  town,  who,  on  his  return,  requested  the  General  to  come  with  me 
in  the  morning  to  his  home. 

Sunday,  July  1. — This  morning  General  Parsons  introduced  me 
to  Mr.  Huntington,  but  engaged  me  to  dine  with  him.  Mr.  Hunting- 
ton's  Meeting  House  is  a  very  large  but  ancient  fabric.  The  house 
was  crowded  and  the  people  in  general  dressed  in  a  very  tasty 
manner.  I  spent  the  evening  at  General  Parsons'  in  company  with 
my  good  old  friend,  Mr.  Plumb,  who  has  left  the  desk  for  the  bar 


504  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

and  is  set  down  as  an  attorney  in  this  city.  Mr.  Russell,  a  late  tutor, 
and  several  other  gentlemen,  spent  the  evening  with  us.  Mrs.  Par 
sons,  who  appears  to  be  an  amiable  lady  of  rather  a  serious  turn, 
treated  me  with  the  greatest  kindness  and  attention. 

Monday  July  2. — It  was  at  nine  o'clock  this  morning  before  Gen 
eral  Parsons  and  I  had  settled  all  our  matters  with  respect  to  my 
business  with  Congress.  He  favored  me  with  a  large  number  of 
letters  to  Members  of  Congress  and  other  gentlemen  in  New  York. 

Leaving  Middletown  on  the  2d  of  July,  and  jogging 
along  in  his  "  one  boss  shay "  at  the  rate  of  from  thirty  to 
forty  miles  each  day,  through  Wallingford,  New  Haven — where 
he  was  entertained  by  the  College  set — through  Stratford,  Fair- 
field,  Stamford,  Horseneck  and  Rye,  crossing  the  Harlem  at 
Kingsbridge,  Dr.  Cutler  made  his  entry  into  New  York  by  way 
of  the  Bowery,  and  stabled  his  horse  at  the  sign  of  the  "  Plow 
and  Harrow,"  a  conspicuous  hostelry  on  that  ancient  avenue. 
Having  rid  himself  of  the  dust  of  travel,  he  walked  downtown 
to  Mr.  Henderson's  "  a  wholesale  merchant  who  lived  in  Gold 
Street  in  genteel  style,"  whose  wife  was  a  sister  of  his  friend, 
President  Willard  of  Harvard,  and  delivered  the  first  of  his 
forty-two  letters  of  introduction.  He  was  very  politely  received 
by  Mr.  Henderson  and  "  urged  to  take  lodgings  with  him  while 
he  tarried  in  the  city."  "  Finding  that  no  apology  would  avail, 
he  accepted  his  invitation."  The  next  day,  the  6th,  he  delivered 
most  of  his  introductory  letters  to  the  Members  of  Congress  and 
presented  his  petition  for  purchasing  lands  for  the  Ohio  Com 
pany  and  proposed  terms  and  conditions  of  purchase.  The  even 
ing  he  spent  with  several  Members. 

On  Monday,  the  9th,  he  waited  on  Mr.  Thomas  Hutchins, 
the  United  States  Geographer  General,  who  advised  him  by  all 
means  to  make  his  location  on  the  Muskingum,  which  was,  in  his 
opinion,  decidedly  the  best  part  of  the  whole  Western  Country. 
The  same  day  he  discussed  the  terms  of  purchase  with  the  Com 
mittee  of  Congress,  (the  same  to  which  Parsons'  Memorial  was 
referred  and  of  which  Colonel  Carrington  was  Chairman),  but 
"  we  were  so  wide  apart  that  there  appeared  little  prospect  of 
closing  a  contract."  The  meeting  place  of  Congress  at  this 
time  was  in  the  City  Hall,  on  Wall  street  at  the  head  of  Broad 
street,  "  near  the  center  of  the  city."  The  evening  he  spent  in 


Hanover  Square  with  Dr.  Holton,  for  some  time  President  of 
Congress,  and  several  other  Members.  On  the  10th,  Cutler 
had  another  conference  with  the  Committee,  after  which  he  dined 
with  Colonel  Duer,  whose  wife  was  a  daughter  of  General  Lord 
Stirling.  He  notes  in  his  diary  that  Mr.  Duer  had  not  less  than 
fifteen  different  sorts  of  wine  at  dinner,  and,  after  the  cloth  was 
removed,  besides  most  excellent  bottled  cider,  porter  and  several 
other  kinds  of  strong  beer. 

The  Committee  of  Congress  having  in  charge  the  Ordinance 
for  the  government  of  the  Western  Territory,  very  courteously 
sent  a  copy  to  Mr.  Cutler,  as  agent  of  the  Ohio  Company,  "  with 
leave  to  make  remarks  and  propose  amendments."  Availing  him 
self  of  the  opportunity  thus  afforded,  Mr.  Cutler  proposed  sev 
eral  amendments,  all  of  which  were  embodied  in  the  bill,  except 
ing  one  which  exempted  the  Territory  from  Continental  taxa 
tion  until  it  should  become  entitled  to  a  full  representation  in 
Congress.  "  This  could  not  be  fully  obtained,  for  it  was  con 
sidered  as  offering  a  premium  for  emigrants.  They  have  granted 
us  representation,  with  the  right  of  debating,  but  not  of  voting, 
upon  our  being  first  subject  to  taxation."  He  does  not  say  what 
were  his  other  amendments,  but  presumably,  like  this,  their  pur 
pose  was  to  furnish  extra  inducements  to  settlers.  To  Cutler  is 
ascribed  by  some,  an  important  part  both  in  formulating  and  in 
securing  the  passage  of  the  Ordinance,  but  his  diary  furnishes 
little  ground  for  this.  All  he  claims  to  have  done  was  to  suggest 
a  few  amendments,  immediately  after  which  he  left  for  Phila- 
delphia,  making  no  effort  to  urge  their  adoption  or  secure  the 
passage  of  the  bill.  The  Ordinance  was  passed  during  his 
absence  and  without  his  knowledge  or  aid.  "  It  was  in  a  decree 

^ 

new  modeled,"  he  says  after  examining  a  copy.  So  far  as  the 
governmental  machinery  is  concerned,  the  Ordinance  does  not 
differ  essentially  from  that  which  was  laid  aside  upon  the  pre 
sentation  of  Parsons'  Memorial.  The  new  and  valuable  prin 
ciples  introduced,  were  the  same  which  ever  since  May  were  being 
discussed  and  formulated  in  the  Constitutional  Convention  at 
Philadelphia.  Many  Members  of  Congress  being  members  also 
of  the  Convention  and  familiar  with  its  conclusions,  it  would  be 
surprising  if  the  same  conclusions  had  not  been  made  a  part  of 
the  Ordinance.  The  fact  that  these  new  principles  had  already 


v/ 


506  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

been  thought  out  and  put  in  form  and  needed  merely  to  be 
attached  to  that  part  of  the  old  Ordinance  providing  for  the 
machinery  of  government,  accounts  for  the  astonishing  accom 
plishment  of  the  new  Committee  on  the  Ordinance,  appointed 
on  the  9th  of  July.  The  bill  was  reported  on  the  llth,  read 
the  second  time  on  the  12th,  and  on  the  13th  became  a 
law,  all  in  four  days,  and  became  known  in  history  as  the  famous 
Ordinance  of  1787. 

The  distinguishing  feature  of  the  Ordinance  is,  the  Sixth 
Article  prohibiting  slavery  Northwest  of  the  Ohio.  Mr.  Dane 
says :  "  When  I  drew  the  Ordinance,  I  had  no  idea  the  States 
would  agree  to  this  Article,  as  only  Massachusetts  of  the  East 
ern  States  was  present,  and  therefore  omitted  it  in  the  draft ; 
but  finding  the  House  favorably  disposed  on  the  subject,  after 
we  had  completed  the  other  parts,  I  moved  the  Article,  which  was 
agreed  to  without  opposition." 

In  1784,  a  Committee  composed  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  of 
Virginia,  Mr.  Chase  of  Maryland  and  Mr.  Howell  of  Rhode 
Island,  had  submitted  to  Congress  a  plan  for  the  government  of 
the  Western  Territory  prohibiting  slavery  or  involuntary  serv 
itude  therein  after  the  year  1800,  except  for  crime,  and  giving 
names  to  the  States  into  which  the  Territory  was  to  be  divided. 
Both  these  provisions  were  stricken  out,  after  which  the  plan  was 
adopted  and  remained  the  law  until  1787,  when  it  was  repealed. 
The  State  names  with  which  Jefferson  proposed  to  decorate  the 
map  of  the  Northwest,  were:  Sylvania,  Michigania,  Cher- 
sonesus,  Assenisipia,  Metropotamia,  Illinoia,  Saratoga,  Wash 
ington,  Polypotamia  and  Pelisipia.  In  1785,  an  attempt  was 
made  to  amend  the  prohibition  into  the  Ordinance  of  1784,  and 
make  it  a  compact  between  these  States  and  the  United  States, 
but  the  amendment,  which  was  referred  to  the  Committee  of  the 
Whole,  was  never  reported.  After  the  proposal  of  the  Ohio 
emigration  scheme,  the  matter  took  on  a  new  aspect,  backed  as 
it  was  by  men  of  the  prominence  and  known  practical  ability  of 
Parsons  and  Putnam,  and  all  opposition  to  the  prohibition  of 
slavery  in  the  Territory  vanished.  This  unanimit}^  however, 
was  based  rather  on  economic  than  moral  considerations,  slavery 
at  this  time  being  regarded  as  a  species  of  apprenticeship,  unde 
sirable  only  when  unprofitable.  "  The  clause  respecting 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      507 

slavery,"  writes  Grayson  of  Virginia  to  Monroe,  in  August  of 
this  year,  "  was  agreed  to  by  the  Southern  Members  for  the  pur 
pose  of  preventing  tobacco  and  indigo  from  being  made  on  the 
northwest  side  of  the  Ohio,  as  well  as  for  several  political 
reasons."  And  John  Randolph  of  the  same  State,  in  March, 
1802,  reporting  adversely  upon  a  Memorial  of  General  William 
Henry  Harrison  and  other  citizens  of  Indiana  Territory,  ask 
ing  Congress  to  suspend  the  operation  of  the  Sixth  Article  of  the 
Ordinance  so  that  slave  labor  could  be  employed  in  the  Territory, 
says : — 

The  rapid  population  of  the  State  of  Ohio  sufficiently  evinces, 
in  the  opinion  of  your  Committee,  that  the  labor  of  slaves  is  not 
necessary  to  promote  the  growth  and  settlement  of  colonies  in  that 
region;  that  this  labor,  demonstrably  the  dearest  of  any,  can  only 
be  employed  to  advantage  in  the  cultivation  of  products  more  valua 
ble  than  any  known  to  that  quarter  of  the  United  States;  that  the 
Committee  deem  it  highly  dangerous  and  inexpedient  to  impair  a 
provision  wisely  calculated  to  promote  the  happiness  and  prosperity 
of  the  Northwestern  Country,  and  to  give  strength  and  security  to 
that  extensive  frontier.  In  the  salutary  operation  of  this  sagacious 
and  benevolent  restraint,  it  is  believed  that  the  inhabitants  of  In 
diana  will,  at  no  distant  day,  find  ample  remuneration  for  a  tem 
porary  privation  of  labor  and  of  emigration. 

Having  returned  from  Philadelphia  on  the  18th,  and  the 
Ordinance  being  out  of  the  way,  Cutler  now  hoped  to  secure  the 
attention  of  Congress  to  his  scheme  of  purchase,  in  regard  to 
which  there  was  considerable  difference  of  opinion  among  the 
members.  He  wished  to  ascertain  who  were  for  and  who  were 
against  his  scheme,  and,  if  possible,  to  bring  his  opponents  over. 
Colonel  Duer  of  New  York,  who  had  been  quick  to  see  the  advan 
tage  of  such  a  sale  to  the  public  credit  and  to  the  adjoining 
lands,  promised  to  assist  him.  "  Grayson,  R.  H.  Lee  and  Car- 
rington,"  as  reads  his  diary,  "  are  certainly  my  warm  advocates. 
Holton,  I  think,  may  be  trusted.  Dane  must  be  carefully 
watched,  notwithstanding  his  professions.  Clarke,  Bingham, 
Yates,  Kearney  and  Few  are  troublesome  fellows.  They  must  be 
attacked  by  my  friends  at  their  lodgings.  If  they  can  be 
brought  over,  I  shall  succeed ;  if  not,  my  business  is  at  an  end." 


508  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

On  the  19th,  an  Ordinance  was  proposed  in  answer  to  Cutler's 
petition,  but  the  terms  it  contained  were  not  satisfactory;  "he 
would  prefer  purchasing  lands  of  some  of  the  States,  who  would 
give  incomparably  better  terms,  and  therefore,  proposed  to  leave 
the  city  immediately."  His  friends  insisted  upon  his  remain 
ing,  and,  "if  I  desired  it,"  would  take  up  the  matter  again. 
"  Colonel  Duer  at  this  juncture,"  says  the  diary,  "  came  to  me 
with  proposals  from  a  number  of  the  principal  characters  in  the 
city,  to  extend  our  contract,  and  take  in  another  company,  but 
that  it  should  be  kept  a  profound  secret.  He  explained  the  plan 
they  had  concerted,  and  offered  me  generous  conditions  if  I 
would  accomplish  the  business  for  them."  The  plan  "  struck 
Cutler  agreeably,"  but  he  deemed  it  policy  to  "  hold  up  the  idea 
of  giving  up  a  contract  with  Congress,  and  making  a  contract 
with  some  of  the  States."  "  The  Committee  were  mortified,  and 
did  not  know  what  to  say,  but  still  urged  another  attempt ; " 
"  I  left  them  in  that  state,  but  afterwards  explained  my  views  to 
Mr.  Duer,  and  promised  to  consider  his  proposals."  The  next 
day,  Saturday,  several  Members  of  Congress  called  on  Cutler 
and  "  discovered  much  anxiety  about  a  contract,"  but  he  cannily 
affected  great  indifference,  and  talked  of , the  advantages  of  a 
contract  with  some  of  the  States.  "  This,  I  found,  had  the 
desired  effect."  "At  length,  I  told  them  if  Congress  would 
accede  to  the  terms  I  had  proposed,  I  would  extend  the  purchase 
to  the  tenth  township  from  the  Ohio,  and  to  the  Scioto,  inclu 
sively,  by  which  Congress  would  pay  near  four  millions  of  the 
National  debt."  This  offer  to  more  than  double  the  quantity  of 
land  to  be  purchased,  though  apparently  in  behalf  of  the  Ohio 
Company,  was  really  made  to  include  the  large  tract  of  Duer's 
company. 

On  Monday,  July  23,  Congress  again  took  up  the  matter, 
and,  at  three  o'clock,  passed  an  Ordinance  which  must  have  been 
the  action  meant  by  the  endorsement  of  Parsons'  Memorial, 
"Acted  on  July  23,  1787."  The  report  of  the  Committee  to 
which  it  was  referred,  is  endorsed  by  its  Chairman,  Colonel 
Carrington,  in  his  own  hand,  "  Report  of  Committee  on 
Memorial  of  S.  H.  Parsons ; "  and  also  by  Mr.  Thompson, 
Secretary  of  Congress,  "  Report  of  Mr.  Carrington,  Mr.  King, 
Mr.  Dane,  Mr.  Madison,  Mr.  Benson.  Read  July  10,  1787. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      509 

Order  for  the  day  the  llth;  "  but  it  does  not  appear  what  dis 
position  was  made  of  the  report  or  whether  the  Ordinance  of 
July  23,  was  its  recommendation.  This  Ordinance,  however, 
was  not  entirely  satisfactory,  and  Cutler  pulled  another  string. 
Up  to  this  time  he  had  openly  supported  General  Parsons  for 
the  Governorship,  but  finding  that  General  St.  Clair,  then  Presi 
dent  of  Congress,  had  secured  a  large  interest  with  the  Southern 
Members,  and  suspecting  that  his  Well-known  advocacy  of  Par 
sons'  claim  might  be  an  impediment  in  the  way  of  his  plans,  he 
took  occasion  to  declare  that  if  General  Parsons  could  have  the 
appointment  of  First  Judge  and  Sargent  that  of  Secretary,  he 
should  be  satisfied,  and  "  would  solicit  the  Eastern  Members  in 
favor  of  such  an  arrangement."  The  subsequent  complaisance 
of  St.  Clair  and  his  assurance  that  he  would  make  every  possible 
exertion  to  prevail  on  Congress  to  accept  the  "  terms  in  our 
letter,"  fully  convinced  Cutler  "  that  it  was  good  policy  to  give 
up  Parsons  and  openly  appear  solicitous  that  St.  Clair  might 
be  appointed  Governor."  He  was  told  by  several  gentlemen  that 
"  since  St.  Clair  and  his  friends  had  been  informed  that  we  had 
given  up  Parsons,  and  that  I  had  solicited  the  Eastern  Members 
in  his  favor,  our  matters  went  on  much  better." 

On  the  27th  a  modification  of  the  Ordinance  was  secured, 
making  it  conform  to  the  "  terms  stated  in  our  letter  without 
the  least  variation."  "  By  this  Ordinance,"  writes  Cutler,  "  we 
obtained  the  grant  of  near  five  million  acres  of  land,  amounting 
to  three  and  one-half  million  of  dollars,  one  million  and  a  half 
acres  for  the  Ohio  Company,  and  the  remainder  for  a  private 
speculation  in  which  many  of  the  principal  characters  in 
America  are  concerned.  Without  connecting  this  speculation, 
similar  terms  could  not  have  been  obtained  for  the  Ohio  Com 
pany."  This  "  speculation  "  was  the  Scioto  Company.  Duer's 
injunction  of  secrecy  related  to  the  fact  that  the  increased 
amount  of  land  was  not  for  the  Ohio,  but  for  the  Scioto  Com 
pany.  Had  this  fact  been  made  public,  doubtless  both  projects 
would  have  been  defeated;  but,  being  kept  secret,  the  influence 
of  the  "  principal  characters "  let  into  the  speculation  was 
sufficient  to  secure  the  passage  of  the  Ordinance.  The  Scioto 
speculation  terminated  disastrously,  and  in  the  end  carried  Duer 
down  with  it.  The  Ohio  Company  was  measurably  successful, 


510  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

but  the  subscription  never  reached  the  million  dollar  mark,  and 
finally,  by  a  liberal  compromise,  deeds  were  given  to  the  direc 
tors  for  more  than  a  million  acres  of  land. 

Immediately  after  the  passage  of  the  Ordinance,  Dr.  Cutler 
commenced  his  homeward  journey,  stopping  at  Middletown  on 
the  way  to  confer  with  General  Parsons.  Of  this  visit,  he  writes 
in  his  diary : — 

When  I  had  informed  General  Parsons  of  my  negotiations  with 
Congress,  I  had  the  pleasure  to  find  it  not  only  met  his  approbation, 
but  he  expressed  his  astonishment  that  I  had  obtained  terms  so 
advantageous,  which  he  said  were  far  beyond  his  expectations.  He 
assured  me  that  he  preferred  the  appointment  of  First  Judge  to 
that  of  Governor,  especially  if  General  St.  Clair  was  the  Governor. 
He  proposed  writing  to  General  St.  Clair  and  his  friends  in  Con 
gress,  that  they  would  procure  me  an  appointment  on  the  same 
bench;  but  I  absolutely  declined,  assuring  him  that  I  had  no  wish 
to  go  into  the  civil  line.  Mrs.  Parsons  was  exceedingly  complaisant. 
She  said  they  looked  hard  for  me  on  Saturday  night,  and  that  it 
was  hoped  that  I  should  preach  for  them  yesterday,  especially  as 
Mr.  Huntington  was  gone  to  Windham,  and  that  the  people  were 
much  disappointed  at  my  not  coming.  We  spent  a  very  long  and 
agreeable  evening,  for  we  did  not  go  to  bed  until  half  after  one. 

Upon  Cutler's  return  to  Boston,  a  meeting  of  the  Ohio  Com 
pany  was  held  at  the  "  Bunch  of  Grapes  Tavern  "  (August 
29),  at  which  he  reported  that  the  lands  to  be  conveyed  to  the 
Company  in  consideration  of  the  million  of  dollars  to  be  raised 
by  subscription,  are  bounded  on  the  cast  by  the  western 
boundary  of  the  seventh  range  of  townships ;  south  by  the  Ohio ; 
west  by  a  meridian  line  drawn  through  the  western  cape  of  the 
Great  Kanawha  River,  and  extending  so  far  north  that  a  due 
east  and  west  line  from  the  seventh  range  of  townships  to  the 
said  meridian  line  shall  include  the  whole."  This  tract  differs 
from  that  described  in  Parsons'  Memorial  (to  which  Cutler  and 
others  objected),  which  included  the  river  front  to  the  Scioto  and 
extended  northerly  only  to  an  east  and  west  line  running  from 
the  northwest  corner  of  the  south  township  of  the  seventh  range 
to  the  Scioto.  The  tract  also  extended  northerly  far  enough  to 
include  lands  to  be  set  apart  for  the  support  of  schools  and  a 
University  and  for  religious  purposes,  soldier's  bounties  and 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      511 

other  objects.  It  was  resolved  by  the  meeting  that  a  tract  four 
miles  in  front  by  two  miles  in  depth  be  reserved  for  a  city  and 
commons,  to  be  laid  out  in  squares  with  streets  one  hundred  feet 
in  width,  and  that  one  hundred  houses  be  enclosed  for  the  recep 
tion  of  settlers.  His  proceedings  in  New  York  having  been 
approved,  Cutler  returned  to  the  city  and,  on  the  27th  of 
October,  completed  his  contract  for  "  nearly  six  million  acres  of 
land,"  and  with  Major  Sargent  signed  the  "  Indented  Agree 
ment  in  two  distinct  contracts,  one  for  the  Ohio  Company  and 
the  other  for  the  Scioto  Company,  the  greatest  private  con 
tract  ever  made  in  America."  Returning,  he  "  rode  to  Hart 
ford  early  the  31st,  and  dined  there  that  day  with  General 
Parsons." 

On  Friday,  the  5th  of  October,  1787,  Congress  proceeded 
to  organize  the  Western  Territory  by  electing  Arthur  St.  Clair, 
Governor ;  Samuel  Holden  Parsons,  James  M.  Varnum  and  John 
Armstrong,  Judges.  Mr.  Armstrong  declining,  John  Cleves 
Symmes  was  afterwards  appointed  to  the  vacancy.  The  terri 
tory  within  their  jurisdiction  included  the  present  States  of 
Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan  and  Wisconsin. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  General  Parsons'  commission  as 
Judge  of  the  Northwest  Territory : — 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  to  Samuel  Holden  Par 
sons,  Esq. 

We,  reposing  special  trust  and  confidence  in  your  wisdom,  up 
rightness  and  integrity,  have  constituted  and  appointed,  and  by  these 
presents  do  constitute  and  appoint,  you,  the  said  Samuel  Holden 
Parsons,  one  of  the  judges  in  and  over  the  Territory  of  the  United 
States  north-west  of  the  river  Ohio,  with  full  power  and  authority, 
in  conjunction  with  one  or  more  of  the  judges  of  said  territory,  to 
form  a  court,  with  all  the  powers  and  authorities  incident  to  a  court 
having  a  common  law  jurisdiction,  and  to  exercise  all  such  powers, 
and  perform  and  execute  all  the  duties  directed  by  the  ordinance 
of  the  13th  of  July,  1787,  entitled,  "  An  ordinance  for  the  govern 
ment  of  the  territory  north-west  of  the  river  Ohio,"  which  is  hereto 
affixed;  giving  to  you,  the  said  Samuel  Holden  Parsons,  all  the 
powers  and  authorities  assigned  to  a  judge  of  the  said  territory,  in 
and  by  the  ordinance  aforesaid;  and  we  do  enjoin  all  persons  to 
pay  due  obedience  to  this  our  commission.  This  commission  to  con- 


512  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

tinue  and  be  in  force,  during  good  behavior,  or  during  the  existence 
of  the   government   established   by   the   ordinance   aforesaid.      You 
residing  within  the  said  territory. 
In  testimony  whereof  &c. 

The  Convention  which  framed  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  assembled  in  Philadelphia  in  May,  1787,  and  completed 
its  work  on  the  12th  of  September  following.  The  Constitu 
tion  was  submitted  to  Congress  the  28th,  and  was  sent  by  that 
Body  to  the  several  State  Legislatures,  by  which  conventions 
were  called  to  consider  it.  In  Connecticut,  the  Legislature,  on 
the  16th  of  October,  called  a  Convention  by  a  unanimous  vote. 
"  To  this  Convention,"  says  Bancroft,  "  were  chosen  the  retired 
and  the  present  highest  officers  of  its  Government;  the  judges 
of  its  Courts ;  ministers  of  the  Gospel ;  and  nearly  sixty  who  had 
fought  for  Independence."  General  Parsons  was  a  member  of 
.  this  Convention,  and  among  the  Fairfield  members,  we  find  our 
old  acquaintance,  the  spy  Heron. 

In  January,  1778,  the  Convention  met  at  Hartford.  Having 
organized  in  the  State  House,  it  adjourned  to  the  more 
capacious  North  Meeting  House,  where  the  people  could  wit 
ness  its  proceedings  and  listen  to  the  debates.  It  was  agreed 
that  no  vote  should  be  taken  until  the  whole  Constitution  had 
been  read  and  debated,  section  by  section.  On  the  9th,  the 
Convention  was  ready  to  vote,  and  of  the  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
eight  ballots  cast,  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight  were  for  the 
Constitution. 

In  reply  to  a  letter  from  Parsons  announcing  the  action  of 
Connecticut,  General  Knox,  on  the  13th,  wrote: — 

I  thank  you  a  thousand  times  for  the  agreeable  news  contained 
in  your  note  of  Wednesday  evening.  The  business  now  draws  to  a 
crisis.  If  Massachusetts  adopts  it  with  a  considerable  majority,  all 
will  go  well,  otherwise  we  must  all  I  believe,  become  inhabitants  of 
Ohio.  No  war  between  England  and  France. 

I  am  affectionately, 
To  General  Parsons.  J.  KNOX. 

Connecticut  was  the  fifth  State  to  ratify  the  Constitution, 
but  Georgia,  whose  first  delegate  in  Congress  and  one  of  her 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      513 

Signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  Governor  Lyman 
Hall,  was  a  Connecticut  man,  and  whose  early  settlers  were,  so 
many  of  them,  Connecticut  men,  had  anticipated  her  in  her 
action  by  one  week.  New  Hampshire  enjoys  the  distinction  of 
completing  by  her  ratification,  the  number  of  States  necessary 
for  the  establishment  of  the  Constitution.  Virginia  and  New 
York  following  within  a  month,  the  Continental  Congress  pre 
pared  to  organize  the  new  government,  and  on  the  13th  of 
September 

Resolved,  That  the  first  Wednesday  in  January  next  be  the  day 
for  appointing  Electors  in  the  several  States,  which,  before  the 
said  day,  shall  have  ratified  the  said  Constitution;  that  the  first 
Wednesday  in  February  next  be  the  day  for  the  Electors  to  assemble 
in  their  respective  States,  and  vote  for  a  President;  and  that  the 
first  Wednesday  in  March  be  the  time,  and  the  present  seat  of  Con 
gress  (New  York)  the  place,  for  commencing  the  proceedings  under 
the  said  Constitution. 

In  pursuance  of  this  resolution,  proceedings  were  commenced 
under  the  Constitution  on  the  4th  of  March,  1789,  by  the 
assembling  of  the  Senate  and  Representatives  in  the  Chambers 
provided  for  their  use  in  the  City  Hall,  which  at  that  time  stood 
on  the  north  side  of  Wall  Street,  opposite  the  head  of  Broad 
Street ;  but,  in  the  absence  of  a  quorum,  the  House  was  not  able 
to  organize  until  April  1,  and  the  Senate  not  until  April 
6,  at  which  time  the  electoral  votes  were  counted  in  the 
presence  of  the  two  Houses,  and  George  Washington  was 
declared  to  be  unanimously  elected  President,  and  John  Adams 
duly  elected  Vice-President. 

The  inaugural  ceremonies  took  place  the  30th,  on  the 
balcony  in  front  of  the  Senate  Chamber,  in  the  presence  of  a 
great  concourse  of  people.  The  President  was  attended  by  the 
Vice-President  and  Senators,  by  the  Speaker  and  Representa 
tives  and  by  other  prominent  personages.  The  oath  of  office 
was  administered  by  Chancellor  Livingston  of  the  State  of  New 
York  amid  the  loud  acclaim  of  the  populace,  "  Long  Live  George 
Washington,  President  of  the  United  States."  Returning  to 
the  Senate  Chamber,  the  President  delivered  his  inaugural 
address  to  the  two  Houses  in  joint  session,  after  which  the  whole 


514  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

assembly  marched  in  solemn  procession  to  St.  Pauls  to  render 
thanks  and  invoke  the  Divine  Blessing  on  the  new  Government. 
The  ceremonies  concluded,  the  President  was  escorted  to  the 
Mansion  prepared  for  his  residence  in  Cherry  Street  near 
Franklin  Square,  then  the  most  fashionable  part  of  the  city. 
The  day  ended  with  fireworks  and  illuminations.  The  organiza 
tion  of  the  Government  was  now  completed,  and  the  new 
Republic  commenced  its  eventful  career. 


CHAPTER   XXVII 

SETTLEMENT  OF  OHIO.  LETTERS  TO  GENERAL  WASHINGTON  AND 
DR.  CUTLER.  ARRIVAL  OF  ST.  CLAIR,  PARSONS  AND  VARNUM  AND 
THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  CIVIL  GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  TERRITORY. 
THEY  PREPARE  A  CODE  OF  LAWS.  CELEBRATION  OF  THE  FOURTH 
OF  JULY.  PARSONS'  THANKSGIVING  SERMON.  THE  IMPORTANCE 
OF  THE  NEW  SETTLEMENT. 

December,  1787 — December,  1788 

IN  the  Autumn  of  1787,  at  a  meeting  held  at  Brackett's  Tavern 
in  Boston,  the  shareholders  of  the  Ohio  Company  resolved  to 
send  a  party  of  skilled  mechanics  and  laborers  to  the  head 
waters  of  the  Ohio  to  build  boats  suitable  for  transporting  men 
and  provisions,  in  order  to  be  ready  at  the  opening  of  Spring  to 
descend  the  river  and  commence  the  proposed  settlement  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Muskingum.  The  place  selected  for  opera 
tions,  was  Sumrill's  Ferry  on  the  Youghiogheny,  about  thirty 
miles  above  Pittsburgh.  The  first  division  of  the  pioneers, 
about  twenty  of  whom  were  employees  of  the  Company,  left 
Danvers  in  Massachusetts,  December  the  3d,  under  the  com 
mand  of  Major  Haffield  White,  and  Captain  Ezra  Putnam,  the 
former  a  captain  during  the  war  in  Colonel  Rufus  Putnam's 
Fifth  Massachusetts.  The  second  division,  comprising  the  sur 
veyors  and  the  remainder  of  the  pioneers,  assembled  at  Hart 
ford  on  the  1st  of  January,  1788.  General  Rufus  Putnam  was 
to  have  accompanied  this  party,  but  having  to  go  by  the  way  of 
New  York  on  business  for  the  Company,  Colonel  Sproat,  second 
in  command,  assumed  control.  Putnam  overtook  the  party  on 
the  24th  at  Swatara  Creek  in  Pennsylvania,  where  it  had  been 
greatly  delayed  in  crossing  on  account  of  the  ice.  Here  com 
menced  the  serious  difficulties  of  their  journey.  The  very  night 
the  crossing  was  effected,  the  roads  became  so  blocked  by  a 
heavy  fall  of  snow,  that  during  the  next  five  days  it  was  impos 
sible  to  get  the  wagons  further  than  the  little  village  of  Straws- 
burgh  at  the  foot  of  the  Tuscarawas  Mountains.  Learning  that 
the  mountain  roads  had  become  impassable  for  their  wagons, 

515 


516  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

they  abandoned  them  and  built  sledges  to  take  their  place.  To 
these  the  horses  were  harnessed  tandem  and  driven  along  a  track 
broken  by  the  men  walking  single  file.  In  this  way  the  moun 
tains  were  crossed  and  Sumrill's  Ferry  reached  after  two  weeks 
of  incessant  labor.  Here  they  found  the  party  under  Major 
White,  which  had  arrived  two  weeks  before. 

Preparations  were  now  commenced  in  earnest  under  the  su 
pervision  of  General  Putnam,  and  by  the  1st  of  April,  the 
"  Adventure  Galley,"  as  they  called  it,  a  decked  boat  forty-five 
feet  in  length  and  twelve  feet  beam,  afterwards  rechristened  the 
"  Mayflower,"  was  safely  launched  and  ready  for  its  voyage. 
Embarking  with  their  stores,  accompanied  by  a  flat-boat  and 
three  canoes,  these  Pilgrim  Fathers  of  the  West  floated  down 
the  Alleghany,  past  Pittsburgh,  out  into  the  Ohio,  and,  on  the 
8th  of  April,  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  Muskingum,  where 
they  were  warmly  welcomed  by  the  garrison  at  Fort  Harmar  and 
a  party  of  Delawares  encamped  there  to  trade  with  the  soldiers. 
Landing  on  the  point  opposite  the  Fort,  they  proceeded  to  lay 
the  foundations  of  their  city,  which,  not  to  be  behind  old  Rome, 
was  to  have  its  Campus  Martius,  Via  Sacra  and  Capitolium. 
Selecting  the  summit  of  an  ancie'ht  fortification  of  the  Mound- 
Builders  for  the  Campus  Martius,  they  capped  it  with  a  huge 
building  of  hewn  logs,  two  stories  in  height,  with  blockhouses  at 
the  angles,  and  placed  within  its  protecting  walls,  their  women 
and  children.  The  adjacent  lands,  in  accordance  with  the  plan 
agreed  upon  by  the  Directors  of  the  Company,  they  divided  into 
sixty  city  blocks,  three  hundred  and  sixty  feet  square,  arranged 
in  an  oblong  form,  ten  in  front  and  six  in  depth,  and  separated 
by  avenues  one  hundred  feet  in  width.  Four  of  these  blocks 
were  reserved  for  public  uses,  and  the  remaining  fifty-six  were 
subdivided  into  house  lots.  At  a  convenient  distance  from  the 
city,  they  laid  out  one  thousand  lots  of  eight  acres  each,  one  of 
which,  together  with  one  city  lot,  was  to  be  assigned  by  lot  to 
each  proprietary  share. 

The  work  of  felling  trees,  clearing  the  ground,  plowing  and 
planting  proceeded  rapidly  under  the  hands  of  these  hardy  New 
Englanders.  The  tents,  which  at  first  were  their  only  shelter, 
were  being  fast  displaced  by  comfortable  houses.  Before  the 
winter  set  in,  more  than  sixty  dwellings  had  been  completed,  but, 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      517 

though  constantly  building,  they  were  unable  to  keep  pace  with 
the  new  arrivals.  By  the  end  of  the  year,  the  little  settlement 
could  boast  a  population  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-two  men, 
besides  women  and  children,  in  all,  nearly  two  hundred  souls. 
Except  in  this  one  settlement,  there  was  not  at  this  time  a  single 
white  family  within  the  present  bounds  of  Ohio.  Major  Denny, 
then  stationed  at  Fort  Harmar,  writes  of  them  in  his  diary: 
"  These  people  appear  the  most  happy  folks  in  the  world, 
greatly  satisfied  with  their  new  purchase.  They  certainly  are 
the  best  informed,  most  courteous  and  civil  strangers  of  any  I 
have  yet  met  with.  The  order  and  regularity  observed  by  all, 
their  sober  deportment  and  perfect  submission  to  the  constituted 
authorities,  must  tend  much  to  promote  their  settlements."  The 
Boston  people  had  called  the  new  city  "  Adelphia,"  but  at  the 
first  meeting  of  the  Directors  held  on  the  ground,  there  being 
present,  Generals  Parsons,  Putnam  and  Varnum,  it  was  named 
"  Marietta "  in  honor  of  the  French  Queen,  Marie  Antoinette, 
whose  kindly  offices  during  the  dark  days  of  the  Revolution  these 
old  soldiers  had  not  forgotten. 

General  Parsons  left  Middletown  for  the  Muskingum  early 
in  April.  No  letters  have  been  found  showing  his  precise  route, 
but  we  know  that  he  passed  through  Carlisle  in  Pennsylvania. 
He  seems  to  have  made  the  long  journey  alone,  and  to  have  left 
home  much  depressed  in  spirit,  as  if  burdened  with  a  premoni 
tion  of  the  sad  fate  which  awaited  him. 

The  following  letter  of  advice  to  his  daughters,  written  soon 
after  his  departure,  is  interesting,  not  only  as  showing  the 
serious  tone  apt  to  pervade  the  family  letters  of  the  period  in 
New  England,  but  as  giving  an  inner  view  of  the  character  of 
the  man: — 

April  12th,  1788. 

MY  DEAR  CHILDREN. — The  sorrow  expressed  in  parting  with  your 
father  most  sensibly  affected  me.  The  tear  of  sympathy  suppressed 
my  efforts  to  give  advice,  perhaps,  and  most  probably,  the  last  you 
will  ever  have  an  opportunity  of  receiving  from  the  lips  of  your 
affectionate  parent.  The  time  cannot  be  more  profitably  spent  this 
evening  than  by  recalling  the  scenes  of  anxiety  at  our  parting,  and 
giving  you  the  advice,  which  if  pursued,  will  make  you  comfortable 
in  life,  and  happy  in  the  reflection  of  that  event  which  must  soon 
part  you  from  all  your  friends  in  this  world. 


518  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

A  kind  and  courteous  behavior  to  one  another,  a  civil  deportment 
among  your  equals,  a  benevolent  temper  towards  your  inferiors  and 
a  dutiful  respect  to  your  superiors  in  age  or  rank,  will  always  mark 
you  as  persons  of  sensibility  and  attention,  while  the  opposite  con 
duct  will  sink  you  into  disgrace  and  contempt.  Remember  your  own 
honor  is  too  nearly  connected  with  that  of  each  other  to  expect  it  to 
be  maintained  on  the  sacrifice  of  a  brother's  or  a  sister's  feelings. 

Remember  that  whatever  the  world  may  pretend,  no  persons  are 
so  much  respected  as  those  whose  constant  behavior  evidences  an 
habitual  principle  of  virtue  and  religion,  nor  can  any  considerations 
support  your  tender  minds  under  misfortunes  and  afflictions,  but  a 
full  confidence  in  the  great  Governor  of  the  world,  and  a  reliance 
on  Him  for  help  in  every  difficulty  and  danger.  I  cannot  but  reflect 
with  concern  that  I  have  so  much  neglected  to  impress  your  minds 
with  ideas  of  your  constant  dependence  on  the  Supreme  Being  for 
all  you  possess  and  enjoy.  The  justice  of  His  administrations  and 
a  consciousness  of  our  ill  returns  for  his  favors  may  fill  our  minds 
with  apprehensions  of  destruction  from  His  hand  whom  we  have 
so  often  offended,  but,  my  children,  remember  he  is  a  God  of  mercy 
as  well  as  justice.  Look  into  that  best  of  books,  your  Bible,  and  you 
will  there  find  consolation  under  your  afflictions,  and  there  learn  a 
way  to  be  relieved  from  all  your  troubles.  Carefully  attend  to  the 
precepts  you  there  find,  and  no  troubles  you  here  experience  can  long 
afflict  you.  Let  your  attention  be  particularly  called  to  your  mother's 
comfort;  remember  she  is  now  to  be  your  adviser  and  director  in  all 
your  conduct.  The  want  of  your  father  I  am  sure  you  will  most 
sensibly  feel,  but  remember  you  have  a  constant  guardian,  your 
Heavenly  father;  in  Him  put  your  trust  and  you  will  never  have 
reason  to  repent  it.  Give  yourselves  to  industry  and  the  practice 
of  every  virtue.  I  shall  always  be  happy  in  hearing  of  your  good 
conduct.  Give  yourself  no  distressing  hours  about  me;  that  Being 
who  has  hitherto  preserved  me  will  continue  to  help  and  support  me 
under  my  complicated  troubles  whilst  he  has  anything  for  me  to  do 
in  this  world.  On  Him  I  hope  and  rely. 

I  don't  think  it  probable  you  will  ever  see  me  again.  I  have  very 
little  expectation  of  returning  to  New  England  again;  my  duty 
calls  me  away  from  you.  I  most  ardently  wish  you  may  come  to  me, 
but  on  this  subject  I  can  say  very  little. 

Adieu  my  dear  children;  may  you  merit  Heaven's  best  blessings. 

S.  H.  PARSONS. 

At  this  time  but  six  States,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware  and  Georgia,  had  ratified  the 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      519 

new  constitution,  and  the  general  feeling  was  that  the  success 
of  the  proposed  plan  of  government  depended  upon  the  action 
of  Virginia.  Having  taken  an  active  part  in  the  Connecticut 
Convention,  General  Parsons,  upon  his  arrival  at  Carlisle,  wrote 
to  General  Washington  as  follows,  expressing  his  anxiety  as  to 
the  sentiment  of  Virginia  and  alluding  to  the  future  intimate 
relations  which  must  exist  between  the  East  and  the  West  should 
the  proposed  government  be  established: — 

CARLISLE,   PA.,  April  21st,   1788. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  am  now  on  my  road  to  the  settlements  form 
ing  on  the  Ohio  River,  and  take  this  only  method  in  my  power  to 
take  leave  of  your  Excellency  and  to  assure  you  of  my  most  cordial 
wishes  for  your 'happiness.  Should  any  occurrences  render  my  serv 
ices  in  that  country  of  use  to  you,  I  shall  never  be  more  happy  than 
in  devoting  myself  to  the  execution  of  your  wishes.  The  state  of 
our  country  must  give  very  sensible  trouble  to  every  good  citizen  and 
to  none  more  than  to  your  Excellency  who  has  acted  so  conspicuous  a 
part  in  effecting  our  Independence.  In  the  eastern  States  I  think 
opposition  to  the  Federal  Government  is  nearly  ended.  We  have 
our  eyes  now  turned  to  Virginia ;  if  there  is  wisdom  to  adopt  the 
proposed  plan  in  that  State,  I  think  we  may  hope  to  restore  to  our 
nation  the  honor  their  folly  has  lost  them.  I  view  the  adoption  of 
the  present  plan  with  all  its  imperfections  as  the  only  means  of 
preserving  the  Union  of  the  States  and  securing  the  happiness  of 
all  parts  of  this  extensive  country.  I  feel  myself  deeply  interested 
in  this  subject  as  it  will  affect  the  country  of  which  I  am  now  com 
mencing  as  an  inhabitant.  I  am  sure  it  must  ever  be  our  interest 
to  continue  connection  with  the  Atlantic  States.  To  them  we  must 
look  ever  for  protection  and  from  them  we  can  receive  such  supplies 
as  we  want  with  more  facility  than  from  any  other  neighbor;  but 
without  an  efficient  government  we  can  expect  no  benefits  of  a  con 
nection,  and  I  fear  it  will  lead  us  to  improper  measures.  The  navi 
gation  of  the  Potomac  is  very  interesting  to  our  settlement.  If  it 
is  perfected  according  to  the  proposed  scheme,  we  shall  save  a  land 
transportation  of  five  hundred  miles,  the  route  we  at  present  pursue. 
Our  new  settlement  progresses  rapidly.  Two  hundred  families  will 
be  within  our  city  by  July,  and  I  think  we  are  sure  of  one  thousand 
families  from  New  England  within  one  year  if  we  remain  in  peace. 
I  am  with  every  sentiment  of  esteem  and  respect, 

Yr.  Excellency's  obt.  servt., 
To  General  Washington.  S.  H.  PARSONS. 


520  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

General  Washington  had  carefully  studied  the  subject  of 
inland  navigation  during  a  tour  through  New  York  in  1783, 
made  in  company  with  Governor  Clinton  while  waiting  for  the 
definitive  treaty  of  peace  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain.  At  this  time  he  was  especially  interested  in  a  project 
to  connect  by  slack-water  navigation  the  navigable  waters  of 
the  Potomac  with  the  great  rivers  of  the  West.  The  plan  pro 
posed — the  same  subsequently  adopted  and  put  into  successful 
operation  between  Schenectady  and  Oneida  Lake  by  way  of  the 
Mohawk  and  Wood  Creek — was  to  improve  the  navigation  by 
short  canals  around  the  rifts  and  shallows,  and  by  dams  where 
it  was  necessary  to  increase  the  depth  of  the  water.  The  expense 
of  the  undertaking,  however,  postponed  its  execution  until  the 
construction  of  the  Erie  Canal,  connecting  the  Hudson  and  the 
Lakes,  after  which  it  became  financially  impracticable. 

General  Parsons  and  Major  Sargent  arrived  at  Pittsburgh, 
Sunday,  May  11.  Colonel  May  of  Connecticut,  then  quar 
tered  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  from  Pittsburgh,  mentions 
in  his  diary  some  incidents  of  their  stay  in  that  place : — 

May  12th.  About  4  o'clock,  Generals  Harmar,  Parsons  and 
several  other  gentlemen  called.  They  crossed  the  river  in  the  "  Con 
gress  "  barge,  fifty-two  feet  long  and  rowed  by  twelve  men  in  white 
uniforms  and  caps.  The  gentlemen  invited  me  to  take  a  row  with 
them  up  the  Alleghany  River. 

Sunday,  the  18th.  About  5  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  Generals 
Parsons  and  Hamar,  and  a  Mr.  White,  Member  of  Congress  from 
North  Carolina,  came  over  and  paid  me  a  visit,  which  was  very 
agreeable.  They  spent  one  hour  on  this  side  and  then  returned. 

On  the  26th  of  May,  General  Parsons  and  Major  Sargent 
arrived  at  Marietta,  having,  perhaps,  come  down  the  river  with 
General  Harmar  in  his  twelve-oared  barge.  The  following  letter 
to  his  wife,  General  Parsons  dates  from  the  Muskingum,  June 
1,  1788:— 

I  arrived  here  last  Monday  from  Pittsburg.  The  rains  have 
been  so  frequent  since  General  Putnam  came  to  this  place,  which 
was  not  until  the  eighth  of  April,  that  very  little  progress  has  been 
made  in  erecting  buildings  to  cover  the  people.  After  the  survey 
of  the  eight  acre  lots,  they  have  been  employed  in  preparing  and 
planting  the  grounds  on  which  the  city  is  to  be  built.  We  have  now 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS        521 

about  one  hundred  and  thirty  acres  cleared  and  planted.  I  have  four 
acres  in  corn  and  intend  having  about  three  acres  more  this  season. 

The  place  for  our  town  is  about  three  fourths  of  a  mile  from  the 
Ohio,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Muskingum  and  about  five  hundred 
yards  from  that  River  on  an  elevated  plat  of  ground  commanding 
a  most  beautiful  and  extensive  view  of  both  rivers.  The  adjoining 
lands  are  excellent — no  lands  can  be  better — but  are  in  general 
heavily  timbered.  You  have  been  very  fortunate  in  your  draft. 
Your  lot  adjoins  the  Ohio,  one  mile  from  town  in  a  most  delightful 
situation  and  is  excelled  by  no  land  in  quality.  I  have  ten  acres 
near  it  which  I  intend  to  clear,  and  eight  acres  within  three  fourths 
of  a  mile  of  the  town  in  another  direction.  This  is  all  I  shall  be 
able  to  command  near  the  town,  my  other  lots  being  from  two  to 
eight  miles  distant.  I  shall  begin  to-morrow  to  build  my  house  and 
hope  by  the  end  of  the  week  to  be  settled  in  a  family  of  my  own. 
We  have  now  about  one  hundred  and  forty  men  on  the  grounds  and 
about  that  number  are  expected  to  arrive  soon.  No  families  are  here 
yet;  those  who  have  brought  them  over  the  mountains  have  left  them 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  Monongahela.  We  shall  begin  our  Fort  and 
buildings  in  it  this  week.  The  Indians  here  appear  very  friendly 
and  are  frequently  with  us.  The  treaty  will  be  held  in  July.  On 
the  issue  of  that  very  much  depends.  Should  that  issue  fortunately 
for  us,  we  shall  very  soon  become  a  large  settlement.  Every  pros 
pect  as  to  the  goodness  of  our  lands  and  the  facility  of  producing 
the  means  of  living,  equal  my  most  sanguine  hopes,  and  I  find  all  the 
people  appear  fully  satisfied.  I  can  receive  a  guinea  per  acre  for 
one  of  my  eight-acre  lots  if  I  will  sell,  and  your  lot  will  bring  the 
same  price,  but  I  cannot  part  with  either  of  them.  I  have  sold  one 
of  my  116  acre  lots  for  one  hundred  dollars  to  be  paid  in  clearing 
my  lands  near  the  city.  The  purchase  is  in  great  demand  and  high 
estimation,  and  I  have  yet  a  hope,  if  I  live,  to  place  the  family  in 
easy  circumstances. 

General  Varnum  went  by  way  of  Baltimore  and  has  not  yet  ar 
rived.  The  Indians  have  done  some  mischief  in  Kentucky  and  on 
the  Wabash,  but  all  things  are  quiet  in  this  quarter.  Give  a  Father's 
blessing  to  all  our  dear  children  and  believe  me,  my  dear,  Your  very 
affectionate  and  faithful.  SAML>  R  PARSONS. 

P.  S. — 7th  of  June.     General  Varnum  has  arrived. 

The  arrival  of  Generals  Parsons  and  Varnum  making,  with 
General  Putnam,  a  quorum  of  the  directors  of  the  Ohio  Com 
pany,  the  first  meeting  of  the  Board  in  Marietta  was  held  on  the 


522  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

2d  of  July.  The  result  of  the  distribution  of  the  eight-acre 
lots  having  caused  considerable  dissatisfaction,  it  was  voted  at 
this  meeting  to  divide  the  three  thousand  acres  reserved  for  City 
Commons,  into  three-acre  lots  for  distribution.  The  name  of  the 
city  was  changed  at  this  meeting  from  Adelphia  to  Marietta. 

The  following  extract  from  Colonel  May's  diary  gives  a 
picture  of  life  in  the  early  days  of  the  settlement: — 

Sunday,  June  8th. — A  beautiful  day.  No  preaching  established 
as  yet.  About  noon  General  Harmar's  barge  came  to  carry  a  number 
of  us  to  dine.  The  gentlemen  who  went  over  were,  Generals  Par 
sons,  Putnam  and  Varnum;  Colonels  Sproat,  Battelle,  Meigs  and 
May;  Major  Sargent  and  Mr.  Rice.  At  3  o'clock,  dinner  on  the 
table,  and  as  elegant  a  table  as  any  in  Boston.  Amongst  the  solids 
were  bacon  gammon,  venison  tongues,  roast  and  boiled  lamb,  barba- 
cued  and  a  la  mode  beef,  perch  and  catfish,  lobsters  and  oysters.  For 
vegetables,  green  peas,  radishes  and  salads.  For  drink,  spirits, 
excellent  wine,  brandy  and  beer.  We  spent  the  afternoon,  drank 
tea,  crossed  the  River  and  back  again  and  went  to  rest." 

June  17,  Colonel  May  notes : — 

This  evening  Judge  Parsons'  and  General  Varnum's  commis 
sions  were  read;  also  regulations  for  the  government  of  the  people. 
In  fact  by-laws  were  very  much  wanted.  Officers  were  named  to 
command  the  militia;  guards  to  be  mounted  every  evening;  all  males 
more  than  fifteen  years  old  to  appear  under  arms  every  Sunday. 

Great  preparations  were  making  at  this  time  for  the  treaty 
which  was  expected  to  be  held  with  the  Indians  on  the  arrival  of 
Governor  St.  Clair.  Two  large  keel  boats — one  eighty-five  feet 
long,  the  other  seventy-two — laden  with  merchandise  for  use  in 
the  treaty,  arrived  at  Marietta  on  the  14th  of  June.  The  next 
day  the  boats  went  up  the  Muskingum  to  the  Forks  of  the  River, 
about  sixty  miles,  to  prepare  to  build  a  Council  House.  The 
latter  part  of  the  month  a  party  of  thirty  men  was  sent  up  to 
the  Forks  with  provisions  and  presents.  On  the  night  of  July 
12,  a  party  of  Indians  attacked  those  who  were  guarding 
the  stores,  killing  four  and  wounding  several  others.  In  con 
sequence  of  this,  Major  McDowell  was  sent  up  with  a  command 
to  bring  the  goods  back  to  Marietta.  This  affair  delayed  the 
treaty  until  the  following  December. 


The  -tth  of  July,  1788,  was  a  memorable  day  for  Marietta, 
for  there  was  held  the  first  celebration  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  in  the  great  Northwest.  The  day  was  ushered  in 
with  the  firing  of  the  guns  of  Fort  Harmar.  There  was  a  pro 
cession  of  the  citizens  and  the  soldiery,  and  a  public  dinner  which 
was  spread  under  a  long  bower  built  of  intertwined  oak  and 
maple  boughs  near  the  North  Point  at  the  mouth  of  the  Muskin- 
gum.  The  wealth  of  the  rivers  and  forests  was  drawn  upon  to 
enrich  the  feast.  Among  the  delicacies  served  was  a  pike  weighing 
one  hundred  pounds.  Patriotic  toasts  were  given  and  an  eloquent 
oration  delivered  by  Judge  Varnum.  Lamenting  the  absence  of 
his  Excellency,  Governor  St.  Clair,  "upon  this  joyous  occasion," 
with  uplifted  hands  he  prays,  "  May  he  soon  arrive ;  "  and  then, 
turning  first  towards  one  and  then  towards  the  other,  he  thus 
apostrophizes  the  all  unconscious  rivers  flowing  on  either  side: 
"  Thou,  gently  flowing  Ohio,  whose  surface,  as  conscious  of  thy 
unequalled  majesty,  reflecteth  no  image  but  the  grandeur  of  the 
impending  heaven,  bear  him,  O,  bear  him  safely  to  this  anxious 
spot.  And  thou,  beautiful,  transparent  Muskingum,  swell  at  the 
moment  of  his  approach,  and  reflect  no  objects  but  of  pleasure 
and  delight."  Thus,  in  the  fertile  soil  of  Ohio,  by  a  Rhode 
Island  man,  the  first  seeds  of  Western  eloquence  were  sown. 

June  15,  Major  Doughty  went  up  the  river  with  a  small 
detachment  of  troops,  to  demolish  Fort  Mclntosh  and  to  escort 
Governor  St.  Clair  to  Marietta.  On  the  9th  of  July,  Gov 
ernor  St.  Clair  arrived  at  Fort  Harmar  and  was  received  by  the 
garrison  and  the  citizens  with  due  honors ;  but  history  is  silent 
as  to  the  "  reflections  "  of  the  rivers  on  this  occasion,  and  fails 
to  state  whether  "  the  beautiful,  transparent  Muskingum " 
swelled  at  his  approach.  Tuesday,  July  15,  was  another 
memorable  day  for  Marietta,  for  in  the  new  settlement,  with 
appropriate  ceremonies,  civil  government  was  duly  established 
as  provided  in  the  "  Ordinance  of  1787  for  the  government  of 
the  territory  of  the  United  States  northwest  of  the  Ohio." 
Landing  from  the  twelve-oared  barge  in  which  he  had  been  rowed 
over  from  the  Fort,  Governor  St.  Clair  made  his  public  entry 
into  the  Bower  attended  by  the  Territorial  Judges,  Messrs.  Par 
sons  and  Varnum,  and  by  the  Secretary,  Winthrop  Sargent. 
Here  he  was  received  by  Rufus  Putnam  and  the  assembled 


524  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

citizens  "  with  the  most  sincere  and  unreserved  congratulations." 
After  a  brief  acknowledgment  by  the  Governor  of  the  welcome 
accorded  him,  Secretary  Sargent,  as  his  minutes  state,  read  the 
"  Ordinance  of  the  Honorable  Congress  for  the  government  of 
the  Territory,  the  Commissions  of  the  Governor,  the  Honor 
able  Judges,  Samuel  Holden  Parsons  and  James  Mitchell  Var- 
num  and  the  Secretary's,  after  which  his  Excellency  addressed 
the  people  assembled."  In  reply  to  his  Excellency,  a  formal 
address  was  presented  by  General  Putnam  in  behalf  of  the 
citizens.  Such  was  the  humble  beginning  of  the  five  great  States 
of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan  and  Wisconsin,  into  which 
the  Territory  of  the  Northwest,  then  an  almost  unexplored 
wilderness,  was  subsequently  divided,  all  of  which,  pursuant  to 
the  Ordinance,  were  now  included  in  a  single  District  for  the 
purposes  of  temporary  government. 

The  first  duty  of  the  Governor  and  Judges  under  the  Ordi 
nance,  was  to  prepare  a  Civil  and  Criminal  Code  for  the  Terri 
tory.  The  Ordinance  provides  that  "  the  Governor  and  Judges, 
or  a  majority  of  them,  shall  adopt  and  publish  in  the  District 
such  laws  of  the  original  States,  criminal  and  civil,  as  may  be 
necessary  and  best  suited  to  the  circumstances  of  the  District, 
and  report  them  to  Congress  from  time  to  time,  which  laws  shall 
be  in  force  in  the  District  until  the  organization  of  the  General 
Assembly  therein,  unless  disapproved  by  Congress.  For  the  pre 
vention  of  crimes  and  injuries,  the  laws  to  be  adopted  or  made 
shall  have  force  in  all  parts  of  the  District."  The  question 
immediately  arose  as  to  whether  they  were  confined  in  their  legis 
lation  to  the  letter  of  existing  enactments,  or  could  modify  them 
to  meet  changed  conditions.  The  Governor,  giving  a  narrow 
significance  to  the  word  "  laws  "  in  the  foregoing  clause  of  the 
Ordinance,  insisted  that  the  statutes  of  the  original  States,  so 
far  as  adopted,  must  be  verbatim,  else  they  would  be  enacting 
instead  of  adopting  laws ;  but  the  Judges,  with  a  clearer  and 
more  practical  comprehension  of  the  business  entrusted  to  them, 
replied  to  the  Governor's  question  as  to  "  the  precise  meaning 
which  they  affixed  to  the  term,"  that  "  by  '  laws,'  is  meant  the 
legal  Codes  or  Systems  of  the  original  States  in  their  general 
nature  and  spirit ; "  — in  other  words,  that  it  was  their  duty  to 
adopt  the  spirit  and  not  necessarily  the  letter  of  the  existing 


laws.  In  a  letter  to  Joshua  Coit,  written  in  December,  1794,  the 
Governor  gives  the  following  account  of  his  "battle"  with  the 
Judges  and  its  result : — 

It  appeared  to  me  very  clearly  that  the  temporary  legislature 
had  no  power  to  make  laws,  but  merely  to  adopt  any  of  the  Acts  of 
the  original  States  that  might  be  suited  to  the  circumstances  of  the 
Territory.  The  Judges,  Parsons  and  Varnum,  were  decidedly  of  a 
contrary  opinion,  and  the  point  was  battled,  both  verbally  and  in 
writing,  for  a  considerable  time.  .  .  .  Considering  that  they 
were  both  men  of  the  law,  my  conclusion  was  that,  how  strong  soever 
my  conviction  was,  my  construction  must  be  erroneous,  and  I  finally 
did  give  way,  upon  their  consenting  to  use  the  word  adopted  instead 
of  enacted.  After  the  death  of  these  gentlemen,  and  others  being 
appointed,  I  endeavored  to  bring  them  to  what  I  conceived  to  be 
the  design  of  Congress ;  but  I  met  with  the  same  opinion,  and  an 
equal  degree  of  obstinacy  in  and  from  them.  .  .  .  The  concur 
rent  sentiments  of  two  sets  of  Judges,  all  of  them  men  of  the  law, 
put  an  end  to  any  further  objections  on  my  part,  and  though  not 
convinced,  I  supposed  that  I  must  have  been  in  error.  From  that 
time  the  style  of  our  laws  changed  from  adopted  and  published,  to 
enacted  and  made. 

In  assuming  the  right  to  make  needed  alterations  in  the  exist 
ing  statutes  adopted  by  them,  it  is  evident  that  the  Governor 
and  Judges,  if  they  exceeded,  did  not  abuse  their  authority,  for 
the  Territorial  Legislature,  when  it  came  into  being  several  years 
later,  ratified  all  their  enactments  except  two  which  had  been 
repealed,  thus  rendering  a  high  tribute  to  the  value  of  their 
work.  Another  question  arose  as  to  the  construction  of  the 
phrase,  "  the  Governor  and  Judges,  or  a  majority  of  them." 
The  Judges  contended  that  the  words,  "a  majority  of  them," 
applied  to  the  Governor  and  Judges  sitting  as  a  legislative  body, 
and  that  the  assent  of  two  judges  or  of  the  Governor  and  one 
judge,  was  necessary  to  pass  any  measure.  The  Governor,  on 
the  other  hand,  claimed  an  absolute  veto,  insisting  that  these 
words  referred  to  the  Judges  alone,  and  that  while  a  bill  might 
be  passed  by  the  vote  of  the  Governor  and  one  judge,  it  could 
not  be  passed  by  the  vote  of  the  two  Judges  without  his  assent. 
The  punctuation  of  the  phrase  supported  the  contention  of  the 
Judges,  as  did  also  the  fact  that  the  Ordinance  gave  no  one  in 


526  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

express  terms  the  right  to  veto  the  action  of  the  Governor  and 
Judges ;  but  the  Governor  argued,  "  that  though  it  was  true  the 
punctuation  would  favor  the  construction  the  Judges  seemed 
inclined  to  put  upon  the  phrase,  he  believed  it  was  the  true  sense 
and  that  Congress  intended  the  assent  of  the  Governor  should 
be  necessary  to  all  laws  adopted  during  the  temporary  stage  of 
government,  as  well  as  to  all  laws  framed  by  the  General  Assem 
bly  after  its  organization."  The  matter  was  finally  referred 
to  Congress,  which  sustained  St.  Glair's  construction,  probably, 
not  so  much  on  the  phraseology  of  the  law,  as  to  make  the  situa 
tion  analogous  to  what  it  would  be  upon  the  election  of  a  Ter 
ritorial  Legislature,  when,  by  the  terms  of  the  Ordinance,  the 
Governor  would  be  given  an  absolute  veto  upon  all  the  legisla 
tion  of  the  Territory.  The  published  correspondence  between 
the  Governor  and  Judges  as  to  their  respective  powers  under  the 
Ordinance,  shows  at  times  considerable  warmth,  but  their  per 
sonal  relations  were  always  cordial,  and,  as  the  records  shoAV, 
they  labored  earnestly  together  in  laying  the  foundations  of 
civil  government  in  the  Territory. 

On  the  26th  of  July,  the  County  of  Washington  was  created 
by  an  order  of  the  Governor,  and  embraced  within  its  limits 
nearly  all  the  eastern  half  of  the  present  State  of  Ohio.  On  the 
2d  of  September,  the  County  officers  having  been  duly 
appointed,  the  County  Court  was  opened  with  a  degree  of  pomp 
and  ceremony  quite  unusual  since  in  Western  frontier  courts. 
As  described  by  the  biographer  of  St.  Clair,  "  the  citizens, 
Governor  St.  Clair  and  other  Territorial  officers,  and  military 
from  Fort  Harmar,  being  assembled  at  the  Point,  a  procession 
was  formed,  and,  as  became  the  occasion,  Colonel  Sproat,  Sheriff, 
with  drawn  sword  and  wand  of  office  led  the  march  up  a  path 
that  had  been  cut  through  the  forest  to  the  Hall  in  the  north 
west  Blockhouse  of  Campus  Martius,  where  the  whole  counter 
marched,  and  the  Judges,  Putnam  and  Tuppcr,  took  their  seats 
on  the  high  bench.  Prayer  was  offered  by  Rev.  Manasseh 
Cutler,  a  director  of  the  Company  then  on  a  visit  to  the  Colony, 
after  which  the  Commissions  of  the  Judges,  Clerk  and  Sheriff 
were  read,  and  the  opening  proclaimed  in  deep  tones  by  Colonel 
Sproat,  in  these  words :  "  O,  yes,  a  Court  is  opened  for  the 
administration  of  even  handed  justice,  to  the  poor  and  to  the 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      527 

rich,  to  the  guilty  and  the  innocent,  without  respect  of  persons, 
none  to  be  punished  without  trial  by  their  peers,  and  then  in 
pursuance  of  the  law  and  evidence  in  the  case." 

The  following  from  General  Parsons  to  his  wife  relates  to 
affairs  in  Marietta  and  troubles  with  the  Indians : — 

MARIETTA,  July  20,  1788. 

MY  DEAR. — I  imagine  your  letters  must  have  failed  on  the  way, 
as  I  am  sure  you  have  written  me  more  than  twice  since  I  left  you, 
the  last  of  which  I  have  answered.  At  the  same  time  I  received  one 
from  Enoch  and  another  from  Lucia,  and  since  that  one  from  Wil 
liam.  It  is  to  gratify  my  own  feelings  in  bringing  my  dear  family 
often  to  mind  and  to  assure  you  of  my  unalterable  attachment,  that 
I  so  frequently  write  you.  We  for  the  first  time  have  a  school  house, 
used  by  the  Rev.  William  Breck,  who,  I  expect,  will  remain  with 
us  until  Mr.  Cutler  arrives.  The  school  teacher  is  also  here,  but 
few  families  have  yet  arrived.  This  institution  will  not  open  until 
the  Fall,  when  we  have  reason  to  expect  a  considerable  reinforce 
ment  of  families.  Many  persons  have  already  gone  and  others  are 
going,  to  return  in  the  Fall  with  their  families,  and  numbers  are 
now  on  the  road  and  others  hutted  in  Washington  and  Westmore 
land  Counties  until  houses  are  built  for  their  accomodation.  I  shall 
continue  in  my  hut  until  I  know  your  intention  of  joining  me  in  this 
country.  Should  you  determine  to  make  me  so  happy,  I  shall  im 
mediately  set  about  accomodating  you  in  a  situation  more  beautiful 
than  you  ever  before  experienced.  Our  city's  name,  in  honor  of  the 
Queen  of  France,  is  composed  of  her  two  Christian  names — Marie 
Antoinette.  The  Governor  is  here.  He  appears  pleased  with  the 
situation  and  the  people  equally  pleased  with  him.  This  will  be  the 
seat  of  Government,  the  Governor  having  given  us  pretty  clear  inti 
mations  of  his  views  on  that  hand. 

The  treaty  is  postponed;  the  stores  had  been  sent  up  the  River 
about  eighty  miles  to  the  place  where  the  treaty  was  to  have  been 
held,  under  the  guard  of  twenty  men.  About  that  number  of  the 
banditti  from  the  Chippeway  tribe  made  a  sudden  attack  on  the 
guard,  but  retreated  finding  nothing  to  plunder.  In  this  affray  three 
men  were  killed  and  one  wounded.  The  Indians  had  two  killed  and 
one  wounded  and  were  repulsed,  since  which  six  Indians  of  that 
nation  were  made  prisoners  and  recently  lodged  in  the  provost  at 
Fort  Harmar  and  the  stores  all  returned  to  the  Fort.  The  Governor 
has  sent  a  messenger  to  the  Indian  tribes  remonstrating  against  this 
violation  of  faith  and  demanding  immediate  satisfaction,  and  I  think 


528  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

there  is  a  prospect  of  this  proving  very  much  to  our  advantage,  but 
it  must  necessarily  create  delay  in  settling  the  amount  of  damage 
that  has  been  done  by  the  Indians  this  season  (except  the  attack  on 
the  guard)  within  three  hundred  miles  of  this  settlement.  Some  has 
been  done  and  more  reported  to  have  been  done  in  Kentucky.  In 
short,  it  is  impossible  to  conjecture  with  any  degree  of  certainty 
what  part  of  the  representations  of  Indian  depredations  ought  to  be 
believed.  If  you  take  two-thirds  as  utterly  devoid  of  truth  and  be 
lieve  one-half  the  rest,  you  will  have  a  pretty  clear  idea  by  relying 
upon  your  faith.  I  also  wait  to  know  the  issue  of  matters  at  the  East. 
The  holders  and  agents  have  ordered  all  shares  (of  the  Ohio  Com 
pany)  forfeited  which  are  not  paid  by  the  first  of  next  June.  My 
sons  must  see  that  business  closed  immediately  and  Enoch  must  bring 
a  receipt  in  full  for  ninety-nine  shares,  including  the  shares  of  Mr. 
Browne  and  Platt.  This  being  done  will  leave  in  my  hands  a 
sufficient  number  of  shares  without  purchasing.  They  may,  there 
fore,  omit  to  make  any  purchases  at  present,  as  this  will  bring  them 
much  cheaper  than  to  buy  of  those  that  hold  them.  If  the  persons 
named  as  purchasers  have  not  paid,  let  them  borrow  the  securities 
and  not  fail  to  pay  in  and  send  me  the  receipt  as  soon  as  possible. 
I  wrote  in  my  last  that  it  would  not  be  necessary  for  Enoch  to  come 
on  soon,  but  the  arrangements  will  be  such  that  I  fear  he  will  lose 
his  office  if  he  does  not  come  this  Fall.  If  he  should  come,  let  him 
attend  to  my  former  letters.  I  do  not  write  him  because  I  do  not 
know  but  what  he  is  on  the  road. 

With  my  most  hearty  wishes  for  your  prospects  and  my  love  to 
our  dear  children  and  the  family,  I  must  close  this  and  am 

Yours  affectionately, 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Breck  mentioned  by  Parsons  has  the  credit  of 
having,  July  20,  1788,  preached  the  first  sermon  in  English, 
northwest  of  the  Ohio.  July  16,  General  Parsons  wrote  to 
Manasseh  Cutler  at  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  regarding  the  con 
dition  of  affairs  in  the  new  settlement: — 

MUSKINGUM,  16th  July,  1788. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  received  your  kind  letter  of  the  21st  of  April  this 
morning,  on  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Rogers  and  others.  We  shall  be 
happy  to  receive  you  in  our  settlement  as  soon  as  you  can  make  it 
convenient;  indeed  it  is  necessary  you  should  be  here  as  early  as 
possible.  Some  different  arrangements  in  the  surveys  must  take 
place,  I  believe,  and  it  will  be  proper  that  as  large  a  representation 


of  the  Proprietors  should  be  present  when  any  material  alterations 
of  the  former  system  are  made. 

The  beauty  of  situation,  fertility  of  soil,  and  goodness  of  climate 
are  equal  to  our  most  sanguine  expectations ;  industry  and  perse 
verance  will  soon  place  us  in  very  easy  circumstances.  Our  prin 
cipal  obstruction  to  settlement  arises  from  unfounded  reports  of 
danger,  fabricated  and  industriously  spread  to  alarm  the  fears  of 
the  people.  More  than  one  hundred  have  halted  in  Westmoreland 
and  Washington  Counties,  and  several  have  returned  home,  occa 
sioned  by  reports,  in  almost  every  instance,  wholly  void  of  truth. 

We  have  suffered  no  insults  from  the  Indians,  but  they  are  with 
us  almost  every  week,  and  profess  great  friendship  for  the  Yan 
kees,  who  they  distinguish  from  the  settlers  on  the  Virginia  shore; 
yet  they  have  no  government  but  that  of  influence  from  advice  of 
their  chiefs.  We  cannot  be  sure  no  partial  injuries  will  be  attempted 
by  the  ungoverned  part  of  the  tribes;  we  have,  therefore,  hitherto 
kept  ourselves  in  a  state  of  defense,  so  that  no  attempt  can  be  made 
but  where  the  whole  body  of  the  inhabitants  may  be  brought  to  repel 
the  enemy  within  an  hour.  Our  working  parties  are  enjoined  to  take 
their  arms  into  the  field,  and  a  small  patrol  is  every  day  with  them. 
This  service  is  done  in  rotation,  and  will  be  continued  as  a  caution 
ary  measure,  tho'  I  have  little  reason  to  suspect  any  attack  will  ever 
be  made.  The  Indians,  themselves,  remark  in  their  towns  that  we 
settle  compactly,  and  not  in  the  scattered  manner  in  which  the  fron 
tiers  have  been  generally  settled,  and  no  attempt  can  be  made  with 
out  meeting  the  whole  force  in  the  settlement,  as  well  as  the  soldiers 
of  the  garrison.  If  we  continue  to  exercise  a  prudent  caution,  I 
believe  we  are  in  very  little  danger. 

An  unlucky  event  has  retarded  the  treaty.  A  few  days  since,  a 
small  party  of  the  Ottawa  Indians  attacked  a  guard  at  the  Falls  of 
the  Muskingum  (about  80  miles  up  the  river)  who  were  stationed  to 
protect  the  provisions  sent  up  for  the  treaty,  in  which  affray  we  lost 
three  men ;  two  Indians  were  killed  and  one  wounded,  and  they  were 
repulsed.  The  Delawares  however,  came  in  immediately,  and  re 
main  to  protect  the  stores  and  treaty.  The  Governor,  in  consequence 
of  this  violation  of  faith,  has  ordered  the  stores  down,  and  sent  to 
demand  satisfaction  for  the  insult.  This  appears  to  me  likely  to 
protract  the  business,  a  very  proper  measure  and  such  as  will  in  its 
issue  do  us  much  good. 

Whilst  I  am  writing,  I  received  your  two  other  letters.  I  will  en 
deavor  to  answer  all  your  questions.  They  are  important  questions. 
I  believe  nobody  will  lose  their  nightcaps,  if  we  behave  in  our  set- 


530  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

tlement  as  we  ought  to,  and  as  I  believe  we  shall.  No  magazine  of 
provisions  is  yet  made  here  by  which  people  may  be  supplied  in  any 
considerable  quantities,  but  they  generally  supply  in  the  upper  coun 
try,  though  I  think  it  economy  and  in  every  point  prudent  such  sup 
ply  should  be  made,  when  I  know  it  may  so  easily  be  done  without 
loss  to  the  Company.  This  and  some  other  encouraging  proposi 
tions  I  shall  make  on  the  22  inst,  to  which  time  our  meeting  is 
adjourned. 

When  I  came  no  cover  was  provided  for  any  person.  We  have 
built  our  huts,  and  the  blockhouses  are  now  begun,  one  being  partly 
raised  this  day  (the  19th).  The  Company  have  ordered  four  houses 
to  be  built,  under  the  care  of  the  directors  and  in  their  disposal.  One 
will  doubtless  be  for  the  Governor,  one  for  the  Company's  use,  one 
for  the  public  offices  and  the  other  for  accomodating  the  instruction 
of  the  settlement.  On  the  completion  of  these,  you  will  doubtless 
be  well  accomodated.  You  are  wanted— many  things  are  necessary 
to  be  done.  Rome  was  not  built  in  a  day.  We  have  some  difficulties 
to  encounter  which  require  a  persevering  mind.  I  wish  you  here. 
I  think  families  determined  to  sacrifice  a  temporary  convenience  to 
great  prospects,  should  hasten  to  this  place.  I  am  pleased  with  Mr. 
Rogers,  but  your  wishes  are  in  your  own  power.  You  are  the  appoint 
ing  power  and  I  never  wish  to  make  the  mode  of  education,  or  the 
instructor  under  such  mode,  more  in  the  power  of  a  town-meeting 
than  I  wish  government  or  the  laws  to  be. 

You  are  very  much  wanted.     I  wish  you  here. 

I  am  &c., 

19th  July. — Our  city  is  called  Mari-etta.       SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  Rev.  Manasseh  Cutler. 

The  Mr.  Rogers  spoken  of  by  Parsons,  had  been  sent  out  to 
the  Colony  as  a  teacher  by  Dr.  Cutler.  Before  this  letter  had 
reached  the  Doctor  at  his  home  in  Ipswich,  Mass.,  he  had  com 
menced  (July  21)  his  journey  to  Marietta,  where  he  arrived 
on  the  19th  of  August.  His  diary  in  which  are  recorded  his 
observations  and  the  incidents  of  his  visit,  furnishes  a  vivid 
picture  of  life  in  the  Colony.  His  voyage  down  the  Ohio  was 
made  in  a  species  of  galley  propelled  by  oars,  which  carried 
forty-eight  passengers,  besides  cattle  and  freight.  The  pas 
sengers  divided  themselves  into  five  reliefs  for  rowing  at  night, 
but  Cutler  and  General  Tupper  who  was  with  him,  excused  them 
selves  from  working  their  passage.  It  happened  on  this  voyage 
that  the  screw  was  applied  for  the  first  time  to  the  propulsion  of 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       531 

vessels  on  western  waters.  Tupper  had  described  this  substitute 
for  oars  to  Cutler,  who  was  so  much  taken  with  the  scheme  that, 
as  he  writes,  he  immediately  "  constructed  a  machine  in  the  form 
of  a  screw  with  short  blades  and  placed  it  in  the  stern  of  a  boat, 
which  we  turned  with  a  crank.  It  succeeded  admirably  and  I 
think  it  is  a  very  useful  invention."  This  is  the  same  device  used 
by  David  Bushnell  to  propel  his  torpedo  boat,  with  which 
General  Parsons  in  1776  attempted  to  blow  up  the  British  man- 
of-war,  "  Asia."  This  invention  Tupper  had  probably  seen. 

Upon  their  arrival  in  the  Muskingum,  as  the  diary  reads, 
"We  were  very  politely  received  by  the  Honorable  Judges, 
General  Putnam  and  our  friends.  General  Putnam  invited  me 
to  his  lodgings,  which  is  a  marquee.  I  drank  tea  with  General 
Parsons."  The  next  day  the  Directors  of  the  Ohio  Company 
gave  a  dinner  to  the  Governor  and  officers  of  the  garrison,  at 
the  Great  Hall  in  the  Campus  Martius.  Having  gone  to  the 
Fort  with  Secretary  Sargent  to  pay  his  compliments  to  his 
Excellency,  Dr.  Cutler  was  invited  by  the  Governor  to  remain 
and  go  over  with  him.  The  diary  briefly  describes  the  function, 
which  evidently  was  conducted  with  all  possible  state.  "  We 
came  over  in  the  barge  to  the  Hall  with  his  Excellency,  the  ladies 
and  the  officers.  Barge  rowed  by  twelve  oars ;  Sargent  in  the 
stern ;  the  word  '  Congress  '  painted  on  the  blade  of  each  oar ; 
well  disciplined  in  rowing.  We  landed  up  the  Muskingum, 
opposite  the  Campus  Martius;  a  handsome  dinner  with  punch 
and  wine;  the  Governor  and  ladies  from  the  garrison  very 
sociable ;  Miss  Rowena  Tupper  and  the  two  Mrs.  Goodale,  dined 
and  fifty-five  gentlemen ;  returned  in  the  barge  to  the  Point." 
Cutler  was  also  present  at  the  inauguration  of  the  Court  of  Com 
mon  Pleas,  opened  it  with  prayer  and,  after  adjournment,  dined 
with  the  Judges  and  Governor  at  Fort  Harmar.  "  Genteel 
dinner ;  fine  fruit ;  Mrs.  Harmar  a  fine  woman." 

The  Governor,  pursuant  to  the  instructions  of  Congress,  had 
invited  the  Indians  to  a  general  conference  at  the  Fort  pre 
liminary  to  making  a  treaty,  and  at  this  time  they  were  just 
beginning  to  arrive.  Cutler  complains  that  when  he  came  in  at 
night,  he  found  them  very  numerous  about  his  quarters,  "  the 
squaws  mostly  drunk,  the  Indians  sober."  "We  have  had  them 
to  dine  with  us  almost  every  day  since  I  have  been  at  the  Point, 


532  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

principally  Delawares,  Wyandots,  Shawanese  and  Senecas." 
The  usual  menu  seems  to  have  been,  venison,  wild  pigeons, 
squirrel-pies,  catfish  and  such  vegetables  and  wild  fruits  as  were 
obtainable.  In  his  explorations  with  Parsons  and  Putnam,  he 
visits  a  large  part  of  the  tract  occupied  by  the  Colony.  He  is 
very  much  interested  in  the  remains  of  the  ancient  earthworks, 
which  he  describes  as  including  within  their  walls  from  twenty  to 
forty  acres,  and  as  having  gates  and  covered  ways,  and  contain 
ing  mounds,  some  conical,  some  oblong,  ranging  from  nine  to 
thirty  feet  in  height,  and  estimates,  from  an  examination  of  the 
growing  trees  and  decaying  stumps,  that  their  age  cannot  be  less 
than  a  thousand  years.  He  is  greatly  impressed  by  the  produc 
tiveness  of  the  soil,  the  excellence  of  the  gardens,  the  plentiful- 
ness  of  grapes  and  small  fruits,  and  the  abundance  and  variety 
of  fish  and  game ;  and  he  notes  with  astonishment  the  size  of  the 
trees,  some  over  forty  feet  in  circumference,  and  the  magnitude 
of  the  cornfields,  in  which  one  could  "  as  soon  be  lost  as  in  a 
cedar  swamp  in  a  cloudy  day."  Foggy  nights  and  mornings, 
sudden  and  heavy  rains  by  which  he  was  often  "  doused  "  and 
several  times  "  almost  drowned,"  together  with  abounding  mud, 
appear  to  have  characterized  his  visit ;  but,  as  an  offset,  all  the 
women  seemed  bright  and  charming.  Miss  Symmes,  who  was 
destined  to  become  the  wife  of  one  President  and  the  grandmother 
of  another,  was  "  a  very  well  accomplished  young  lady ; "  Mrs. 
Harmar,  the  wife  of  the  first  General-in-Chief  of  the  United 
States  Army,  was  "  a  fine  woman,"  and  Mrs.  Captain  McCurdy 
was  "  very  agreeable." 

Francis  Vigo,  a  dealer  in  peltries  along  the  western  waters 
from  St.  Louis  to  Pittsburgh,  a  Spaniard  by  birth,  living  at  St. 
Louis,  then  a  Spanish  Province,  happened  up  the  River  just  at 
this  time  on  a  trading  voyage  to  Pittsburgh.  Dr.  Cutler,  pleased 
with  Monsieur's  "  fine  large  boat,  with  keel  and  rudder  and  ten 
oars,  cabin  and  awning ;  good  accomodations,"  engaged 
passage  with  him  up  the  river  and,  September  9,  took  leave 
of  Marietta. 

The  following  letter  from  the  General  to  his  wife,  was  written 
upon  learning  the  death  of  her  brother,  Captain  Elias  Mather, 
the  preceding  August,  at  his  home  in  Lyme,  Connecticut : — 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      533 

MARIETTA,  October  18th,  1788. 

Two  days  ago  I  received  your  kind  letter,  my  dear  Hetty,  of  the 
30th  of  August,  with  one  from  William  and  another  from  Enoch, 
dated  in  September,  after  it  had  traveled  to  Petersburgh  in  Virginia 
and  back  again  by  mistaking  Petersburgh  for  Pittsburg.  Here  I 
wish  to  inform  you  that  I  suppose  my  letters  lodged  at  the  War-Office 
are  still  there,  as  I  have  never  received  one  through  that  channel; 
those  covered  to  Mr.  Baldwin  have  come  on  safely  and  in  good  sea 
son.  My  heart  is  grieved  at  the  sorrowful  tidings  of  your  brother, 
but,  my  dear,  this  life  is  but  a  passage  to  a  far  more  durable  one; 
we  are  in  the  hands  of  a  kind,  a  wise  and  all  powerful  God.  Under 
his  dispensations  let  us  patiently  submit,  in  a  firm  belief  that  he  dis 
poses  all  events  to  the  best  and  greatest  good  of  the  creatures  he  has 
made.  Let  us  rejoice  in  his  goodness  and  resign  ourselves  to  his 
government.  I  own  I  feel  more  my  daily  dependence  on  a  Superin 
tending  Providence  than  I  have  before  realized,  and  a  resigned 
state  of  mind  to  His  will  and  government,  which  I  believe  to  be  the 
greatest  state  of  happiness  we  can  enjoy  in  this  world.  For  many 
years  you  have  been  my  companion  in  the  multiplied  troubles  which 
have  fallen  to  my  lot,  but  rest  assured,  my  dear,  that  however  much 
I  may  most  ardently  wish  your  company  in  my  future  walks  of  life, 
how  much  soever  my  happiness  will  be  diminished  by  your  absence, 
I  will  never  compel  your  choice,  not  will  I  omit  anything  in  my  power 
to  render  you  comfortable  in  the  country  of  your  choice.  My  duty 
and  the  interests  of  my  children  keep  me  here.  If  I  were  favored 
with  one  of  my  daughters,  I  could  be  as  happy  as  your  absence 
would  permit.  But  this  also  shall  be  left  to  your  choice. 

Yours  faithfully, 

S.  H.  PARSONS. 

Dr.  William  Samuel  Johnson  having  been  chosen  to  represent 
the  State  of  Connecticut  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
General  Parsons  writes  him  the  following  letter  of 
congratulation : — 

MARIETTA,  November  2Jf,  1788. 

MY  DEAR  SIR. — I  should  do  violence  to  my  own  feelings,  my 
worthy  friend,  if  I  should  suppress  my  congratulations  on  the  hon 
orable  appointment  lately  conferred  on  you  by  the  country  which 
gave  you  birth.  When  I  reflect  that  merit  may  sometimes  rise  tri 
umphant  over  envy  and  persecution,  and  that  the  men  who  have 
pursued  with  malignant  hatred  to  bonds  and  banishment,  a  character 
more  honest  and  steadfast  than  themselves,  are  compelled  to  claim 


LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

their  citizen  in  another  State  and  heap  upon  him  the  testimonies  of 
their  esteem,  I  feel  a  degree  of  satisfaction  not  to  be  expressed. 
My  personal  regard  to  you  has,  you  believe  and  I  know,  interested 
me  in  the  vicissitudes  of  your  fortune  since  our  first  acquaintance. 
If  at  any  time  I  have  done  what  might  wound  your  feelings,  dire 
necessity  under  my  then  situation  must  be  my  only  excuse.  The 
goodness  of  your  heart  has  buried  this  transaction  that  a  mention  of 
it  has  never  escaped  your  lips;  at  least,  your  kindness  has  never 
suffered  you  to  upbraid  me,  and  the  interest  you  have  taken  in  my 
prosperity,  has  convinced  me  that  no  latent  seeds  of  dissatisfaction 
rest  in  your  breast.  That  you  may  continue  to  possess  the  confi 
dence  of  your  country  so  justly  placed,  will  ever  be  my  most  ardent 
wish,  and  that  I  may  deserve  the  friendship  you  have  long  honored 
me  with,  will  be  my  constant  endeavor. 

You  know  I  am  somewhat  prone  to  enthusiasm,  and  therefore,  a 
particular  description  of  the  beauties  and  excellency  of  our  country 
will  be  subject  to  some  suspicion  coming  from  me,  but  to  assure  you 
that  the  beauty  of  situation,  salubrity  of  air,  luxuriance  of  soil  and 
prospects  of  ease  give  me  perfect  satisfaction  and  answer  my  most 
sanguine  expectations,  will  be  pleasing  information,  yet  many  things 
are  still  to  be  done  to  render  us  all  the  benefits  we  hope  to  derive 
from  this  excellent  country.  The  habits  of  an  old  world  are  in  some 
degree  to  be  corrected  in  forming  a  new  one  of  the  old  materials. 
The  different  local  prejudices  are  to  be  done  away  and  a  medium 
fallen  upon  which  may  reconcile  all.  This,  so  far  as  respects  re 
ligious  opinions,  which  have  been  as  fruitful  a  source  of  ill  neigh 
borhood  and  persecuting  dispositions  as  any  in  the  world,  I  believe 
we  have  placed  on  a  satisfactory  ground.  We  compel  no  man  to 
profess  himself  under  the  influence  of  any  particular  religion.  We 
oblige  every  man  to  attend  military  duty  at  the  door  of  the  church 
every  Sunday,  and  when  military  exercises  are  over,  we  attend  the 
public  worship  of  the  Supreme  Being.  Those  who  do  not  choose 
to  attend  may  withdraw,  but  custom,  that  wicked  tyrant,  generally 
makes  a  full  assembly.  We  permit  no  one  to  disturb  any  person  in 
his  worship,  and  servile  labor  is  forbidden  on  the  Sabbath.  Jews 
and  Gentiles  may  worship  in  their  own  way;  nor  do  we  approve  of 
any  endeavors  to  establish  one  denomination  of  Christians  over  an 
other.  Roman  Catholics,  Episcopalians  of  every  kind,  Presbyte 
rians,  Baptists,  Quakers  &c.  &c.,  are  equally  received,  and  their 
preachers  congregate  us  in  one  assembly  as  they  happen  to  come  on. 
Regulations  of  government  may  create  greater  difficulties.  We  may 
adopt,  but  not  make  laws.  This,  if  literally  adhered  to,  will  create 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      535 

a  code  of  laws  as  discordant  in  style  and  substance  as  can  be  con 
ceived,  but  should  the  idea  be  that  we  may  vary  the  form  to  suit  our 
own  circumstances,  preserving  the  substance,  we  may  do  better.  This 
we  have  hitherto  practiced  upon. 

The  constitution  of  the  Country  provides  no  way  for  the  admini 
stration  of  government  on  the  death  or  occasional  absence  of  the 
Governor.  Should  this  be  left  in  this  state?  We  had  thought  of 
publishing  a  law  on  this  subject,  but  we  cannot  yet  agree.  Brother 
Varnum  refuses  his  assent  to  vest  this  power  in  the  Judges  unless 
I  agree  to  a  clause  expressly  declaring  that  there  is  no  priority  be 
tween  him  and  me  (being  appointed  in  one  day)  and  that  in  con 
ducting  the  Court  and  in  every  exercise  of  authority  there  is  a  rota 
tion  between  him  and  me.  This  I  shall  never  agree  to.  I  suppose 
myself  primus  inter  pares,  and  have  no  right  to  cede  this  priority 
to  any  man.  Would  it  not  be  better  for  Congress  to  make  some 
declaratory  resolve  on  this  matter  to  prevent  difficulties  ? 

Our  Governor  renders  himself  agreeable  to  every  one  except  my 
brother  (Varnum)  whose  view,  perhaps,  may  not  be  limited  to  his 
present  station.  I  am  satisfied  in  my  present  appointment,  but 
should  a  vacancy  happen  in  the  first  office,  I  shall  rely  upon  your 
opposing  my  claim  to  those  of  either  of  my  brethren,  and  support 
ing  me  in  opposition  to  them  and  most  other  candidates.  Some  I 
should  not  object  to. 

The  Indian  Treaty  is  yet  in  suspense.  They  refuse  to  come  here 
and  the  Governor  refuses  to  go  to  them.  The  issue  is  uncertain.  I 
think  with  discretionary  powers  the  Governor  could  settle  all  matters 
quietly,  but  confined,  as  I  suppose  he  is,  a  war  must  be  the  issue, 
which,  though  it  will  probably  terminate  favorably,  will  be  more 
expensive  than  a  purchase  of  the  lands  as  we  want  them.  But  in 
present  circumstances,  I  don't  see  but  that  they  must  be  driven  away 
and  dispersed,  if  they  refuse  to  treat.  The  Connecticut  lands  are 
inferior  to  none  in  this  country,  and  I  think  it  would  be  much  to 
their  interest  to  pursue  the  example  of  Pennsylvania  and  give  the 
Indians  some  small  sum.  Two  or  three  thousand  dollars  would 
effectually  remove  all  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  and  con 
ciliate  them  to  the  Connecticut  interest.  If  this  be  done,  I  can  sell 
in  the  counties  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  on  this  side  the  moun 
tains,  so  that  a  settlement  would  take  place  next  year  which  will 
open  the  way  to  rapid  sales  both  in  and  out  of  the  State.  If  Con 
necticut  should  appoint  Commissioners,  I  think  General  Richard 
Butler  would  best  serve  their  interests.  If  they  see  fit  to  appoint 
me  with  him,  I  will  do  what  I  can  to  serve  them.  Perhaps  they  may 


536  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

add  Colonel  Meigs  of  whom  they  have  a  good  opinion.     Commis 
sioners  in  the  Western  country  will  save  a  great  expense,  besides 
their  better  acquaintance  with  the  Indians  and  their  concerns. 
I  am,  my  dear  Sir,  with  the  greatest  esteem 

Your  obedt.  servt., 
To  Dr.  William  Samuel  Johnson.  SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  following  is  from  Parsons  to  his  wife : — 

MARIETTA,  December  14,  1788. 

MY  DEAR. — Your  very  welcome  letter  by  Mr.  Miller,  I  received 
last  night.  I  shall  renew  the  idea  of  a  building  to  accommodate  you 
and  the  children.  The  peaches,  asparagus  and  rosebuds  shall  be  put 
into  the  ground  to-morrow.  As  for  asparagus,  we  have  it  in  perfec 
tion.  The  apple  seeds  and  apple  trees  I  shall  set  out  in  my  orchard 
this  week.  The  Indians  arrived  at  the  treaty  yesterday.  All  the 
nations  that  were  expected  are  as  follows: — Senecas,  Delawares, 
Wyandots,  some  of  the  Chippewas,  Ottawas,  Pottawotomies  and 
Sioux — three  tribes  have  not  arrived.  The  Mohawks,  part  of  the 
Cayugas  and  Onondagas  have  refused  to  come  in  and  have  returned 
home.  I  believe  all  things  will  be  amicably  settled  within  a  week  or 
two. 

I  shall  write  Enoch  if  I  have  time,  otherwise  I  shall  enclose  a 
statement  of  my  account  with  the  Treasury  and  a  copy  of  the 
minutes.  Unless  my  stay  should  be  necessary  on  account  of  Judge 
Varnum's  sickness,  he  being  a  confirmed  consumptive,  as  is  believed, 
I  shall  go  up  the  River  with  the  Governor  when  the  treaty  ends  and 
shall  come  over  the  mountains  and  see  some  of  you  in  Pennsylvania. 

My  most  affectionate  love  constantly  attends  you  and  all  our  chil 
dren.  That  you  may  be  happy  is  the  prayer  of 

Yours  sincerely, 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  treaty  referred  to  in  Parsons'  letter  had  been  delayed  for 
months  by  the  failure  of  the  Indians  to  attend.  Several  of  the 
principal  chiefs  had  arrived  during  Dr.  Cutler's  visit  in  Septem 
ber,  but  the  main  body — about  two  hundred — did  not  appear 
until  December  13.  On  the  15th,  the  Council  was  opened. 
The  Indians  were  found  to  be  at  odds  amongst  themselves.  Days 
were  spent  in  consultations  with  the  Governor  and  powwows  in 
their  camps.  At  last,  on  the  29th,  a  Grand  Council  was  held 
at  which  the  old  Wyandot  Chief,  Shandotto,  presented  with 


great  force  the  Indians'  case  and  demanded  that  the  Ohio  be 
made  the  boundary  line.  The  Governor  refused  this  and  insisted 
upon  a  confirmation  of  the  treaties  of  Fort  Stanwix,  Fort  Mc- 
Intosh  and  Fort  Finney.  The  Council  reassembled  January 
6,  when  the  Governor  endeavored  to  show  the  Indians  that  they 
had  forfeited  their  lands  by  siding  with  the  British  in  the  late 
war.  It  was  not  until  the  9th  that  a  conclusion  was  reached, 
when  two  treaties  were  made — one  with  the  Six  Nations  confirm 
ing  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  and  the  second  with  the  Western 
Tribes  ratifying  the  treaties  of  Forts  Mclntosh  and  Finney. 
On  the  13th,  the  goods  provided  for  the  Indians  were  distributed 
and  all  left  for  home  apparently  well  satisfied. 

December  17,  Governor  St.  Clair  issued  his  proclamation 
appointing  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  December,  1788,  as  a  day  of 
"  solemn  thanksgiving  and  praise."  In  the  absence  of  a  clergy 
man,  the  duty  of  preaching  the  customary  sermon  fell  upon  Gen 
eral  Parsons.  It  is  this  sermon  which  Parsons  so  modestly  refers 
to  in  his  letter  to  Cutler,  and  which  he  sends  to  his  wife,  as  he 
says,  "  to  confirm  her  faith."  His  mention,  as  one  of  the  principal 
subjects  for  thanksgiving,  of  "  the  peaceful  conduct  of  our 
neighboring  nations,  who,  from  a  state  of  savage  ferocity,  have 
hitherto  quietly  submitted  to  our  possessing  their  country,"  is 
not  so  bad  for  a  soldier.  The  following  is  the  sermon — the  first 
Thanksgiving  Sermon  preached  in  the  Northwest  Territory : — 

Nature  through  all  her  works  speaks  the  being  of  a  God,  and 
unassisted  reason  dictates  the  propriety  of  rendering  Him  a  tribute 
of  praise  and  thanksgiving  for  the  daily  instances  of  his  care  and 
Providence,  to  meet  and  recount  His  mercies,  deprecate  His  judge 
ments  and  to  supplicate  His  future  blessings.  So  forcibly  has  this 
truth  been  impressed  upon  all  classes  of  men  in  every  age,  that  per 
haps  a  single  instance  is  not  to  be  found  in  all  nations  of  the  world, 
from  the  most  refined  stages  of  civil  society  to  the  most  unenlight 
ened  tribes  of  savages,  where  a  people  have  not  assembled  at  stated 
times  jointly  to  celebrate  the  praises  of  the  Great  Author  of  all 
their  benefits;  that  in  these  acts  of  solemn  and  public  worship  (how- 
.ever  obscured  in  fable,  or  enveloped  in  mystical  jargon),  their 
hearts  might  be  warmed  with  unfeigned  love  to  the  Author  of  their 
being  and  all  their  blessings,  in  whom  the  heathen  world  acknow 
ledge  we  live  and  move  and  have  our  being  and  who  is  so  nigh  unto 


538  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

every  one  of  us,  that  they  may  in  obedience  to  his  will  promote 
a  Spirit  of  mutual  Benevolence,  learn  to  commiserate  each  others 
frailties  and  throw  a  veil  over  their  neighbors'  faults. 

And  would  it  not  be  too  great  presumption  for  us  to  say,  that  the 
sincere  exhibitions  of  gratitude  to  God,  in  whatever  mode  we  demon 
strate  it,  is  not  acceptable  to  Him  who  judges  righteous  judgement 
and  cannot  be  misguided  by  false  appearances. 

But  how  much  more  happy  is  our  case  than  that  of  those  who  by 
the  glimmering  light  of  a  darkened  understanding,  faintly  discern 
the  duties  they  owe  to  the  great  first  cause,  and  groping  in  the  maze 
of  perplexing  errors,  scarcely  perceive  the  only  rule  of  conduct  to 
each  other  which  renders  life  agreeable  and  happy.  For  to  us  a 
child  is  born ;  to  us  a  son  is  given ;  His  name  is  Wonderful,  Counsel 
lor,  the  Mighty  God,  the  everlasting  Father,  the  Prince  of  Peace. 

This  everlasting  Father,  this  all  discerning  Counsellor,  has  dis 
pelled  the  mists  which  clouded  our  understandings,  has  clearly 
pointed  out  to  us  the  road  to  felicity,  and  by  His  genial  influences 
has  sweetened  all  our  walks  in  life,  awaking  to  action  those  senti 
ments  of  universal  Philanthropy  which  soften  the  heart,  warm  the 
affections  and  mutually  endear  us  to  one  another;  and,  by  subduing. 
our  vicious  propensities,  becomes  emphatically  the  Prince  of  Peace; 
and  how  ought  we  to  rejoice  that  the  government  is  on  his  shoulders. 
To  celebrate  this  event  and  to  offer  up  our  fervant  and  devout 
thanks  for  the  many  unmerited  favors  of  the  last  year,  to  provoke 
one  another  to  mutual  love  and  charity,  by  reminding  ourselves  of 
the  favor  of  our  God,  is  the  proper  business  of  this  day;  and  if  our 
hearts  are  duly  affected  with  the  events  this  day  is  designed  to  com 
memorate,  we  shall  be  ready  with  pious  men  in  former  days  to  cry 
out  in  transports  of  almost  enthusiastic  joy,  While  I  live  I  will 
praise  the  Lord,  I  will  sing  praises  unto  my  God  while  I  have  a 
being;  now  suffer  thy  servant  to  depart  in  peace  for  mine  eyes  have 
seen  thy  salvation,  peace  on  earth  and  good  will  to  all  men. 

Custom  is  sometimes  a  plea  for  assuming  a  control  of  our  conduct. 
The  habits  of  many  people  ought  certainly  to  be  complied  with 
when  no  proper  reason  can  be  found  for  changing  them.  Call  it 
national  honor,  a  pride  in  excelling  or  by  whatever  name  you  please, 
a  conformity  to  the  manners  of  our  country  greatly  tends  to  cement 
that  friendship  which  sweetens  all  the  enjoyments  of  life;  while  an 
affected  endeavor  unnecessarily  to  change  them  wounds  the  feelings 
of  our  neighbors  and  shows  a  versability  of  character  not  to  be 
wished  for.  National  pride  and  national  vanity  are  distinct  ideas 
and  founded  on  very  different  principles.  The  former  has  many 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      539 

branches,,  none  more  absurd  than  the  pride  of  being  a  member  of 
the  only  true  church  or  professing  the  only  true  religion.  "Tis  no 
matter  whether  a  man  professes  the  true  religion  whilst  he  believes 
it ;  'tis  the  same  to  him,  and  this  spirit  casts  out  every  other  to  eternal 
damnation.  But  the  religion  taught  by  Jesus  Christ  shows  us  we  are 
not  to  pass  sentence  so  lightly  on  one  another;  the  God  who  is  to 
judge  us  is  a  God  of  clemency  as  well  as  justice,  and  our  Integrity, 
Candor  and  Zeal  in  serving  Him  will  have  their  weight,  if  we  do  not 
take  the  nearest  and  best  way.  Yet  if  we  lead  a  life  of  uniform 
virtue  and  holiness,  we  must  be  in  a  road  which  will  bring  us  to  the 
same  end.  The  hope  of  salvation  is  grounded  on  the  real  Religion 
of  a  man  and  not  on  his  Theology.  He  who  examines  and  purifies 
his  heart  and  makes  the  honor  and  service  of  his  God  the  motive  of 
his  conduct,  may  be  truly  devout  in  all  religions.  Our  contempt  of 
other  religions  may  in  part  arise  from  our  ignorance  of  them.  The 
Pagans  have  affirmed  that  the  Christians  worshipped  an  Ass  with 
claws,  but  they  made  no  scruple  of  murder  and  threatened  to  set  the 
whole  earth  and  the  stars  on  fire.  The  Turks  believe  in  the  unity 
of  the  God-Head,  yet  are  reproached  by  Christians  as  worshipping 
inanimate  stars.  The  Arabs,  persuaded  of  the'  infallibility  of  the 
Caliph,  laugh  at  the  Tartars  for  believing  their  Lama  to  be  immortal. 
The  inhabitants  of  Mount  Batel  believe  every  man  to  be  a  saint  who 
before  his  death  ate  a  roasted  cuckoo.  Alas,  how  short-sighted  are 
the  wisest  of  us — how  little  reason  to  set  our  opinions  up  as  stand 
ards  of  truth  to  which  all  must  subscribe  or  be  damned.  The  blessed 
Author  of  our  Religion  has  not  taught  us  so. 

Therefore,  in  compliance  with  the  manner  of  our  Country,  I  will 
name  you  the  103d  Psalm,  2d  verse,  as  the  subject  of  our  further 
meditations  on  this  day.  Bless  the  Lord,  O  my  soul,  and  forget  not 
all  his  benefits.  This  Psalm  contains  an  exhortation  to  praise  the 
Lord,  from  arguments  derived  from  benefits  we  receive  from  him. 
If  we  take  a  retrospective  view  of  the  state  of  man,  from  whatever 
cause  it  may  be  supposed  to  arise,  we  find  his  mind  perplexed  with 
labyrinths  of  difficulties  from  which  no  human  help  could  relieve 
him.  After  the  strictest  search  of  human  wisdom,  few  truths  neces 
sary  to  the  perfection  of  our  happiness  were  clearly  understood,  and 
from  the  prevalence  of  our  ungoverned  passions,  those  virtues  were 
seldom  practiced.  The  veil  of  darkness  which  shaded  our  under 
standing,  gave  us  but  a  faint  view  of  that  straight  and  narrow  path 
to  unceasing  felicity,  in  which  few  could  walk,  and  which,  though 
promising,  with  the  mouth  of  unerring  truth,  the  highest  happiness 
to  the  weary  traveller  who  perseveres  to  the  end,  yet  is  encumbered 


540  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

with  thorns  and  overrun  with  briers  too  difficult  to  be  surmounted 
by  persons  governed  by  their  passions  and  too  much  in  love  with 
sensual  enjoyments.  But  the  advent  of  the  blessed  Author  of  our 
religion  has  thrown  off  the  veil  and  taught  us  by  new  lights  to  steer 
our  course,  and  has  published  to  all  men  a  system  of  moral  conduct 
far  exceeding  the  most  refined  ideas  of  the  more  enlightened 
Heathen,  and  founded  the  basis  of  all  our  happiness  on  love  to  God 
and  love  to  one  another.  A  new  law,  saith  He,  I  give  to  you,  that 
you  may  love  one  another,  and  by  this  shall  all  men  know  you  are 
my  disciples,  if  you  love  one  another.  A  new  law  does  He  say  ?  No, 
'tis  the  eternal  law  of  the  living  God,  but  so  far  obscured  as  to  be 
almost  forgotten.  A  rule  to  love  those  who  love  us  and  hate  those 
who  hate  us,  an  eye  for  an  eye  and  a  tooth  for  a  tooth,  had  long  been 
adopted  in  place  of  it.  This  eternal  law  is  now  again  promulgated 
with  new  sanctions  and  further  lights  and  therefore  becomes  as  a 
new  law. 

It  is  He  who  takes  our  sins  upon  Himself  if  we  comply  with  his 
commands,  and  His  yoke  is  easy  and  His  burden  light.  He  speaks 
pardon  and  peace  to  our  souls.  His  grace  breaks  the  power  of  sin, 
removes  the  guilt  and  curse  of  sin  and  turns  our  love  for  it  to  an 
utter  hatred  of  it.  It  is  not  for  me  to  so  limit  the  extent  of  His 
pardoning  Grace  and  Mercy,  but  he  has  compassion  on  our  infirmi 
ties,  knows  our  wants  and  is  always  present  at  His  Father's  throne, 
our  Advocate  and  Intercessor ;  and  no  one  thing  which  he  asks  is 
refused  Him,  and  not  one  of  all  which  God  hath  given  Him  will  be 
lost.  What  event  can  be  more  interesting  to  mankind,  and  what  can 
more  demand  our  songs  of  praise  and  most  sincere  and  devout  thanks. 
But,  my  friends,  we  are  not  left  to  praise  God  for  this  inestimable 
blessing  alone — for  this  particular  purpose  has  this  day  been  set 
apart  by  most  Christian  Churches — but  to  recount  His  particular 
mercies,  elevates  our  affections  and  by  increasing  in  our  minds  a 
sense  of  His  care  and  kindness  more  engages  our  love  and  assimi 
lates  us  to  the  great  Author  of  our  benefits,  who  is  Love.  This  field 
is  too  extensive  for  me  to  traverse.  Were  we  to  search  for  causes 
which  have  united  us  in  one  mind  to  leave  our  native  land  to  seek 
the  retreats  of  an  uncultivated  wilderness ;  if  we  reflect  on  the  dan 
gers  and  almost  insurmountable  difficulties  which  have  attended  our 
progress  to  our  desired  haven — enough  to  have  discouraged  the  bold 
est  adventurer  had  they  been  previously  in  view — ;  if  we  consider 
the  peaceful  conduct  of  our  neighboring  nations,  who  from  a  state  of 
savage  ferocity  have  hitherto  quietly  submitted  to  our  possessing  the 
country;  if  we  advert  to  the  state  of  almost  universal  health  enjoyed 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      541 

in  our  uncomfortable  habitations  and  the  bounties  of  Heaven  with 
which  we  have  been  so  plentifully  supplied,  in  a  country  new  and 
distant  from  settlements  from  which  we  expected  to  derive  our  sub 
sistence,  we  must  join  in  declaring,  hitherto  hath  the  Lord  helped 
us,  it  is  His  work  and  marvelous  in  our  eyes. 

With  the  holy  Psalmist  let  us  join  in  praising  our  God  and  let  us 
not  forget  His  benefits,  for  He  forgiveth  all  our  iniquities  and 
healeth  our  diseases;  He  redeemeth  our  lives  from  destruction 
and  crowneth  us  with  His  loving  kindness  and  tender  mercies;  He 
satisfieth  our  mouths  with  good  things,  so  that  our  youth  is  renewed 
like  the  Eagles;  He  executeth  righteousness  and  judgement  for  all 
that  are  oppressed;  He  hath  not  dealt  with  us  after  our  sins  nor 
rewarded  us  according  to  our  iniquities.  We  might  here  profitably 
employ  our  minds  contemplating  the  designs  of  Providence  in  estab 
lishing  this  settlement  in  this  distant  land,  in  uniting  our  minds 
in  so  much  harmony,  in  bringing  together  a  body  of  people  free 
from  those  perplexing  dissensions  which  too  much  injure  the  cause 
of  religion,  and  so  far  discerning  the  difference  between  true  virtue 
and  the  essentials  of  vital  religion  and  the  forms  of  godliness  with 
out  its  power  and  influence,  as  to  unite  us  in  the  pursuit  of  the 
former  and  incline  us  to  disregard  the  latter. 

But  too  much  of  your  time  has  already  been  taken  up  to  suffer  me 
to  obtrude  on  your  patience  the  consideration  of  so  diffuse  a  subject. 
I  shall,  therefore,  only  add  that  no  measures  can  possibly  be  effec 
tual  to  secure  the  happiness  of  this  people  if  we  remember  not  the 
Lord  our  God.  The  interests  of  Christ's  kingdom  in  the  world 
ought  always  to  lie  near  the  heart  of  a  people  whose  interests  have 
been  so  near  to  him.  In  the  honest  cultivation  of  true  virtue  and  a 
promotion  of  vital  religion  we  must  seek  our  establishment,  and  the 
leading  events  of  the  present  time  should  be  told  to  our  children, 
that  generations  after  us  may  know  that  they  are  not  of  their  own 
procuring,  but  bought  with  a  price,  and  may  in  after  ages  be  induced 
to  join  their  devout  ancestors  in  praising  God  in  His  sanctuary,  in 
the  firmament  of  His  power,  in  His  mighty  acts  in  His  excellent 
greatness — to  praise  Him  with  the  sound  of  the  trumpet  and  harp, 
to  praise  Him  with  timbrel  and  dance,  with  stringed  instruments 
and  organs.  O  let  everything  which  hath  breath  praise  the  Lord, 
praise  ye  the  Lord.  Amen. 

The  By-Laws  of  the  Ohio  Company,  unfortunately,  did  not 
provide  for  the  sale  of  lands  to  settlers  not  stockholders  in  the 
Company,  and  it  was  with  deep  chagrin  that  the  directors  saw, 


542  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

as  Putnam  estimated,  upwards  of  seven  thousand  immigrants 
floating  down  the  river  to  the  Kentucky  settlements,  since  the 
previous  April,  who  would  probably  have  staid  on  the  Muskin- 
gum,  could  lands  have  been  obtained.  To  correct  this  condition 
of  affairs,  a  meeting  of  the  directors  was  called  for  December,  of 
whose  action  in  the  premises  General  Parsons  advises  Dr.  Cutler 
in  the  following  letter: — 

MARIETTA,  Dec.  11,  1788. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  cannot  longer  neglect  to  inform  you  of  the  occurren 
ces  which  have  taken  place  here  since  you  left  us.  The  surveys  of  the 
8  acre,  3  acre  and  city  lots  being  completed,  and  the  expectation  of  a 
treaty  still  continuing,  all  further  surveys  were  suspended  until  about 
five  weeks  ago,  when  we  all  concurred  in  an  order  to  extend  four  of 
our  town  lines  to  the  llth  Range;  and,  Judge  Varnum  dissenting,  two 
of  the  directors  extended  this  order  to  the  12th,  being  twenty-four 
miles  west,  and  to  survey  the  meanders  of  the  Ohio  as  far  as  to  meet 
the  cross  lines  in  their  south  direction.  The  meanders  of  the  river, 
and  the  first  and  second  lines  to  the  12th  Range  are  completed;  the 
3d  and  4th,  on  a  treaty  being  rendered  certain  and  soon  to  commence, 
are,  at  the  desire  of  the  Governor,  suspended  for  the  present.  The 
line  commencing  six  miles  on  the  7th  Range  appears  nearly  to  termi 
nate  the  River  Hills,  and  after  passing  about  four  miles  west  of  the 
Muskingum,  exhibits  an  excellent  campaign  country,  very  fertile  and 
well  watered.  The  other  line  passes  over  the  River  Hills  through 
a  broken  country,  interspersed  with  good  lands  and  rich  bottoms,  but 
not  of  so  great  present  use  as  the  lands  further  north.  In  this  line 
is  found  excellent  iron  ore — being  burned  and  pulverized  nearly 
seven-eighths  is  attracted  by  the  magnet.  It  appears  to  be  in  great 
plenty.  The  treaty  has  just  commenced,  and  upon  the  close  we  will 
pursue  our  surveys. 

The  time  of  the  meeting  of  the  Proprietors  having  arrived,  a 
number  sufficient  to  proceed  did  not  appear;  an  adjournment  took 
place,  at  which  time  140  shares  only  appeared  personally,  and  by 
special  authority,  Col.  Crary  not  having  then  arrived.  We  then  pro 
ceeded  to  take  the  opinion  of  the  Proprietors  present  on  the  subject 
of  granting  lands  to  settlers,  and  altering  the  former  mode  of  divid 
ing  our  lands  agreed  upon  by  the  agents  at  Boston.  They  (five 
shares  only  dissenting)  gave  it  as  their  opinion  that  it  was  a  matter 
well  within  the  authority  of  the  general  agents,  and  requested  them 
to  take  up  the  matter  and  to  grant  lands  to  settlers,  not  exceeding 
one  hundred  acres  out  of  each  share,  and  to  divide  the  common 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      543 

estate  in  such  manner  as  would  be  most  conducive  to  the  common 
interest  without  respect  to  former  votes.  The  agents  have  taken  up 
the  subject,  957  shares  being  represented,  and  Col.  Crary  being 
Chairman,  voted  (214  shares  represented  by  Col.  Crary  excepted), 
unanimously  to  make  grants  of  lands  to  encourage  settlement,  not 
exceeding  one  hundred  acres  to  each  share  in  the  funds,  and  ap 
pointed  a  committee  to  reconnoiter  the  country  and  affix  the  proper 
places  for  that  purpose,  repealed  the  votes  ordering  the  mode  of 
division,  and  directed  the  committee  to  examine  where  are  the  proper 
places  to  divide  farms  to  the  Proprietors.  You  see  we  have  decided 
the  main  point  that  we  will  give.  I  believe  I  ought  to  say  we  were 
unanimous  on  this  question,  for  although  Col.  Crary  would  not  vote 
for  it,  he  publicly  declared  that  he  was  fully  in  opinion  with  us  on 
the  general  question.  Judge  Varnum  appears  the  only  dissatisfied 
person,  but  he  is  now  so  far  advanced  in  the  stages  of  a  confirmed 
consumption  that  nothing  ought  to  be  remembered  against  him.  I 
think  it  more  probable  he  will  die  within  a  month  than  that  he  will 
ever  recover.  He  intends  setting  out  for  New  Orleans  in  a  few  days 
as  the  only  remaining  expedient  for  his  recovery. 

The  settlers  here  appear  highly  satisfied  with  the  measures  we 
have  taken,  and  very  many  will  go  out  to  those  lands.  As  they  must 
be  settled  in  the  spring  or  early  next  summer,  it  will  be  necessary 
for  as  many  as  wish  to  receive  the  donations  to  be  out  as  soon  as  pos 
sible.  We  have  had  an  addition  of  about  one  hundred  within  two 
weeks,  and  more  are  expected.  We  are  constantly  putting  up  build 
ings,  but  arrivals  are  faster  than  we  can  provide  convenient  covering. 
Between  forty  and  fifty  houses  are  so  far  done  as  to  receive  families, 
and  ten  more  are  in  building,  about  one-half  of  which  I  expect  will 
be  able  to  receive  families  next  week. 

We  still  continue  Qur  Sabbath  exercises,  and  last  Monday  we  had 
the  first  Ball  in  our  country,  at  which  were  present  fifteen  ladies  as 
well  accomplished  in  the  manners  of  polite  circles  as  any  I  have  seen 
in  the  old  states.  I  mention  this  to  show  the  progress  of  society  in 
this  distant  country.  I  believe  we  shall  vie  with,  if  not  excel,  the 
old  states  in  every  accomplishment  necessary  to  render  life  happy. 
My  wife  has  beat  a  parley  and  submitted  a  prisoner  of  war;  she 
agrees  to  send  one  of  our  daughters  next  summer,  and  with  the 
family  to  remove  when  I  can  make  it  convenient.  This,  you  know, 
must  give  me  great  satisfaction.  I  think,  Sir,  your  return  here  is 
not  only  necessary,  but  that  you  will  be  received  with  great  cordi 
ality  by  all  our  citizens.  I  am  convinced  Judge  Varnum  will  never 
return ;  when  all  animosity  will  cease. 


544  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

We  continue  to  enjoy  health  and  peace,  and  I  have  reason  to  hope 
all  matters  will  be  settled  with  the  Indians.  They  continue  to  say 
they  have  no  obj  ection  to  this  settlement,  and  that  we  are  much  more 
acceptable  to  them  than  any  settlers  with  whom  they  have  been  before 
acquainted.  If  you  intend  the  vote  to  close  all  payments  in  June 
shall  be  extended  to  a  further  time,  you  must  be  here,  or  at  least 
bring  Putnam  and  Sargent  to  support  it. 

The  weather  continues  very  fine.  I  finished  sowing  my  grain 
this  day.  No  snow. 

I  am,  with  great  esteem  and  respect 

Yr.  ob't  serv't., 

SAM.  H.  PARSONS. 

23d  Jan'y.,  1789. — My  letter  not  having  met  the  expected  con 
veyance,  Mr.  Oliver  having  altered  his  mind,  I  can  now  inform  you 
that  the  treaty  ended  the  17th  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  concerned, 
and  we  still  continue  in  peace  and  have  a  prospect  of  remaining  so. 
Judge  Varnum  left  this  world,  in  which  he  was  very  unhappy,  the 
10th  inst.,  for  a  better  I  hope  where  he  will  enjoy  a  tranquility  to 
which  he  was  a  stranger  here.  He  was  buried  the  14th  with  great 
decency,  not  less  than  two  hundred  men  attended  in  the  procession; 
the  Masons,  Cincinnati,  civil  officers,  and  those  of  the  militia,  formed 
part  of  the  procession. 

We  chose  another  director  the  19th,  when  the  choice  fell  on 
Griffen  Greene,  Esq.,  from  Rhode  Island,  in  exclusion  of  Col.  Crary. 
Votes  for  Mr.  Greene,  566;  for  Col.  Crary,  124.  Mr.  Greene  has 
made  himself  very  agreeable  to  us  since  he  has  been  here;  appears 
much  of  the  gentleman  and  a  person  of  great  candor.  Br.  Crary 
is  much  mortified,  and  is  about  protesting  against  the  choice;  I  was 
the  only  person  voting  for  him,  but  I  own  I  am  well  pleased  with 
Mr.  Greene.  Our  animosities  have  subsided  and  all  appear 
friendly. 

We  have  ordered  a  division  to  the  Proprietors  of  160  acres  to 
each  right,  to  be  drawn  the  third  Tuesday  of  March,  within  the  set 
tling  rights.  We  have  voted  to  give  200  settling  rights  to  non- 
proprietors  before  the  first  of  October,  and  those  Proprietors  who 
by  that  time  will  agree  to  settle  their  own  rights  by  themselves  or 
others,  shall  have  the  right  to  do  so — if  any  more  vacant  rights  at 
that  time,  they  shall  also  be  given  to  settlers.  The  duties  are  five 
years  residence  on  the,  donation  lands,  within  that  time  to  build  a 
house  at  least  24  by  18  feet,  a  stone  or  brick  chimney,  a  cellar,  and 
to  clear  twenty  acres  within  three  years,  to  set  out  fifty  apple  trees 
and  twenty  peach  trees,  and  obey  all  militia  laws. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      545 

I  beg  you  will  come  on  as  soon  as  possible;  we  all  want  you,  I 
am  sure  you  will  be  welcome,  I  can  preach  no  longer  for  you. 
Deacon  Story  does  very  well,  but  on  the  public  Thanksgiving  I  was 
obliged  for  the  first  time  to  preach,  much  against  my  will,  from 
Psalm  103,  v.  2,  and  such  a  piece  of  work  I  believe  you  never 
heard;  I  am  sure  I  never  did.  To  confirm  my  wife  in  her  faith  I 
have  sent  it  to  her  for  perusal. 

Y'r  friend, 
To  Rev.  Manasseh  Cutler.  S.  H.   P. 

The  settlement  of  Ohio  was  regarded,  both  in  Europe  and  in 
this  Country,  as  an  event  of  national  importance.  Although  the 
provisional  treaties  with  Great  Britain  had  definitely  settled  that 
the  three  Powers  would  relinquish  to  the  United  States  all  claim 
to  the  territory  between  the  Ohio,  the  Mississippi  and  the  great 
Lakes,  neither  England,  nor  France,  notwithstanding  she  had 
helped  us  gain  our  Independence,  nor  Spain,  had  made  the  con 
cession  willingly,  it  being  their  policy  to  limit  and  dwarf,  rather 
than  encourage  the  growth  of  the  young  Republic,  whose  power 
in  the  future,  if  permitted  to  expand,  they  could  even  then  dis 
cern.  There  was  always  a  possibility,  therefore,  in  the  event  of 
a  foreign  war,  of  a  hostile  occupation  of  this,  the  weak  spot  in 
the  Confederacy,  so  long  as  it  remained  a  savage  wilderness. 
But  when  the  men  who  had  fought  for  and  won  our  Indepen 
dence,  proceeded  to  possess  themselves  of  the  western  country, 
attention  everywhere  was  attracted  to  the  movement,  and  it 
became  apparent,  as  General  Putnam  writes  to  Washington, 
"that  the  faithful  subjects  of  these  United  States  will  soon 
become  so  established  on  the  waters  of  the  Ohio  and  of  the  Lakes, 
as  to  banish  forever  the  idea  of  our  Western  Territory  again 
falling  under  the  dominion  of  any  European  Power." 

Of  the  character  of  the  immigration  to  Ohio,  Washington 
writing  June  1788,  says: — "No  colony  in  America  was  ever 
settled  under  such  favorable  auspices  as  that  which  has  just 
commenced  at  the  Muskingum.  Information,  property,  strength, 
will  be  its  characteristics.  I  know  many  of  the  settlers  per 
sonally,  and  there  never  were  men  better  calculated  to  promote 
the  welfare  of  such  a  community."  A  few  months  before  he 
had  written  to  Lafayette: — "A  spirit  of  immigration  to  the 


546  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

western  country  is  very  predominant.  Congress  has  sold  in  the 
year  past  a  pretty  large  quantity  of  lands  on  the  Ohio  for 
public  securities,  and  thereby  diminished  the  public  debt  con 
siderably.  Many  of  your  military  acquaintances,  such  as  Gen 
erals  Parsons,  Varnum  and  Putnam,  Colonels  Tupper,  Sproat 
and  Sherman,  with  many  more,  propose  settling  there.  From 
such  beginnings  much  may  be  expected." 

The  matter  of  settling  the  unoccupied  territories  of  the 
United  States  through  grants  of  wild  lands  to  the  officers  and 
soldiers  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  was  much  discussed  in  the 
Army  as  early  as  1779,  and  General  Parsons,  in  February  1780, 
proposed  to  Governor  Clinton  that  the  same  plan  be  adopted  for 
settling  the  western  part  of  New  York.  June  16,  1783,  two 
hundred  and  eighty-eight  officers  of  the  Continental  Army  signed 
a  petition  to  Congress  asking  that  the  Indian  title  be  extin 
guished  to  what  is  now  the  eastern  half  of  Ohio,  and  that  grants 
of  land  in  this  tract  be  made  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the 
American  Army,  as  provided  by  the  resolutions  of  Sept.  20, 
1776  and  by  subsequent  resolutions,  and  that  further  grants  be 
made  in  exchange  for  public  securities  to  such  of  them  as  should 
become  actual  settlers,  with  reference  to  such  tract  being  in 
time  admitted  as  one  of  the  States  of  the  Union.  This  petition 
was  transmitted  to  Congress  through  General  Washington,  ac 
companied  by  strong  letters  from  him  and  from  Rufus  Putnam, 
but  Congress  failed  to  act  upon  it  and  nothing  was  accomplished 
until  the  formation  of  the  Ohio  Company. 

In  the  new  project,  General  Parsons  seems  to  have  been  recog 
nized  as  an  important  factor,  being  the  first  named  director  and 
the  agent  selected  to  present  to  Congress  the  application  for  the 
passage  of  an  Ordinance  to  sell  lands  in  Ohio  to  the  Company. 
General  Rufus  Putnam  and  Manasseh  Cutler  were  associated 
with  him  as  directors.  The  eminent  and  trusted  men  who  became 
stockholders  in  the  Company,  inspired  great  confidence  in  the 
management  and  contributed  greatly  to  the  success  of  the 
undertaking.  Among  them  were  such  men  as  Governors  James 
Bowdoin,  Caleb  Strong  and  Elbridge  Gerry  of  Massachusetts ; 
Governor  William  Greene  of  Rhode  Island;  Governor  Jonathan 
Trumbull  of  Connecticut ;  Samuel  Dexter,  United  States  Senator 
from  Massachusetts  and  Secretary  of  the  Trcasuiy;  Uriah 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       547 

Tracy,  Senator  from  Connecticut;  Ebenezer  Hazzard,  Post 
master  General  under  the  Continental  Congress;  Brockholst 
Livingston,  Associate  Justice  of  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court ;  Alexander  Hamilton,  the  first  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ; 
Henry  Knox,  the  first  Secretary  of  War ;  President  Joseph  Wil- 
lard,  of  Harvard  College.  Under  such  auspices  the  Company 
could  not  fail  of  success. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

THE  CONNECTICUT  RESERVE.  PARSONS  APPOINTED  TO  SURVEY  IT. 
FORMS  SYNDICATE  TO  BUY  LANDS  IN.  AT  PHILADELPHIA  FOR  THE 
OHIO  COMPANY.  RETURNING,  VISITS  GEN.  GATES.  CHIEF 
JUSTICE  ELLSWORTH.  THIRTEENTH  ANNIVERSARY  OF  INDEPEN 
DENCE  CELEBRATED  AT  MARIETTA.  APPOINTED  TO  TREAT 
WITH  THE  INDIANS  ON  THE  RESERVE.  GOES  TO  LAKE  ERIE  TO 
COMPLETE  THE  SURVEYS.  RETURNING,  is  DROWNED  IN  GREAT 
BEAVER  CREEK.  BODY  FOUND  AND  BURIED;  AFTERWARDS 
REMOVED  TO  NEW  BRIGHTON.  LETTERS  FROM  GEN.  BUTLER 
AND  LIEUT.  McDowELL.  PARSONS'  FAMILY.  His  CAREER 
AND  CHARACTER. 

1789—1790 

THE  boundaries  of  Connecticut,  as  defined  in  the  Charter  of 
1662,  included  all  the  territory  between  the  forty-first  and  forty- 
second  parallels  from  Narraganset  Bay  on  the  east,  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean  on  the  west,  and  embraced  about  one-fourth  of  the 
present  State  of  Ohio,  and  two-fifths  of  the  territory  subsequently 
granted  to  William  Penn  and  named  by  him  Pennsylvania.  The 
settlement  of  the  Wyoming  Valley  by  Connecticut  people  and 
their  claim  of  jurisdiction  under  the  Connecticut  Charter,  had 
raised  the  question  of  title  prior  to  the  Revolutionary  War,  but, 
upon  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  the  matter,  at  the  request 
of  Congress,  was  left  in  abeyance  until,  in  November,  1781,  the 
inhabitants,  impatient  at  the  delay,  petitioned  Congress  for  an 
adjudication  of  the  conflicting  claims  of  the  two  States  by  a 
Board  of  Commissioners  to  be  selected  as  provided  by  the  Articles 
of  Confederation.  Connecticut  was  represented  in  this  pro 
ceeding  by  Eliphalet  Dyer  and  William  Samuel  Johnson,  who, 
in  1773  and  1774,  had  been  appointed  with  General  Parsons, 
Governor  Matthew  Griswold,  Roger  Sherman  and  others,  a 
Committee  to  prepare  a  case  for  the  submission  of  this  contro 
versy  to  the  Courts  of  Great  Britain.  The  Commissioners  con 
vened  their  Court  at  Trenton,  New  Jersey,  November  12,  1782, 

548 


and,  after  a  session  of  forty-one  days,  found  unanimously  "  that 
Connecticut  had  no  right  to  the  lands  in  question,  and  that  the 
jurisdiction  and  preemption  of  all  the  territory  lying  within  the 
Charter  of  Pennsylvania,  and  now  claimed  by  the  State  of  Con 
necticut,  do  of  right  belong  to  the  State  of  Pennsylvania."  The 
State,  however,  subsequently  confirmed  to  the  Wyoming  settlers 
the  titles  to  their  lands.  This  decision,  if  not  good  law,  was 
undoubtedly  good  policy,  and  in  the  interest  of  the  peace  and 
stability  of  the  Union.  But  Connecticut's  claim  under  its 
Charter  to  lands  west  of  Pennsylvania,  rested  on  a  different  and 
more  solid  basis,  its  right  to  these  lands  not  being  disputed  by 
any  other  State,  and  having  been  in  no  wise  affected  by  the 
treaty  of  1783.  Accordingly,  when  in  1786  she  ceded  to  Con 
gress  her  western  territorial  claims,  she  rightly  and  very  properly 
recouped  herself  for  the  loss  of  her  lands  in  Pennsylvania,  by 
reserving  a  tract  in  Ohio  of  about  three  and  one-half  millions  of 
acres,  bounded  on  the  south  by  the  forty-first  parallel,  and  ex 
tending  along  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  Erie  from  the  west 
line  of  Pennsylvania  on  the  east  to  the  bay  of  Sandusky  on  the 
west,  a  distance  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles.  This  tract 
was  and  still  is  known  as  the  Connecticut  or  Western  Reserve. 

In  October,  1786,  the  General  Assembly  resolved  to  sell  that 
part  of  the  Reserve  east  of  the  Cuyahoga  River,  and  appointed 
Benjamin  Huntington  and  John  Chester  a  Committee  for  the 
purpose.  The  resolution  provided  for  the  division  of  the  tract 
into  townships  six  English  miles  square,  to  be  laid  out  in  ranges 
running  from  the  forty-first  degree  of  latitude  northerly  to  Lake 
Erie,  parallel  to  the  west  line  of  Pennsylvania,  and  to  be  num 
bered  from  this  line  westerly.  The  low  price — three  shillings 
per  acre — at  which  these  lands  were  offered  attracted  attention, 
particularly  as  obligations  of  the  State  were  receivable  in  pay 
ment,  and  led  General  Parsons  to  organize  a  syndicate  to 
purchase  several  townships.  Having  learned  much  of  the  coun 
try  from  an  old  army  friend,  Captain  Jonathan  Heart  (then 
commanding  a  company  at  Venango),  who  had  explored  the 
whole  tract  east  of  the  Cuyahoga,  he  located  24,000  acres  at  the 
Salt  Springs  on  the  Meander,  about  two  miles  south  of  Niles  in 
Mahoning  County,  and  obtained  from  the  Committee  having 
charge  of  the  sale,  authority  "  to  survey  and  lay  out  the  two 


550  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

most  southerly  townships  in  the  third  Range  of  townships  from 
the  Pennsylvania  line,  which  included  the  Salt  Springs  tract." 
He  is  said  also  to  have  located  a  quarter  township  on  the  present 
site  of  Cleveland. 

The  agreement  between  Parsons  and  the  Syndicate  provided 
that  each  member  should  pay  to  Parsons  the  amount  of  his  sub 
scription  in  the  Treasury  notes  receivable  for  these  lands,  and 
that  Parsons,  whenever  a  sum  sufficient  had  been  paid  in,  should 
locate  and  purchase  a  township  and  cause  the  same  to  be  sur 
veyed  and  properly  marked,  and  convey  to  each  subscriber  an 
undivided  interest  therein  proportioned  to  his  subscription, 
except  in  4,000  acres  to  be  reserved  by  Parsons  in  compensation 
for  his  services  as  promoter  and  manager,  to  be  laid  out  in  any 
part  of  the  township  and  in  one  or  two  parcels  as  he  may  elect, 
such  parcels  to  be  rectangular  in  form,  their  length  not  to 
exceed  twice  their  width. 

General  Parsons  having  been  appointed  Surveyor  of  the  lands 
in  the  Reserve  lying  east  of  the  Cuyahoga,  the  Committee  in 
charge  issued  to  him  the  following  instructions,  bearing  date 
October  30th,  1787:— 

To  the  Hon.  Major  General  Holden  Parsons,  Esq.: 

SIR. — You  being  appointed  Surveyor  of  lands  west  of  Pennsyl 
vania  belonging  to  the  State  of  Connecticut,  and  which  are  ordered 
by  the  General  Assembly  of  said  State  to  be  sold;  You  are  hereby 
authorized  and  desired  to  enter  on  that  business  as  early  as  possible 
by  yourself  or  some  trusty  and  skillful  person  in  the  art  of  survey 
ing  and  such  other  assistance,  attendance  and  preparation  as  you 
shall  find  necessary.  You  are  first  and  without  loss  of  time  to  make 
and  perfect  a  survey  and  chart  of  said  lands  in  the  following  man 
ner,  viz : — Beginning  at  the  latitude  of  forty-one  degrees  north  and 
in  the  line  of  the  west  side  of  Pennsylvania,  and  from  thence  meas 
ure  northerly  in  said  line  of  Pennsylvania,  setting  up  marks  or  monu 
ments  at  the  end  of  every  six  English  miles  until  you  come  to  Lake 
Erie,  and  thence  westerly  by  the  Lake  as  it  runs  and  observing  the 
variation  of  the  compass  so  as  to  lay  down  the  Lake  on  your  chart 
as  it  truly  is,  and  also  setting  up  monuments  by  the  Lake  at  the  end 
of  every  six  English  miles  due  west  from  Pennsylvania  where  the 
lines  between  the  general  tiers  of  townships  will  come  to  the  Lake, 
until  you  come  to  the  River  Cuyahoga  where  it  falls  into  Lake  Erie, 
and  from  thence  by  the  Indian  line  up  to  the  head  of  said  River, 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       551 

and  from  thence  by  the  line  of  the  Indian's  land  until  you  come  to 
the  latitude  of  forty-one  degrees  north,  setting  up  marks  or  monu 
ments  where  the  lines  between  the  townships  in  each  range  will 
come  to  said  Indian  line,  so  that  due  east  and  west  lines  drawn  from 
the  monuments  first  mentioned  to  be  set  up  every  six  miles  in  the 
line  of  Pennsylvania  to  their  corresponding  monuments  in  said  In 
dian  line,  may  divide  between  the  townships  in  the  manner  directed 
by  the  General  Assembly,  observing  in  all  your  mensurations  to  make 
remarks  and  observations  of  mountains,  rivers,  brooks,  mines,  timber, 
stone,  quality  of  lands  and  other  natural  appurtenances  thereof,  and 
make  and  transmit  to  the  Committee  a  chart  of  the  said  lands  from 
the  latitude  of  forty-one  degree  north,  and  within  the  boundaries 
aforesaid,  with  your  remarks  thereon,  with  all  possible  dispatch,  and 
likewise  give  intelligence  to  the  Committee  by  every  conveyance  of 
your  progress  and  success  in  the  business  aforesaid,  until  the  whole 
is  accomplished;  and  after  completing  your  chart  as  above  men 
tioned,  you  will  proceed  to  lay  out  the  townships  in  the  manner 
directed  by  the  General  Assembly,  and  set  up  monuments  at  the 
corners  of  those  towns,  beginning  the  ranges  at  Pennsylvania  and 
running  the  lines  between  those  ranges  at  six  English  miles  distance 
from  each  other  and  parallel  to  the  west  side  of  Pennsylvania,  until 
you  have  laid  six  tiers,  and  more,  if  you  find  it  convenient  to  promote 
the  sale  of  those  lands,  and  running  your  east  and  west  lines  in  such 
manner  as  to  make  each  township  six  miles  square,  according  to  the 
order  of  the  General  Assembly,  and  report  your  doings  with  the 
expenses  thereof,  to  said  Committee. 

Dated  at  New  Haven  the  30th  day  of  October,  1787. 

BENJ.  HUNTINGTON, 
JOHN  CHESTER, 

Committee. 

December  12,  1787,  General  Parsons  paid  to  the  Committee 
in  behalf  of  his  syndicate,  twenty-seven  hundred  and  thirty-six 
pounds,  to  wit : — three  hundred  and  twenty-six  pounds,  seven 
teen  shillings  and  eleven  pence  in  bills  of  credit  emitted  in  1780 ; 
twenty-two  hundred  and  sixteen  pounds,  seventeen  shillings  and 
one  pence  in  liquidated  securities  of  this  State  as  lawful  money, 
and  two  hundred  and  ninety  pounds,  five  shillings  in  two  orders 
drawn  by  him  on  Colonel  Eliphalet  Dyer,  receivable  in  State 
bills  or  securities  of  the  description  above  mentioned,"  which 
entitled  him  to  a  patent  for  the  tract  of  land  lying  in  the  third 
range  of  townships,  described  as  f  ollows : — 


552  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

Beginning  at  the  northeast  corner  of  the  first  township  in  said 
range;  thence  running  northerly  in  the  west  line  of  the  second 
range  to  latitude  41°,  12',  north;  thence  west  three  miles;  thence 
southerly  parallel  to  the  west  line  of  Pennsylvania,  two  and  one- 
half  miles ;  thence  west  three  miles  to  the  west  line  of  said  third 
range;  thence  southerly,  parallel  to  the  said  west  line  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  to  the  north  line  of  the  first  township  in  said  third  range; 
thence  east  to  the  first  boundary. 

Parsons  received  his  patent,  February  10,  1788.  The  4000 
acres  reserved  by  him  as  compensation,  is  described  as  follows : — 

Beginning  at  a  place  called  the  Salt  Springs,  near  the  Big 
Beaver  Creek,  so  called,  from  which  place  a  line  is  to  be  extended 
one  mile  east  and  also  one  mile  west;  and  from  said  Springs  a  line 
is  to  be  extended  north  until  it  comes  so  far  north  as  the  parallel 
of  the  fourth  boundary  mentioned  in  the  patent  of  lands  granted 
to  me  by  the  State  of  Connecticut,  (bearing  date  of  February  10, 
1788)  two  miles  and  a  half  south  of  the  north  line  of  said  patent; 
and  from  said  Springs  to  extend  so  far  south  as  that  lines  drawn  at 
right  angles  to  each  other  and  passing  through  those  points  will 
include  four  thousand  acres. 

March  10,  Parsons  quit  claimed  to  Colonel  Dyer  three  hun 
dred  and  forty  acres  of  the  4000  acre  tract,  to  be  held  by  him 
"  in  common  with  the  other  proprietors."  This  deed  is  endorsed : 
—"Received,  14th  of  September,  1788  and  recorded  Lib.  1, 
folio  2.  En.  Parsons,  Register,  Washington  Co." 

General  Parsons  commenced  the  survey  of  the  Connecticut 
lands  soon  after  his  arrival  at  Marietta,  but  fearing  that,  if 
continued,  it  would  excite  the  jealousy  of  the  Indians  and  inter 
fere  with  the  making  of  the  proposed  treaty,  he  suspended  opera 
tions.  Of  this  he  advised  Governor  St.  Clair  who  in  reply  wrote 
as  follows : — 

NORTHWEST  TERRITORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

COUNTY  OF  WASHINGTON,  September  14,  1788. 

SIR. — In  your  letter  to  me  of  yesterday,  you  say,  that  having  been 

employed  by  the  State  of  Connecticut  to  procure  a  survey  of  lands 

which  I  understand  to  be  within  the  limits  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the 

Territory,  after  having  commenced  the  survey  you  had  discontinued 


it  from  an  apprehension  the  state  of  Indian  affairs  rendered  a  pur 
suit  of  the  object  improper  at  this  time. 

I  am  very  well  pleased,  Sir,  that  the  surveys  have  been  discon 
tinued,  for,  at  this  time,  when  it  is  certain  that  the  minds  of  the 
Indians  on  the  subject  of  lands  are  not  very  easy,  and  when  great 
numbers  of  them  are  hourly  expected  at  this  place,  in  order,  if  pos 
sible,  amicably  to  adjust  every  subject  of  controversy,  the  pursuing 
of  them  might  be  attended  with  very  ill  public  consequences. 

I  do  not  certainly  know,  Sir,  whether  I  am  right  in  another  opin 
ion;  neither  have  I  now  time  to  examine  it,  but  it  Strikes  me  that  the 
consent  of  Congress  ought  to  be  obtained,  and  Connecticut  should 
have  obtained  that  consent  before  any  appropriation  of  lands  is 
made  within  the  Territory  of  the  United  States  by  any  State.  Cer 
tainly  the  Executive  of  the  Territory  should  have  notice. 

As  Congress,  by  accepting  Connecticut's  cession  of  her  west 
ern  territorial  claims  subject  to  the  reservation  of  a  part  thereof 
for  her  own  use,  had  thereby  admitted  the  title  of  the  State  to 
the  part  reserved,  its  consent  could  hardly  have  been  necessary 
to  enable  the  State  to  make  a  legal  disposition  of  its  own  lands. 
Moreover,  Connecticut,  in  the  Act  of  Cession,  had  not  only 
retained  its  title  to  the  tract  reserved,  but  also  its  political  juris 
diction  over  it,  consequently  the  Reserve  was  not  a  part  of  the 
Northwest  Territory  of  the  United  States  and  the  Governor's 
authority  did  not,  as  he  supposed,  extend  over  it.  However,  to 
avoid  all  questions  as  to  title  and  jurisdiction,  Congress,  by  a 
Special  Act  for  "  quieting  the  title  of  persons  claiming  as 
grantees  or  purchasers  under  the  State  of  Connecticut  the  tract 
commonly  called  the  Western  Reserve,"  authorized  the  issue  of  a 
patent  to  the  State  for  their  use  and  benefit,  "  provided  it  should 
within  eight  months  renounce  forever  all  claims  of  territory 
and  jurisdiction  westward  of  the  east  line  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  saving  the  claims  of  such  grantees  or  purchasers."  Con 
necticut  having,  May  30,  1800,  executed  through  its  Governor 
the  required  renunciation,  a  Patent  was  issued  by  the  President 
in  behalf  of  the  United  States,  transferring  to  the  State  for  the 
benefit  and  use  of  these  claimants,  all  the  title  of  the  Government 
to  the  lands  in  the  Reserve.  The  interest  of  Connecticut  in  this 
tract  was  finally  disposed  of  by  granting  in  May,  1792,  five 
hundred  thousand  acres  from  the  West  end  of  the  Reserve  to  New 


554,  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

London,  Fairficld,  Norwalk  and  other  towns  in  compensation  for 
property  destroyed  by  the  enemy  during  the  Revolutionary  War, 
and  by  selling,  in  1795,  the  unsold  remainder,  estimated  to  be 
about  thirty-two  hundred  thousand  acres,  to  the  Connecticut 
Land  Company,  a  syndicate  composed  of  about  three  hundred 
and  twenty  of  the  wealthier  citizens  of  the  State.  The  pro 
ceeds  of  this  sale,  twelve  hundred  thousand  dollars,  were  set 
apart  as  the  nucleus  of  a  school  fund  for  the  State. 

In  the  latter  part  of  January,  1789,  General  Parsons  had 
occasion  to  visit  Philadelphia  on  business  of  the  Ohio  Company. 
When  half  way  to  Wheeling,  the  boat  on  which  he  had  taken 
passage  up  the  Ohio  became  so  impeded  by  floating  ice,  that  it 
became  necessary  to  abandon  it  and  make  the  journey  by  land. 
With  him  was  a  young  attorney  from  Marietta,  Paul  Fearing, 
afterwards  prominent  in  the  Colony,  whom  he  had  at  the  Septem 
ber  term  of  the  Court,  admitted  to  practice  in  all  the  courts  of 
the  Territory.  The  mountains  were  crossed  on  horseback,  but 
because  of  the  condition  of  the  roads  and  on  account  of  an  injury 
to  his  ankle  caused  by  his  horse  falling  upon  it,  it  was  not  until 
the  15th  of  March  that  Parsons  reached  his  destination. 
The  next  day  after  his  arrival  at  Philadelphia,  he  wrote  to  his 
wife,  then  in  Middletown,  as  follows : — 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  16th,  1789. 

MY  DEAR. — I  arrived  in  this  city  yesterday  after  being  more  than 
seven  weeks  on  my  journey.  I  still  continue  very  lame,  but  have 
some  use  of  my  foot.  I  much  wish  to  see  you.  If  you  are  able  to 
endure  the  fatigue  of  a  journey  to  this  city,  or  to  New  Jersey,  I  shall 
see  you ;  if  not,  I  must  deny  myself  the  happiness. 

Enoch  must  come  immediately  on  receipt  of  this  and  bring  all 
papers  which  in  any  way  relate  to  the  Ohio  Company.  Let  him 
bring  his  books  of  record  to  send  on.  Send  me  McEwens'  Medita 
tions  and  Johnson's  Dictionary.  If  Mabel  will  go  with  me,  send 
her  bed,  furniture,  clothing  &c.  to  this  city  and  let  her  come  with 
you  if  she  can ;  if  not,  her  bedding  &c.  had  better  be  sent  at  this  time. 
I  can  be  found  at  the  Sign  of  the  Conestoga  Wagon,  kept  by  Saml. 
Nicolas  in  Market  street  near  Third  street.  I  suppose  this  letter 
will  reach  you  on  Saturday  and  that  Enoch  will  set  out  on  Monday. 
I  believe  I  shall  meet  him  or  you  at  Elizabethtown  on  Thursday. 
He  will  inquire  for  me  at  the  different  Stage  Houses  there,  before 
he  comes  on  here.  I  shall  write  to  all  our  dear  children  before  I 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       555 

return.     I  expect  the  Governor  here,  when  Enoch  may  be  qualified 
for  office  and  return,  if  necessary.        Affectionately  yours, 

S.  H.  PARSONS. 

The  General's  son,  Enoch,  joined  him  in  Philadelphia,  as  re 
quested  in  the  letter  to  his  mother.  Their  business  finished, 
they  commenced  their  long  journey  on  horseback,  riding  leisurely 
across  the  Piedmont  country  and  the  Blue  Ridge,  along  the 
Shenandoah  and  Potomac,  and  down  the  Youghiogheny  to  Pitts 
burgh,  where  they  arrived  the  3d  of  May.  From  Pittsburgh, 
Enoch,  then  a  bright,  observing  boy  of  nineteen  and  not  in  the 
least  doubting  his  knowledge  of  horseflesh,  writes  to  his  elder 
brother,  William  Walter,  the  "Midshipman  Billy"  of  Revolu 
tionary  days : — 

PITTSBURGH,  May  Jj-th,  1789. 

DEAR  BROTHER. — We  have  at  last  arrived  at  this  place  after  rid 
ing  and  sailing  about  seven  hundred  miles ;  one  hundred  and  eighty 
miles  more  down  the  Ohio  will  carry  us  to  our  desired  haven.  In  this 
circuitous  route  we  have  ridden  two  hundred  miles  further  than  we 
should  have  done  by  coming  the  most  direct  route.  Our  horses  have 
rather  gained  flesh  on  the  journey,  excepting  my  little  white  mare 
who  tired  at  Winchester,  where  I  exchanged  her  for  another.  I  am 
agreeably  disappointed  in  my  mare,  and  would  not  receive  so  small 
a  sum  for  her  at  this  time  by  forty  dollars  as  I  would  have  done 
before  I  commenced  my  journey.  I  should  not  be  so  particular 
respecting  our  horses  were  it  not  for  the  many  unfavorable  prognosti 
cations  as  to  my  mare,  and  to  show  that  people  sometimes  err  in 
their  judgement  of  the  ability  and  inability  of  horses  to  perform  a 
long  journey. 

No  injury  has  been  done  to  the  settlement  at  Muskingum  by  the 
Indians;  however,  it  is  not  certain  (I  think  from  the  reports)  that 
we  shall  remain  undisturbed  through  the  summer.  A  family  or  two 
were  killed  last  week  at  Dunkards  Creek,  about  twenty  or  thirty 
miles  from  this  place,  and  Mr.  Williams  (the  Indian  interpreter) 
informs  me  that  "  five  parties  of  Indians  of  different  tribes  were 
preparing  to  go  to  war,  and  would  probably  place  themselves  on  the 
Ohio  in  order  to  capture  the  boats  that  are  going  down  the  river," 
and  that  Brandt,  (Thayendanegea)  is  using  his  influence  with  the 
Indians  against  the  settlement,  and  to  dissuade  them  from  attending 
to  their  agreement  at  the  late  treaty. 

Yours  &c., 
To  William  Walter  Parsons.  ENOCH  PARSONS. 


556 

The  next  day  the  General  wrote  to  his  wife  at  Middletown, 
Connecticut : — 

PITTSBURGH,  May  5,  1789. 

MY  DEAR. — We  arrived  here  the  3d  instant,  having  moved  slowly 
from  Philadelphia  through  Virginia  to  this  place.  We  are  now 
awaiting  passage  down  the  River,  which  I  hope  to  accomplish  some 
time  to-day. 

I  hear  the  people  at  Marietta  are  now  very  quiet  and  all  things 
go  prosperously  there.  I  am  exceedingly  pleased  with  the  manly 
conduct  of  our  dear  son.  His  mind  seems  stored  with  a  good  share 
of  knowledge ;  his  manners  are  easy  and  graceful  and  he  is  univer 
sally  respected  by  the  gentlemen  into  whose  company  he  has  fallen. 
I  hope  to  find  great  satisfaction  in  his  company.  If  he  thinks  best, 
he  shall  return  to  you  this  summer  with  Mr.  Woodbridge,  and  I  hope 
he  will  be  able  to  make  it  your  choice  to  unite  the  family  in  this 
country.  Your  comfort  and  happiness  is  my  earnest  desire  and  noth 
ing  gives  me  so  much  concern  as  a  fear  you  are  otherwise.  I  hoped 
to  have  seen  you  once  more,  but  I  must  submit  to  my  disappointment. 
I  can  never  be  happy  without  you.  Next  to  your  company,  my  great 
est  satisfaction  will  be  to  be  sure  of  your  welfare.  I  am  still  very 
lame  and  I  believe  I  shall  continue  to  be. 

My  love  to  all  our  dear  children  and  believe  me,  my  dear,  your 
faithful  and  affectionate 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 
To  his  wife. 

While  in  the  Valley  of  Virginia,  General  Parsons  took  occasion 
to  visit  his  old  comrade  in  arms,  General  Horatio  Gates,  ever 
courteous  and  genial,  who  was  then  living  upon  his  estate,  "  The 
Traveler's  Rest,"  to  which  he  had  retired  after  his  disastrous 
defeat  at  Camden.  Upon  his  immigration  to  Virginia  in  1772, 
he  had  purchased  this  estate,  situated  about  ten  miles  west  of 
Harper's  Ferry,  between  the  little  villages  of  Kerneysville  and 
Leetown,  the  latter  the  old  home  of  General  Charles  Lee  (died 
1782),  and  built  upon  it  an  unpretentious  house  differing  little 
from  the  other  houses  in  the  Valley,  its  only  peculiarity  being  the 
three  huge  windows  in  the  dining  room,  constructed  expressly  to 
accommodate  three  immense  and  unusually  gorgeous  damask 
curtains  sent  over  to  him  by  his  friends  in  England  to  adorn 
his  palace  in  the  woods.  In  this  "  Hospitable  Retirement,"  as 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      557 

Parsons  terms  it  in  the  following  letter  of  acknowledgment, 
remote  from  other  dwellings  and  away  from  the  traveled  road, 
Gates  continued  living  a  quiet  and  uneventful  life  until  his 
removal  to  New  York  some  years  afterwards : — 

MARIETTA,  June  6,  1789. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  should  feel  myself  criminal  if  I  neglected  by  so 
good  an  opportunity  as  the  present,  to  convey  to  my  very  good  friend 
and  his  amiable  partner  my  most  cordial  wishes  for  their  happiness 
and  prosperity.  The  kind  reception  I  met  with  at  your  hospitable 
Retirement  revived  the  feelings  of  sincere  friendship  for  you  which 
were  many  years  since  deeply  engraven  on  my  heart,  and  which 
in  all  the  vicissitudes  of  your  fortune  have  remained  unaltered.  My 
situation  in  life  has  always  placed  me  in  a  state  of  dependence,  but 
has  never  yet  compelled  me  to  forsake  my  friends  or  j  oin  in  calumny 
against  them,  an  independence  of  sentiment  I  always  had  amidst 
the  miseries  attendant  on  a  narrow  fortune  and  the  perplexing  de 
light  of  a  numerous  family.  That  you  love  your  friends  and  never 
forsake  their  interests  for  small  occasions,  I  have  very  fully  ex 
perienced.  I  have  now  only  to  regret  that  in  decline  of  life  when 
we  so  much  want  the  consoling  company  of  our  tried  friends,  we  are 
destined  to  be  so  far  separated  as  scarcely  to  hope  to  see  each  other 
many  times  more.  I  cannot  go  east  of  the  Mountains  and  you  are 
too  much  at  your  ease  to  come  to  the  West.  I  find  our  settlement  at 
this  place  in  as  good  a  state  as  I  had  reason  to  expect.  We  have 
planted  three  villages  at  about  fifteen  miles  distant  in  different  direc 
tions;  (Belpre,  Waterford  and  Wolf  Creek  Mills)  and  they  appear 
to  be  established  so  strongly  as  to  defy  any  attempts  of  the  Savages. 
We  shall  have  planted  this  year  more  than  300  acres  with  Indian 
corn.  Winter  and  summer  wheat,  rye,  oats,  flax  and  hemp  are  grow 
ing  in  considerable  quantities,  and  we  have  more  than  ten  thousand 
apple,  pear,  peach,  cherry  and  plum  trees  set  out,  exclusive  of  our 
nurseries,  which  have  an  innumerable  multitude  of  small  trees.  The 
month  of  April,  1788,  the  first  settler  arrived  here,  and  till  then 
never  a  tree  had  been  cut  on  this  very  heavy  timbered  country.  I 
think  we  have  made  good  progress,  at  least  in  the  article  of  fruit 
trees.  We  must  for  a  season  be  watchful  and  constantly  on  our 
guard ;  this  has  hitherto  given  us  security  and  I  believe  we  shall 
enjoy  peace  when  our  neighbors  are  involved  in  wnr. 

My  son  desires  his  dutiful  respects  to  you  and  your  lady.  He  is 
very  much  pleased  with  his  visit  to  your  hospitable  Retirement  and 
often  mentions  you  with  friendly  reverence.  If  at  any  time  you  can 


558  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

give  me  a  line,  I  shall  be  very  much  obliged.     Remember  me  cordially 
to  your  good  lady  and  believe  me  ever 

Your  sincere  friend  and  obedt.  servt., 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

P.  S. — Your  friend,  Mr.  Graham,  has  never  called  upon  me.  I 
do  not  know  the  reason,  except  he  may  have  supposed  the  ambition 
of  a  certain  man  to  be  a  mark  of  real  respectability.  I  thought  it 
not  proper  to  seek  an  opportunity  to  enlighten  him,  as  he  has  neither 
brought  me  a  letter  or  message  from  you. 
To  General  Horatio  Gates. 

Oliver  Ellsworth,  third  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States, 
to  whom  the  following  letter  is  addressed,  was  at  this  time  one 
of  the  Senators  in  Congress  from  Connecticut,  Doctor  William 
Samuel  Johnson  being  the  other — both  close  friends  of  General 
Parsons.  A  strong  Federalist,  the  Chairman  of  the  Judiciary 
Committee  in  the  Senate  and  an  able  debater,  John  Adams 
regarded  him  as  "  the  firmest  pillar  of  Washington's  Adminis 
tration  in  that  Body."  He  was  generally  regarded  as  one  of  the 
ablest  men  of  his  day  in  New  England: — 

MARIETTA,  May  20,  1789. 
Hon.  Oliver  Ellsworth, 

DEAR  SIR. — I  have  presumed  to  cover  to  you  a  letter  to  Governor 
St.  Clair  from  the  uncertainty  of  his  being  in  New  York.  If  he  is 
there,  I  will  thank  you  to  seal  and  deliver  it  after  seeing  the  con 
tents.  If  not,  I  wish  Dr.  Johnson  may  see  it  and  such  other  gentle 
men  as  you  think  proper  to  communicate  it  to.  To  you,  Sir,  I  can 
say  with  freedom  whatever  I  think  on  those  subjects.  I  am  con 
vinced  further  treaties  with  Indians  without  a  force  to  convince 
them  of  the  efficiency  of  our  Government,  will  not  avail  generally. 
So  far  as  the  particular  condition  of  States  adjoining  the  Indians 
may  by  them  distinguish  those  claims  from  the  general  assumption 
of  territory,  may  have  a  beneficial  influence  as  it  respects  those 
States  and  probably  will  have.  The  inhabitants  of  this  country  will 
expect,  and  have  right  to  expect  protection  from  the  United  States, 
and  I  have  no  doubt  will  receive  it;  and  the  settlement  of  the  Ohio 
purchase  is  the  only  solid  ground  of  union  between  the  two  parts 
of  the  United  States.  Our  habits  and  manners  and  our  ardent  wishes 
are  such  as  will  never  admit  the  idea  of  separation  unless  you  on  the 
east  side  compel  it ;  and  I  am  vain  enough  to  believe  the  systematical 
mode  of  settlements  and  the  habits  we  cherish  and  sentiments  we 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       559 

inculcate,  will  eventually  give  the  tone  to  all  the  country  in  the  West. 
Perhaps  I  am  too  sanguine,  but  I  know  we  are  persevering  and  we 
are  not  to  be  appalled  by  difficulties,  but  look  forward  to  the  reward 
and  shall  not  easily  relinquish  our  pursuit.  We,  therefore,  ought 
to  be  attended  to  and  fostered  as  a  favorite  child. 

You  will  see  by  mine  to  the  Governor,  the  imperfection  of  the 
present  government  here;  it  is  very  much  felt.  Cannot  you  think 
proper  to  amend  it.  If  a  Lieut.  Governor  was  appointed,  this  part 
of  the  difficulty  would  be  remedied;  and  should  economy  induce  the 
old  Connecticut  practice  of  annexing  the  office  to  that  of  Chief 
Justice,  two  or  three  hundred  dollars  would  be  a  compensation  for 
twice  or  thrice  the  sum.  However  this  may  be,  or  if  the  Governor 
does  not  return,  you  know  my  feelings  will  be  injured  by  being  super- 
ceded  by  another  with  whom  perhaps  I  cannot  be  as  confidentially 
happy  with  as  I  am  with  the  present  Governor.  I  beg  you  would 
interest  yourself  and  your  friends  in  preventing  any  appointment 
to  the  vacancy  caused  by  Judge  Varnum's  death  which  will  destroy 
the  peace  of  our  settlement.  Mr.  Cutler,  General  Putnam  and,  I 
suspect,  Mr.  Gilman,  will  be  candidates.  I  believe  any  of  them  would 
be  acceptable,  as  would  brother  Judd,  if  he  can  be  obtained,  of  which, 
however,  I  am  in  doubt. 

My  son  designs  to  go  to  New  Orleans.  I  would  esteem  it  a  par 
ticular  favor  if  you  will  join  Dr.  Johnson  and  Colonel  Wadsworth 
in  procuring  letters  from  Mr.  Guardoqui  (the  Spanish  Ambassador 
in  New  York  at  that  time)  and  a  passport  for  himself  and  property, 
and,  if  you  can  do  it  with  propriety,  that  you  would  sign  a  general 
recommendation  of  him,  that  it  may  appear  his  connections  and  ac 
quaintances  are  reputable  and  he  deserves  confidence  and  respect. 

I  am  with  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 
To  Hon.  Oliver  Ellsworth.  SAML-  H-  PARSONS. 

May  1-1,  1779,  the  General's  son,  Enoch,  had  been  appointed 
by  Governor  St.  Clair,  "  Register  of  Deeds  for  the  County  of 
Washington  and  Clerk  of  the  Court  of  Probate."  These  offices 
he  held  until  April,  1790,  when,  in  consequence  of  his  father's 
death,  he  resigned  them  and  returned  to  his  old  home  in  Middle- 
town,  Connecticut.  While  in  the  Western  Country,  young 
Enoch  kept  a  journal  of  his  observations.  As  an  example  of 
the  fertility  of  the  soil  and  the  rapidity  of  vegetable  growth  in 
the  new  settlement,  he  enters  in  his  journal: — "June  7,  1789. 
Rode  out  with -my  father  to  his  three  acre  lot  which  was  sowed 


560  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

with  rye  in  December  last.  About  twenty  days  ago  it  was  four 
inches  high.  Ten  days  since  when  we  visited  it,  it  was  three  and 
a  half  feet  high ;  and  to-day  we  found  it  seven  and  a  half  feet 
in  height."  And  again: — "June  13th.  Measured  a  spear  of 
flax  growing  on  my  city  lot,  and  find  that  in  six  days  it  has 
grown  seven  inches.  Mr.  Converse  informs  me  that  about  three 
weeks  ago  he  planted  corn  which  is  at  present  four  feet  high." 

The  following  is  from  Parsons  to  his  wife,  in  Middletown, 
Connecticut : — 

MARRIETTA,  July  2,  1789. 

MY  DEAR. — It  is  only  to  convince  you  I  have  a  constant  remem 
brance  of  you  that  I  now  write,  after  having  so  lately  sent  one  by 
Mr.  Leach.  Enoch  often  writes,  which  is  a  great  relief  to  me  and 
gives  you  all  the  information  you  wish.  We  are  very  well  and  intend 
next  week  to  go  down  the  River  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles 
to  lay  out  some  fresh  settlements.  If  no  misfortune  befalls  me,  I 
shall  return  in  about  a  month,  when  you  will  hear  from  me  again 
the  first  opportunity. 

The  Indians  continue  at  peace  with  the  inhabitants  here.  The 
white  people  from  Virginia  have  crossed  over  to  this  territory  and 
have  done  some  damage  to  the  friendly  Indians.  I  hope  this  will 
have  no  ill  effects,  but  should  practices  of  this  sort  be  continued  with 
impunity,  it  may  be  followed  by  serious  consequences. 

On  my  return  I  shall  write  to  William,  Lucia  and  the  children.  In 
the  meantime  remember  me  most  affectionately  to  them  and  believe 
me,  yours  most  affectionately, 

SAML.  H.  PARSONS. 

On  the  21st  of  July,  Enoch  wrote  to  his  mother  describing  the 
manner  in  which  the  13th  anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  was  celebrated  at  Marietta,  and  the  ball  which 
was  given  soon  after  : — 

The  2d  instant  I  wrote  to  you  by  Mr.  McFarley,  that  we  were 
making  preparations  to  solemnize  the  13th  anniversary  of  the  Inde 
pendence  of  the  United  States.  I  shall  now,  having  nothing  else  to 
write,  give  you  the  particulars  of  our  proceedings  on  that  day. 

In  the  afternoon  we  assembled  at  the  northwest  block  house,  where 
a  short  oration  was  pronounced,  after  which  the  militia  paraded, 
discharged  fourteen  cannons,  fired  their  muskets  fourteen  times, 
performed  various  evolutions,  etc  and  were  dispersed.  The  officers 
of  the  Government,  together  with  a  few  other  gentlemen,  then  re- 


paired  to  Fort  Harmar  where  we  partook  of  an  excellent  dinner,  and 
with  good  wine  and  under  the  discharge  of  cannons,  we  drank  the 
following  toasts: 

1.  The  United  States. 

2.  The  President  of  the  United  States. 

3.  The  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives. 

4.  The  Secretary  of  War. 

5.  His  most  Christian  Majesty. 

6.  Perpetual  union  between  France,  Spain  and  America. 

7.  In  memory  of  those  heroes  who  fell  in  America  in  defense  of 
the  liberty  of  their  country. 

8.  The  Marquis  de  Lafayette. 

9.  The  friendly  powers  of  Europe. 

10.  The  day. 

11.  Governor  St.  Clair  and  the  Western  Territory. 

12.  Agriculture,  commerce  and  sciences. 

13.  Dr.  Franklin. 

14.  The  citizens  of  Marietta. 

By  this  time  our  spirits  were  not  a  little  exhilarated,  however,  the 
greatest  order  and  decency  was  observed  by  every  person  throughout 
the  day,  which  was  closed  by  the  beautiful  illumination  of  Fort 
Harmar. 

On  Monday  evening  following,  we  had  a  splendid  ball  which  was 
opened  by  a  minuet  walked  by  Mrs.  Battle  and  Baron  Tilas  from 
Sweden,  after  which  we  had  several  country  dances  and  closed  with 
a  minuet  by  Mr.  Le  Luce,  a  native  of  this  country,  a  Chief  among 
the  Wyandots  and  one  of  the  leaders.  Twenty-four  ladies  attended 
this  ball  and  between  sixty  and  seventy  gentlemen. 

Affectionately  yours, 

ENOCH  PARSONS. 

In  July,  a  committee  of  the  Ohio  Company,  consisting  of  Gen 
eral  Parsons,  Griffen  Greene  and  General  Tupper,  went  down 
the  Ohio  to  examine  the  Company's  lands  along  the  River  as  far 
as  the  western  bounds  of  its  purchase.  With  them  was  Colonel 
Meigs,  one  of  their  surveyors,  to  take  the  meanders  of  the  river. 
On  the  25th,  near  the  mouth  of  Old-town  Creek,  they  met  John 
Matthews  and  his  assistants,  who  had  been  employed  by  the 
Superintendent  of  the  Company  to  survey  these  lands,  returning 
to  the  Muskingum,  the  Indians  having  stolen  their  horses  and 
provisions  a  few  days  before.  The  committee  requested  them 
to  go  back  and  complete  their  unfinished  work,  and,  to  enable 


562  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

them  to  do  so,  sent  to  Marietta  for  supplies.  These  were 
received  on  the  31st,  and  landed  the  next  day  at  a  place  below  the 
Big  Kanawha,  the  committee's  boat  continuing  on  down  the 
River.  Matthews,  upon  his  return,  again  encountered  the 
Indians  and  many  of  his  men  were  killed.  He  was  fortunate 
enough  to  escape,  and,  making  his  way  through  the  brush  and 
briers  along  the  river  bank,  found  the  committee's  boat  a  few 
miles  down  the  River,  with  -Colonel  Meigs,  the  committee  having 
left  for  Marietta.  Parsons,  unable  to  endure  the  fatigue  and 
exposure  to  which  he  was  subjected  on  this  expedition,  while 
very  ill  and  depressed,  wrote  as  follows  to  his  son  Enoch  at 
Marietta : — 

August  4,  1789. 

According  to  my  present  feelings,  I  think  it  most  probable  I  shall 
have  a  fit  of  sickness.  My  age  and  constitution  considered,  it  is 
likely,  if  I  should  be  confined,  it  will  end  in  my  dissolution.  It, 
therefore,  becomes  my  duty  to  commend  to  your  care  your  mother 
and  the  family,  to  whom  you  must  become  a  father  and  protector. 

The  agency  in  the  Company  (for  the  purchase  of  the  Salt  Spring 
tract)  you  will  take  upon  yourself,  and,  having  settled  with  all  the 
proprietors,  the  remainder  will  be  in  your  hands  to  do  with  as  you 
find  necessary,  consulting  your  mother  on  the  subject.  I  shall,  if  I 
can,  leave  a  deed  of  my  lands  at  the  Salt  Springs  to  General  Butler, 
which  you  will  deliver  to  him  on  his  executing  to  you  and  your  young 
est  sister  a  deed  of  the  whole. 

I  shall  again  commend  to  your  care  my  dear  children  and  your 
mother.  Preserve  a  life  of  strict  honor  and  honesty  in  all  your 
dealings  and  pursue  a  steady  course  of  industry,  and  with  all  remem 
ber  that  the  religion  of  the  Scriptures  is  a  serious  truth.  Console 
your  mother  and  the  children  in  all  these  afflictions  and  remember 
your  father's  injunctions. 

Yours  Affectionately, 
To  Enoch  Parsons.  SAML.   H.  PARSONS. 

On  the  18th  of  August,  a  few  days  after  his  return  to  Mari 
etta,  Parsons  wrote  to  his  wife  at  Middletown : — 

MY  DEAR. — Since  Enoch  left  here,  I  have  heard  but  once  from 
home,  for  so  I  will  call  the  place  where  you  are.  I  returned  a  few 
days  ago  from  an  excursion  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  down 
the  River  to  examine  some  lands  with  which  I  found  myself  per- 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      563 

fectly  satisfied,  but  the  very  great  fatigue  of  traveling  through  the 
wilderness,  lying  in  the  boat  and  submitting  myself  to  the  wet  and 
cold,  was  too  great  for  me  and  I  fell  sick  and  was  obliged  to  return. 
I  am  now  recovered,  with  the  exception  of  being  very  weak  and  an 
inflamation  in  my  eye  which  gives  me  much  pain,  but  I  hope  in  a 
few  days  to  be  well. 

The  Governor  not  having  written  makes  it  uncertain  whether  I 
shall  go  to  the  Illinois.  I  hope  it  will  not  be  bad  at  the  time,  which 
will  prevent  me  meeting  you  over  the  mountains  on  your  way  to  this 
country,  where  I  shall  rejoice  to  find  you  and  make  you  happy.  I 
hope  the  means  left  at  your  command  will  prevent  your  suffering. 
If  the  family  were  together,  the  expense  would  be  much  lessened. 
William  must  send  me  a  copy  of  all  the  moneys  due  me  from  the 
Agency,  together  with  the  names  of  present  proprietors. 

With  love  to  all  our  dear  children  and  compliments  to  friends,  I 
am,  with  unfeigned  affection, 

Yours  faithfully, 
To  Mrs.  Parsons.  SAML.   H.  PARSONS. 

On  the  7th  of  August,  Congress  passed  an  Act  amending  the 
Ordinance  of  1787,  so  that,  in  conformance  with  the  methods  of 
the  Constitution,  all  Territorial  officers  should  be  nominated  by 
the  President  and  appointed  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent 
of  the  Senate.  On  the  8th  day  of  August,  1779,  President 
Washington  sent  to  the  Senate  the  name  of  Arthur  St.  Clair,  for 
Governor ;  of  Winthrop  Sargent,  for  Secretary,  and  of  Samuel 
Holden  Parsons,  John  Cleves  Symmes  and  William  Barton,  for 
Judges,  of  the  Northwest  Territory,  all  of  which  nominations 
were  duly  confirmed. 

In  August,  General  Parsons  wrote  to  Governor  St.  Clair, 
then  in  New  York,  respecting  the  affairs  of  the  Territory,  as 
follows : — 

MARIETTA,  August  23,  1789. 

SIR. — We  have  long  expected  and  most  ardently  wished  your 
Excellency  to  return  to  your  Government;  but  we  are  convinced  your 
absence  is  necessary  and  the  welfare  of  the  Territory  requires  your 
continuance  near  Congress.  I  have  only  to  express  my  desire  that 
your  absence  may  not  long  be  delayed,  and  that  everything  neces 
sary  for  the  welfare  of  the  Government  may  be  accomplished  before 
your  return.  I  see  in  the  journals  of  Congress  a  resolution  for  the 
government  of  this  country;  if  it  in  any  manner  changes  the  former 


564  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

system,  I  shall  feel  much  obliged  if  your  Excellency  will  favor  me 
with  the  contents  of  the  bill.  On  the  14th  instant  a  party  of  our 
surveyors  were  attacked  by  the  Indians  about  one  hundred  and 
twenty  miles  down  the  Ohio  from  this  place;  six  soldiers  were  killed 
dead,  and  one  of  the  chainmen  was  wounded,  and  is  either  killed 
or  taken ;  he  could  not  be  found  the  next  day  nor  has  he  since  been 
heard  of.  I  hope  ere  this  time  I  have  an  agreeable  colleague  ap 
pointed,  and  that  he  will  speedily  arrive.  I  have  been  sick  about 
three  or  four  weeks,  but  have  nearly  recovered  my  health  again. 

The   inhabitants    in   the    settlement   enjoy    good    health    and   the. 
luxuriance  of  the  vegetation  promises  a  plentiful  return   for  their 
labor;  they  have  this  year   four  hundred  acres  of  corn  and  small 
grain,  all  of  which  bids  fair  to  produce  in  abundance.     One  grist 
and  saw  mill  will  be  completed  soon,  another  by  December. 

Yours  &c., 
To  Governor  St.  Clair.  SAML.   H.  PARSONS. 

Parsons  does  not  appear  to  have  heard  at  this  time  of  his 
reappointment  as  Chief  Judge  of  the  Territory.  The  follow 
ing  letter  he  received  from  his  friend,  General  Richard  Butler, 
who  seems  to  have  removed  from  Carlisle  to  Pittsburgh : — 

PITTSBURGH,  September  14,  1789. 

MY  FRIEND. — I  received  your  favor  of  23d  of  July.  Am  happy 
to  hear  your  settlement  is  not  disturbed  by  the  Indians,  that  you  are 
in  health  and  that  you  intend  us  the  pleasure  of  a  visit  this  fall. 
As  I  have  now  got  my  little  flock  fixed  within  my  reach,  I  hope  your 
calls  and  visits  will  be  more  frequent.  As  to  what  the  great  folks 
of  New  York  are  about,  I  believe  the  Government  will  be  useful 
both  to  you  and  us,  and  although  there  are  some  grumbling  about 
high  salaries,  (and  I  believe  with  some  justice)  I  hope  much  from  the 
regularity  and  efficiency  of  it.  The  Governor  and  Government  is 
established,  I  believe,  on  the  old  grounds,  and  a  Land  Office  is  ex 
pected  to  be  opened  for  tracts  of  a  certain  size.  The  impost  bill  is 
in  action  and,  I  am  told,  operates  easily ;  if  so,  some  compensation 
for  past  service  may  be  expected,  as  certificates  will  appreciate,  but 
as  yet  they  are  low. 

You  desire  me  to  forward  the  money  you  left  in  my  hands,  and 
sorry  I  am  it  is  not  in  my  power,  as  I  have  neither  received  a  shilling 
from  either  States  or  United  States,  but  I  can  have  you  furnished 
with  anything  at  Captain  O'Harra's  that  his  store  affords  to  amount 
of  the  sum.  He  has  groceries  and  other  matters  which  may  be  use 
ful.  This  gives  me  more  uneasiness  than  it  can  you. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      565 

I  hear  that  you,  Judge  Symnies  and  one  from  Boston  are  the 
Judges  under  the  new  dispensation.  Will  an  order  on  my  friend 
Meigs  answer  your  purpose  for  fourteen  pounds,  three  shillings  ? 
If  so,  it  will  be  at  your  service. 

My  good  girls,  my  son  and  daughter,  Molly,  join  in  love  to  you. 
God  bless  you,  my  friend.  As  heretofore 

Your  obe'dt.  servt., 

RICHARD  BUTLER. 

P.  S. — I  shall  not  survey  any  this  fall. 
To  General  Parsons. 

The  following  letter  is  from  Parsons  to  his  wife: — 

MARIETTA,  September  21st,  1789. 

MY  DEAR. — Our  son  (Enoch)  being  happily  recovered,  will  set 
out  this  day  for  New  York,  and  although  I  have  nothing  to  add  to 
my  last  letter,  yet  I  cannot  suffer  him  to  pass  over  the  mountains 
Avithout  just  telling  you  I  am  in  the  land  of  the  living  and  in  good 
health. 

Nothing  so  much  troubles  me  as  concern  for  your  welfare.  I  hope 
your  spirits  will  not  fail  under  any  trials  which  may  fall  to  your 
lot.  I  hope  we  shall  see  each  other  again,  but  this  God  only  knows. 
Mr.  Woodbridge's  removal  so  suddenly,  defeats  my  expectations  of 
seeing  you  here  next  spring.  The  cause  of  his  sudden  return  I  do 
not  know.  My  diploma  of  the  Order  of  Cincinnatus  was  left  at  Mr. 
Hobby's.  I  beg  you  to  send  for  it,  and  if  Enoch  goes  home,  send 
it  to  me  by  him.  I  hope  to  return  to  New  England  next  fall,  and  to 
be  able  to  remove  you  here  then,  but  this  must  depend  on  circum 
stances.  Having  no  letters  from  you  or  any  other  person  in  New 
England  prevents  my  saying  anything  on  business.  I  do  not  know 
what  to  write  and  can  only  express  my  ardent  affection  for  you  and 
our  dear  children.  I  am,  my  dear,  faithfully  yours, 

S.  H.  PARSONS. 

In  January,  1789,  the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut 
appointed  Governor  Wolcott,  General  Parsons  and  James  Daven 
port,  Commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  State  to  treat  with  the 
Wyandots  and  other  tribes  for  the  purchase  of  the  Indian  title 
to  the  Connecticut  lands  in  Ohio.  The  following  is  the  resolu 
tion  making  the  appointment,  a  copy  of  which  in  the  handwrit 
ing  of  Mr.  Davenport  is  found  among  the  Parsons'  papers,  hav 
ing,  probably,  been  sent  to  the  General  for  his  information : — 


566  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

At  a  General  Assembly  of  the  Governor  and  Company  of  the 
State  of  Connecticut,  holden  at  New  Haven  by  adjournment  the 
first  day  of  January,  1789: — 

Whereas  it  appears  to  this  Assembly  that  there  is  a  prospect  of 
a  treaty  sometime  in  the  present  winter  or  the  next  spring  between 
some  of  the  States  and  sundry  tribes  of  Indians  who  occupy  the 
territory  reserved  by  this  State  in  their  cession  to  the  United  States, 
and  it  being  expedient  for  this  State  to  maintain  their  claim  to  the 
said  territory  and  to  take  proper  measures  to  extinguish  the  Indian 
title  thereto,  Therefore,  Resolved  by  this  Assembly,  that  the  Hon. 
Oliver  Wolcott,  Samuel  H.  Parsons  and  James  Davenport,  Esquires, 
be  and  they  are  hereby,  appointed  Commissioners  on  the  part  of  this 
State  to  attend  the  treaty  aforesaid,  and  they  are  hereby  directed  to 
take  measures  to  obtain  information  relative  to  the  commencement  of 
the  expected  treaty,  and  when  ascertained  of  that  particular,  to  pro 
ceed,  with  the  advice  of  his  Excellency,  the  Governor,  to  join  said 
treaty;  and  in  order  to  effectuate  the  object  proposed,  the  Comptrol 
ler  is  hereby  directed  on  application  of  any  two  of  said  Commission 
ers,  with  evidence  of  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Governor,  to  draw 
an  order  on  the  Treasurer  in  favor  of  said  Commissioners  for  the  sum 
of  three  hundred  pounds  in  specie,  and  the  said  Commissioners  are 
hereby  authorized  to  invest  the  said  sum,  or  so  much  thereof  as  they 
shall  judge  proper,  in  such  goods  as  are  suitable  for  the  Indians 
and  the  same  to  transport  to  the  place  where  said  treaty  shall  be 
held,  and  they  are  hereby  authorized  and  empowered  to  improve 
said  money  and  goods  in  the  most  advantageous  manner  in  their 
power  to  purchase  of  the  Indians  occupying  said  territory,  their  said 
title  to  said  lands,  or  any  part  thereof;  and  the  said  Commissioners 
are  directed  to  report  the  progress  of  their  negotiations  to  the  Gen 
eral  Assembly,  or,  in  their  recess,  to  the  Governor  and  Council,  and 
to  pursue  such  further  orders  from  the  General  Assembly,  or  from 
the  Governor  and  Council  as  they  may  from  time  to  time  receive. 
And  the  Governor  is  hereby  desired  to  commissionate  the  said  Com 
missioners  accordingly.  And  in  case  either  of  said  Commissioners 
shall  decline  accepting  said  trust  or  shall  be  removed  by  death  or 
otherwise  the  Governor  is  also  authorized  to  appoint  and  commis 
sionate  some  other  person  or  persons  to  fill  such  vacancy  or  vacancies 
in  the  recess  of  the  General  Assembly. 

Governor  Wolcott  had  been  Commissioner  for  Indian  Affairs, 
and  was  peculiarly  well  fitted  for  this  mission.  He  was  a  con 
nection  of  Parsons,  his  sister,  Ursula,  having  married  Parsons' 


567 

uncle,  Governor  Matthew  Griswold  of  Connecticut.  James 
Davenport  was  a  descendant  of  Rev.  John  Davenport,  the 
founder  of  New  Haven.  He  had  served  in  the  Commissary  De 
partment  during  the  War,  was  Judge  of  the  Common  Pleas  and 
member  of  Congress.  President  Dwight  said  of  him : — "  Few 
persons  have  been  more,  or  more  deservedly,  esteemed  than  the 
Hon.  James  Davenport." 

November  1,  Parsons  wrote  from  Pittsburg  to  his  wife 
informing  her  of  his  plan,  as  follows : — 

MY  DEAR. — Two  days  ago,  (Oct.  30th)  I  arrived  at  this  place 
which  Enoch  had  left  the  same  day  for  Wheeling,  to  which  place 
I  have  sent  for  him  to  come  back,  being  totally  in  the  dark  respecting 
everything  in  the  East.  On  Wednesday,  (the  4th)  I  expect  to  set 
off  for  Lake  Erie  with  Captain  Heart  to  finish  the  survey  of  the  Con 
necticut  Lands ;  it  will  be  a  long  and  arduous  tour,  but  I  hope  to  be 
able  to  endure  it.  I  have  no  time  to  add  a  word:  the  conveyance  is 
now  waiting.  Yours  affectionately, 

S.  H.  PARSONS. 

Enoch  having  left  Marietta  on  the  21st  of  September  and 
reached  Pittsburgh  on  his  return  the  30th  of  October,  would 
seem  to  have  made  his  journey  in  a  surprisingly  short  time.  The 
news  brought  by  him  from  the  East,  which  the  General  was  so 
anxious  to  receive  before  leaving  for  the  Lake,  may  have  related 
to  the  coming  of  his  co-commissioners  from  Connecticut. 

Hildreth,  in  his  "  Early  Settlers  of  Ohio,"  says,  that  "  in  the 
fall  of  1789  General  Parsons  visited  the  Connecticut  Reserve 
with  a  view  to  preliminary  arrangements  for  holding  the  pro 
posed  treaty  with  the  Indians."  We  have  no  record  of  this  visit, 
but,  if  the  statement  be  correct,  General  Parsons  when  he  arrived 
at  Pittsburgh,  October  30,  must  have  been  on  his  way  back  from 
the  Reserve;  for  had  he  come  up  the  River  from  Marietta,  he 
must  have  met  Enoch  going  down,  he  having  left  Pittsburgh  for 
Wheeling  the  very  day  his  father  arrived.  General  Butler  was 
at  this  time  .living  in  Pittsburgh.  He  had  been  employed  by 
Parsons  in  surveying  the  Reserve  and  was  interested  with  him  in 
the  Mahoning  Salt  Springs,  holding  a  contract  under  Parsons' 
lease  from  the  State  of  Connecticut,  dated  the  14th  of  the  pre 
vious  Januarv,  to  manufacture  salt.  His  business  with  Butler 


568  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

and  preparations  for  resuming  the  survey  of  the  Reserve  detained 
Parsons  in  Pittsburgh  nearly  a  week. 

General  Parsons  left  Pittsburgh  November  5,  one  day  later 
than  he  had  expected,  with  Captain  Jonathan  Heart  of  the 
Army,  who  was  sent  to  explore  the  route  by  the  Big  Beaver, 
the  Mahoning  and  Cuyahoga  to  Lake  Erie,  the  route  Parsons 
proposed  to  take.  Upon  his  arrival  at  the  Blockhouse  on  the 
Big  Beaver,  he  wrote  to  his  son,  Enoch,  who  had  returned  to 
Marietta : — 

BLOCK  HOUSE  ON  BIG  BEAVER,  November  7,  1789. 

MY  DEAR  SON. — I  am  this  far  on  my  way  to  the  Lake.  My  health 
is  more  favorable  to  my  view  than  for  some  days  before  I  left  Pitt, 
but  I  am  not  entirely  free  from  my  cold.  However,  if  I  find  the 
pursuit  will  be  attended  with  too  great  fatigue,  I  shall  endeavor  to 
return  from  the  Springs.  This  day  is  too  bad  to  travel ;  I  shall  there 
fore  stay  until  morning.  I  was  much  disappointed  in  your  not  re 
turning  from  Wheeling  or  sending  me  some  message  in  answer  to 
my  letter.  I  have  left  my  papers  and  about  $-100  with  General  But 
ler  with  orders  to  deliver  to  you  if  any  misfortune  befalls  me.  Per 
haps  it  may  be  best  for  you  to  come  to  Pitt  with  Dr.  Scott.  Of  this, 
however,  you  must  judge  as  all  things  over  the  Mountains  are  un 
known  to  me.  I  at  present,  apprehend  no  danger  of  consequence 
in  my  route,  and,  if  good  weather,  I  think  I  can  be  at  Pittsburgh 
again  by  the  first  of  December.  From  this  to  Salt  Springs  is  about 
forty-five  miles;  from  thence  to  Mahoning,  twelve;  to  the  Standing 
Stone  on  the  Cuyahoga,  eighteen;  to  the  Lake,  thirty;  in  the  whole, 
about  one  hundred  and  five  miles  to  the  mouth  of  the  Cuyahoga; 
from  thence  to  the  Pennsylvania  line,  about  sixty;  to  Venango,  about 
forty,  where  we  shall  take  a  boat  to  Pittsburgh.  We  expect  to  go 
about  twenty  miles  a  day,  except  when  we  run  lines,  when  we  can 
make  only  about  half  that  distance. 

Remember  me  to  my  friends  and  do  not  let  anyone  into  the  particu 
lars  of  my  route.  Perhaps  it  may  be  best  for  me  to  go  over  the  Moun 
tains  before  I  return  to  Marietta.  Of  this  you  can  better  judge. 

Yours  affectionately, 
To  Enoch  Parsons,  Marietta.  S.  H.  PARSONS. 

Enoch  has  noted  on  the  original  letter : — "  Received  at  Mari 
etta  in  November,  1789,  being  the  last  letter  received  by  me  from 
my  much  beloved  father." 

General  Parsons  had  commenced  the  survey  of  that  part  of  the 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      569 

Reserve  east  of  the  Cuyahoga  River  in  the  summer  of  1788,  but 
discontinued  it  for  fear  of  exciting  the  suspicions  of  the  Indians. 
From  the  preceding  letters  he  appears  to  have  decided  to  finish 
the  work  at  this  time,  and  to  be  now  on  his  way  to  Lake  Erie 
for  the  purpose.  He  may  also  have  wished  to  visit  his  lands 
at  the  Salt  Springs  near  the  Mahoning.  The  season  chosen  for 
continuing  the  survey  was  favorable  for  the  purpose.  The 
leaves  had  fallen  and  the  woods  were  now  comparatively  open 
and  penetrable  by  the  sunlight,  making  extended  vistas  possible 
and  greatly  facilitating  the  surveyor's  work.  The  country 
which  Parsons  and  Heart  were  to  traverse,  was  an  unbroken 
wilderness  with  not  even  a  military  Post  except  the  little  Block 
house  from  which  the  foregoing  letter  was  written,  built  the  year 
before  two  miles  up  the  Beaver  on  the  present  site  of  New 
Brighton,  the  old  Fort  Mclntosh,  a  mile  below  the  mouth  of  the 
Beaver  having  been  abandoned  and  demolished  in  1788.  The 
Blockhouse  stood  on  a  high  bluff  very  near  the  river,  which  at 
that  point  was  about  two  hundred  yards  wide.  Above  it  were 
three  dangerous  falls  or  rapids — the  lower  falls  about  six  hun 
dred  yards  above  and  in  full  view  of  the  Blockhouse ;  the  middle 
falls  about  one  mile  above  and  the  upper  falls  two  and  one-half 
miles.  Indeed,  the  whole  stream  was  a  rapid — the  bottom  filled 
with  boulders  about  which  the  swift  current  eddied,  threatening 
destruction  to  any  craft  attempting  to  shoot  the  falls.  At  this 
time  Lieut.  Nathan  McDowell  was  in  command  at  the  Block 
house — a  very  careful,  intelligent,  considerate  officer  and  a 
devoted  friend  of  General  Parsons.  He  resigned  from  the 
Army  September  4,  1790. 

Parsons  and  Heart,  as  appears  from  Parsons'  letter  of  the 
7th  to  his  son,  left  the  Blockhouse  November  8th,  their  route 
being  along  the  bridle  path  leading  up  the  Big  Beaver  River. 
Finding  the  journey  too  fatiguing,  or  having  learned  of  the 
arrival  of  the  Commissioners  from  Connecticut,  Parsons  went 
no  farther  than  the  Salt  Springs.  Captain  Heart,  parting  with 
him  here,  "  followed  the  trail  west  to  the  Cuyahoga,  thence  to 
its  mouth  and  down  the  Lake  to  Erie,"  arriving  safely  at  Pitts 
burgh  about  the  last  of  December.  Having  finished  his  business 
at  the  Springs,  Parsons  commenced  his  return  journey,  and,  on 
the  17th,  was  descending  the  Big  Beaver  in  a  canoe.  Before 


570 

leaving  his  camp  that  morning,  he  had  sent  forward  his  horses 
to  the  Blockhouse  and  directed  his  man  to  say  to  Lieut.  McDowell 
that  he  would  be  with  him  at  dinner;  but  the  man  was  delayed 
by  snow  which  had  fallen  during  the  night,  and  did  not  arrive 
until  evening.  Parsons  had  with  him  in  the  canoe  a  man  with 
a  broken  leg  whom  he  appears  to  have  been  assisting  to  reach 
the  settlements  where  he  could  be  properly  cared  for,  and  the 
canoe  seems  to  have  been  taken  as  the  most  comfortable  means  of 
carriage.  His  humanity  in  this  case  proved  to  be  at  the  expense 
of  his  own  life.  While  running  the  rapids,  his  canoe  was  wrecked 
upon  the  rocks  and  both  he  and  the  man  with  him  were  drowned. 
The  accident  must  have  occurred  about  noon,  for  at  that  time 
broken  pieces  of  a  canoe  and  articles  known  to  have  belonged  to 
Parsons  were  seen  floating  by  the  Blockhouse.  Just  where  it 
happened  is  not  known,  but  probably  at  the  middle  or  upper 
falls,  for  the  lower  were  in  plain  sight  from  the  Blockhouse  and 
the  persons  who  saw  the  wreckage  saw  nothing  of  the  disaster. 
Being  a  fine  swimmer,  it  was  thought  that  Parsons  might  have 
reached  the  shore  had  not  a  lameness,  caused  by  his  horse  falling 
upon  his  ankle,  impeded  his  movements  in  the  water ;  but  the 
river  being  very  high  at  the  time  and  the  water  chilled  by  the 
snow  of  the  previous  night,  it  is  hardly  possible  that  anyone 
heavily  clad  as  he  was,  plunged  suddenly  into  that  swift  and 
swirling  current  and  dashed  against  the  rocks,  could  have  sus 
tained  himself  more  than  a  few  minutes. 

The  news  of  Parsons'  death  is  said  to  have  been  received  by 
his  son,  Enoch,  and  the  Connecticut  Commissioners,  the  very  day 
he  was  expected  to  join  them.  "  Governor  Wolcott,  Mr.  Daven 
port  and  Enoch,  the  young  Register  and  Probate  Clerk,"  so 
writes  a  granddaughter  of  the  General,  now  more  than  ninety 
years  of  age,  who  has  often  heard  from  Enoch  the  distressing 
details  of  his  father's  death,  "  were  waiting  at  Marietta  for 
Parsons  who  was  momentarily  expected,  dinner  being  delayed  for 
him,  when  a  messenger  (sent  probably  by  General  Harmar  or 
Lieut.  McDowell)  arrived  with  a  note  for  one  of  the  Commis 
sioners.  As  he  read  it,  his  eyes  inadvertently  rested  on  our 
young  uncle  who  felt  it  was  fatal  news,  but  commanded  himself 
as  best  he  could.  After  dinner  Governor  Wolcott  invited  Enoch 
to  walk  out  with  him,  and  when  by  themselves  said : — '  Mr.  Par- 


1.  Upper  Falls. 

2.  Middle  Falls. 
S.  Lower  Falls. 
4.  Blockhouse. 


5.  Buryingr-ground. 

6.  Blockhouse  Run. 

7.  Bridgewater. 

8.  Rochester. 


sons,  I  have  sad  news  to  communicate  to  you.'     '  I  know  it,  Sir,' 
he  replied,  '  my  father  is  dead.'  ' 

The  waters  of  the  Big  Beaver  Creek  enter  the  Ohio  at  a  right 
angle,  causing  an  eddy  along  the  north  shore  at  and  below  the 
junction  of  the  two  streams,  in  which  the  drift  from  the  Creek, 
deposited  there  through  a  long  series  of  years,  has  built  up  a 
considerable  stretch  of  low-lying  land  between  the  bluffs  and  the 
river.  As  is  usually  the  case  in  such  formations,  shoal  waters 
and  thick-growing  sedge  must  have  characterized  the  shore.  At 
the  intersection  of  the  right  banks  of  the  two  streams,  there  was 
at  the  time  of  Parsons'  death  an  island — since  washed  away — 
formed  by  a  narrow  channel  cut  diagonally  from  the  creek  to 
the  river,  some  distance  back  from  the  shore.  The  main  channel 
of  the  Beaver  was  on  the  left  of  the  island. 

Immediately  upon  learning  of  the  accident,  Lieut.  McDowell 
made  a  careful  and  persistent  search  for  Parsons'  body,  explor 
ing  every  part  of  the  creek  from  above  the  rapids  to  the  Ohio, 
but  because  of  the  high  water  since  the  disaster,  without  success. 
The  fear  was  that  the  body  had  been  carried,  out  into  the  Ohio ; 
if  so,  there  was  little  hope  of  its  being  found.  The  General's 
son,  Enoch,  remained  the  whole  winter  at  Marietta  anxiously 
awaiting  the  result  of  the  search,  hoping  against  hope.  In 
April,  despairing  of  the  recovery  of  his  father's  remains,  he 
resigned  his  offices  in  the  Territory  and  returned  to  his  old  home 
in  Middletown.  A  month  later,  on  the  14th  of  May,  William 
Wilson,  an  Indian  trader,  perhaps  while  hunting  or  fishing  along 
the  Ohio  shore,  or  returning  from  a  trading  expedition  down  the 
river,  accidentally  discovered  the  body  on  the  north  shore,  just 
below  the  mouth  of  Beaver  Creek.  It  had  not  been  carried  down 
the  Ohio  as  feared,  but  had  remained  in  the  Beaver  the  winter 
through  undisturbed.  Coming  to  the  surface  when  the  river 
water  grew  warm,  it  had  drifted  into  the  Ohio  through  either  the 
narrow  or  the  main  channel  of  the  Creek,  and  been  carried  by  the 
eddy  in  the  current  northward  to  the  low-lying,  sedge-lined 
shore  where  it  was  found.  Having  made  the  body  secure,  Wil 
son,  whose  post  was  at  the  Blockhouse,  reported  his  discovery  to 
McDowell,  who  went  back  with  him  to  view  and  identify  the 
remains.  The  face  was  found  to  be  badly  disfigured  and  the 
body  unrecognizable  except  by  the  clothing  and  the  papers, 


572  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

watch  and  other  articles  found  on  it.  The  papers  and  other 
articles,  Lieut.  McDowell  took  charge  of.  On  the  16th,  in  the 
presence  of  and  by  the  direction  of  Lieut.  McDowell,  Wilson 
buried  the  body  near  the  place  where  it  was  found. 

The  wish  of  the  General's  family  was  that  he  should  be  buried 
at  Pittsburgh.  It  was  the  nearest  settlement  and  was  accessi 
ble  by  the  Ohio  River.  Marietta  would  seem  to  have  been  more 
appropriate  for  his  last  resting  place,  but  Pittsburgh  was  two 
hundred  miles  nearer  home.  As  early  as  the  preceding  Decem 
ber,  Parsons'  eldest  son,  William  Walter,  had  written  to  Enoch 
at  Marietta : — "  Should  the  body  of  our  deceased  parent  be 
found,  let  it  be  interred  at  Fort  Pitt ;  of  this  don't  fail  and  I  will 
cause  a  monument  to  be  erected.  If  he  should  have  been  found 
and  buried,  don't  fail,  my  dear  brother,  to  have  him  removed  to 
Pittsburgh.  I  shall  never  forgive  you  if  you  do."  To  those 
unacquainted  with  the  wishes  of  the  family  it  may  seem  that 
Lieut.  McDowell  failed  to  show  proper  respect  to  the  General's 
memory  in  leaving  his  remains  in  the  wild  exposed  place  where 
they  were  found,  instead  of  removing  them  to  the  Blockhouse — 
only  two  miles  distant  by  the  creek — and  burying  them  there 
with  the  military  honors  due  to  his  rank.  But  McDowell  was 
fully  apprised  of  the  wishes  and  plans  of  the  family  and  did 
what  he  believed  would  best  facilitate  the  expected  early  removal 
of  the  remains  to  Pittsburgh.  Buried  near  the  river,  they  could 
be  more  readily  transferred  to  the  large  boats  used  on  the  Ohio, 
than  if  taken  two  miles  up  the  swift  and  shallow  Beaver  and 
buried  at  the  Blockhouse.  Unfortunately,  Enoch  having  re 
turned  to  his  home  in  Middletown  and  General  Butler  being  on 
his  way  to  New  York,  no  one  was  at  hand  with  authority  to  act, 
and  the  removal  was  delayed  much  longer  than  expected. 
Nothing  was  done  about  the  matter  during  the  summer  after 
Butler  returned  to  Pittsburgh,  nor  in  the  fall  before  he  left  for 
Philadelphia  where  he  spent  the  winter,  and,  as  he  wrote  Enoch 
from  Philadelphia,  nothing  could  be  done  before  spring.  If 
anything  was  ever  done  about  the  matter  by  General  Butler,  it 
must  have  been  done  in  the  following  spring  or  summer  (1791), 
for  he,  as  well  as  Captain  Heart,  was  killed,  November  fourth, 
at  St.  Glair's  disasterous  defeat.  After  Butler's  death,  the 
plan  of  removing  the  remains  to  Pittsburgh  seeems  to  have  been 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      573 

abandoned,  for  it  is  certain  they  never  were  buried  there.  The 
belief  is  that  at  some  time  the  body  was  exhumed  and  interred 
near  the  Blockhouse,  but  no  evidence  of  the  removal  exists  except 
the  local  traditions  and  the  inscriptions  on  the  General's  monu 
ment  in  the  old  cemetery  at  Middletown,  Connecticut,  erected 
some  time  after  the  death  of  his  wife  in  1802.  The  inscription 
on  the  south  side  of  the  monument  states  that  Parsons  "  was 
drowned  in  the  Great  Beaver  Creek  in  the  State  of  Ohio,"  and 
that  "  his  body  is  interred  on  the  south  bank  of  Beaver  Creek 
near  its  confluence  with  the  Ohio  River."  On  the  east  and  west 
sides  of  the  monument  is  inscribed  a  pedigree  of  the  family 
which  states  that  the  General  "  was  buried  in  New  Brighton, 
Penn." 

Beaver  Creek,  formed  by  the  junction  of  the  Shenango  and 
Mahoning,  is  incorrectly  described  as  "  in  the  State  of  Ohio," 
whereas  it  is  wholly  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  the  Mahoning 
branch  only  being  in  Ohio.  The  general  course  of  the  creek  is 
southerly,  and  from  the  upper  part  of  New  Brighton  to  the 
Ohio  River — about  three  miles — the  course  is  due  south.  New 
Brighton  is  on  the  left  bank  and  extends  along  the  creek  about 
one  and  a  half  miles.  The  Blockhouse  is  in  the  lower  part  of  the 
town.  It  follows,  therefore,  if  General  Parsons  "  was  buried  in 
New  Brighton,"  that  "  his  body  is  "  not  "  interred  on  the  south 
bank  of  the  Beaver  Creek,"  but  on  the  east  bank.  This  error, 
if  not  due  to  imperfect  acquaintance  with  the  locality,  may 
possibly  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  between  the  upper 
part  of  the  New  Brighton  and  old  Brighton  (now  Beaver  Falls) 
directly  north  on  the  opposite  shore,  the  Beaver  runs  for  a  short 
distance  in  a  southwesterly  direction,  so  that  looking  south  from 
old  Brighton,  the  east  or  left  bank  would  appear  to  be  the  south 
or  southerly  bank  of  the  creek,  as  it  is  in  fact  at  that  point.  As 
Brighton  was  settled  about  the  time  the  Parsons  monument  was 
erected,  and  ten  or  eleven  years  before  New  Brighton  was  laid 
out  as  a  town,  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  opposite  bank  of  the 
creek  may  have  been  generally  regarded  and  spoken  of  at  that 
time  as  the  south  bank.  The  inscription,  however,  at  best  is 
indefinite  and  ambiguous,  for  if  instead  of  substituting  "  east 
bank  "  for  "  south  bank  "  in  order  to  make  the  first  inscription 
conform  to  the  second,  "  west  bank  "  be  substituted,  it  would 


574  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

point  directly  to  the  grave  on  the  bank  of  the  Ohio  as  the  place 
where  Parsons  at  that  time  lay  buried,  for  the  grave  was  near 
enough  the  creek  to  be  described  with  almost  as  much  accuracy 
as  "  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Beaver  near  its  confluence  with  the 
Ohio,"  as  "on  the  north  bank  of  the  Ohio  just  below  the  mouth 
of  the  Beaver." 

From  examination  by  an  expert  of  the  lettering  of  these 
inscriptions,  it  appears  that  the  memorial  to  the  General  on  the 
south  side  of  the  monument  and  to  his  wife  on  the  north  side 
were  inscribed  at  the  same  time,  which  must  have  been  after 
1802,  the  year  Mrs.  Parsons  died;  and  that  the  pedigrees  on  the 
east  and  west  sides  of  the  monument  were  inscribed  long  after 
the  first  memorial,  perhaps  thirty  years  or  more,  but  prior  to 
1846,  for  the  lettering  of  the  note  of  Enoch's  death  that  year 
differs  in  style  from  all  the  others.  These  pedigrees  were 
undoubtedly  the  work  of  the  General's  grandson  and  namesake, 
Samuel  Holden  Parsons,  a  graduate  of  Yale  and  noted  as  an 
historian,  antiquarian  and  genealogist,  who  had  traveled  exten 
sively,  written  much  and  collected  a  great  mass  of  material  relat 
ing  to  his  grandfather's  life  and  services  which  he  intended  to 
publish,  but,  failing  to  do  so,  much  of  it,  unfortunately,  became 
scattered  and  lost.  He  had  every  opportunity  to  become 
acquainted  with,  and  doubtless  was  accurately  informed  of,  all 
the  facts  respecting  the  General's  burial.  New  Brighton  was 
incorporated  as  a  borough  in  1838,  about  the  time  these  pedi 
grees  were  inscribed,  and  when  he  wrote  on  the  monument  that 
General  Parsons  "  was  buried  in  New  Brighton,  Penn.,"  the 
presumption  is  that  he  was  familiar  with  the  locality  and  intended 
to  state  definitely  that  the  grave  was  within  the  borough  limits ; 
but  no  corroborating  record  exists  and  the  local  traditions  are 
uncertain  enough  to  be  applicable  to  almost  any  place  in  the 
neighborhood.  The  probability  however  is,  that  at  some  time, 
but  when  or  by  whom  is  unknown,  Parsons'  remains  were  exhumed 
and  re-interred  in  New  Brighton.  The  exact  location  of  the 
grave  no  one  claims  to  know.  Representatives  of  the  family  are 
said  to  have  attempted  many  years  ago  to  ascertain  it  with 
the  intention  of  erecting  a  monument  over  the  grave,  but  appar 
ently  without  success,  for  this  intention  was  never  carried  out. 
The  Blockhouse  was  built  in  1788  and  abandoned  about  1794, 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      575 

during  which  period  an  opening  in  the  forest  four  or  five  hundred 
feet  south  of  the  Blockhouse  and  upon  the  same  bluff  on  which 
the  Blockhouse  stood,  was  used  as  a  burying  ground  by  the 
garrison.  In  this  spot,  if  ever  removed  from  the  banks  of  the 
Ohio,  the  General  must  have  been  laid.  A  mound  of  earth, 
perhaps  a  pile  of  stones  or  a  blaze  on  the  nearest  tree,  was  all 
that  marked  his  lonely  resting  place.  Since  that  time  civiliza 
tion  has  invaded  the  spot  and  a  growing  city  has  obliterated  every 
vestige  of  the  grave  which  time  had  left.  The  departing  wilder 
ness  bequeathed  to  the  new  settlers  nothing  but  a  vague  tradi 
tion  that  some  general  officer,  a  British  officer  it  was  thought, 
had  many  years  ago  miserably  perished  in  the  rapids  of  Beaver 
falls  and  been  buried  somewhere  in  the  vicinity.  It  was  not  until 
fifty  years  later  that  the  discovery  among  General  Irvine's 
papers  of  the  letter  from  General  Butler  which  follows,  made  it 
certain  to  them  that  such  an  accident  had  happened,  and  that 
"  the  sufferer  was  not  a  British  officer,  but  Major  General 
Samuel  Holden  Parsons  of  Connecticut,  a  Revolutionary  officer, 
Chief  Judge  of  the  Northwest  Territory  and  one  of  the  Com 
missioners  who  negotiated  the  treaty  with  the  Indians  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Miami."  This  letter  and  those  from  General  But 
ler,  Major  Ebenezer  Denny  and  Lieut.  Nathan  McDowell,  which 
follow,  contain  all  that  is  certainly  known  respecting  the  cir 
cumstances  of  General  Parsons'  death  and  the  place  of  his 
burial : — 

PITTSBURGH,  November  25,  1789. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — I  am  sorry  to  inform  you  that  I  have  every 
reason  to  fear  our  old  friend,  General  Parsons,  is  no  more.  He  left 
this  place  in  company  with  Captain  Heart,  (who  is  sent  to  explore 
the  communication  by  way  of  the  Beaver  to  Cuyahoga  and  the  Lake), 
on  the  5th  instant,  in  order  to  see  the  Salt  Springs,  and  from  thence 
he  had  returned  and  was  coming  down  Beaver  Creek  in  a  canoe.  On 
Tuesday,  the  17th  instant,  he  had  sent  a  man  with  his  horses  from 
the  place  where  he  had  encamped  the  night  before,  and  directed 
him  to  tell  Lieut.  McDowell,  who  commanded  the  Block  House  below 
the  falls  of  Beaver,  that  he,  (General  Parsons)  would  be  there  to 
dinner.  A  snow  had  fallen  in  the  night  which  had  retarded  the 
progress  of  the  man  with  the  horses.  At  one  place  on  the  Beaver 
shore  he  saw  where  a  canoe  had  landed,  and  a  person  got  out  to  warm 
his  feet  by  walking  about,  as  he  saw  he  had  kicked  against  the  trees 


576  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

and  his  tracks  to  the  canoe  again.  The  man  did  not  get  down  till 
evening,  but  about  noon  the  canoe,  broken  in  pieces,  came  by  the 
Block  House,  and  some  articles  known  to  belong  to  General  Par 
sons  were  taken  up,  and  others  seen  to  pass.  Lieut.  McDowell  had 
diligent  search  made  for  the  body  of  the  General,  but  made  no  dis 
covery.  There  was  one  man  with  a  broken  leg  in  the  canoe  with  the 
General,  who  was  also  lost. 

Yours  &c., 
To  General  William  Irvine.  RICHARD  BUTLER. 

Major,  then  Lieutenant,  Denny,  on  his  way  up  the  Ohio  to 
Pittsburgh,  entered  in  his  diary : — 

Nov.  15th,  1789. — High  water.  Lay  one  mile  above  Holliday's 
Cove. 

16th. — The  River  continued  to  rise.  With  hard  work  we  made 
Dawson's,  opposite  the  mouth  of  little  Beaver,  about  eight  o'clock. 

17th. — As  we  turned  up  Beaver  Creek  to  go  to  the  Block-House, 
two  miles  up,  where  an  officer  and  party  is  stationed,  we  met  General 
Parsons'  canoe,  with  some  property,  floating  down.  Found  the  old 
gentleman,  in  attempting  to  pass  the  Falls  about  five  miles  up,  was 
cast  out  and  drowned,  with  one  man  who  accompanied  him.  Judge 
Parsons  was  esteemed  a  useful,  enterprising  citizen.  He  had  an 
interest  in  Salt  Spring  Tract  on  the  Mahoning,  and  anxious  to  prove 
the  navigation  of  the  Falls  practicable,  the  experiment  cost  him  his 
life. 

18th. — Set  out  after  breakfast  and  got  as  high  as  the  lower  end 
of  Montour's  Island. 

19th. — Arrived  in  Pittsburgh  about  two  o'clock  P.  M. 

Upon  his  arrival,  Major  Denny  reported  to  General  Harmar, 
at  Fort  Harmar,  Marietta : — 

PITTSBURGH,  November  22,  1789. 

DEAR  GENERAL. — We  did  not  arrive  here  until  the  IQth,  owing  to 
bad  oars,  indifferent  oarsmen  and  meeting  two  smart  floods ;  how 
ever,  we  got  safe  and-  had  the  pleasure  to  find  Major  Wyllys,  Cap 
tain  Beatty,  Captain  Mercer,  Lieutenant  Peters,  Ensign  Sedam  and 
Doctor  Allison  in  town,  all  on  their  way  to  the  regiment.  They  ar 
rived  two  days  before  us.  The  Governor  is  expected  in  town  to 
morrow  or  next  day.  His  boat  is  here  waiting  for  him,  and  Mr. 
William  St  Clair,  who  came  from  Detroit  to  Fort  Harmar  last  winter, 
accompanies  him  down  the  River. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      577 

I  am  very  sorry,  indeed,  that  I  have  to  inform  you  of  the  loss  of 
one  of  the  most  serviceable  members  of  the  Western  Territory,  Gen 
eral  Parsons.  He  left  the  old  Moravian  town  up  the  Beaver  early 
on  the  7th,  on  board  a  canoe,  accompanied  only  by  one  man.  Sent 
his  horses  down  by  land.  About  one  o'clock  that  day,  as  we  entered 
the  mouth  of  the  Creek,  we  met  the  wreck  of  a  canoe,  with  a  good 
deal  of  her  cargo  drifting  down,  all  separately.  Part  of  the  loading 
we  took  up.  When  we  got  to  the  Block-House,  Mr.  McDowell  told 
us  they  had  taken  up  a  piece  of  the  canoe,  a  bundle  of  skins,  and  had 
seen  a  pair  of  saddle-bags  which  were  well  known  to  be  the  Judge's ; 
and  the  same  evening  the  man  arrived  with  the  horses  and  told  us 
he  left  the  Judge  early  that  morning  about  twenty-five  miles  up  the 
Creek,  that  he  intended  to  dine  that  day  with  Mr.  McDowell  at  the 
Block-House,  and  the  man  knew  the  property  which  we  took  up  to 
be  part  of  what  was  in  General  Parsons'  canoe,  leaves  no  doubt  of 
his  being  lost  in  attempting  the  Falls  of  the  Beaver.  The  canoe  was 
very  much  shattered  and  bottom  uppermost,  when  we  met  her.  Mr. 
McDowell  has  made  search  on  both  sides  the  Creek,  above  and 
below  the  Falls,  but  can  make  no  further  discovery,  more  than  find 
ing  part  of  the  canoe  at  the  foot  of  a  remarkably  dangerous  fall  in 
the  Creek,  which  strengthens  the  belief  that  there  the  old  gentleman 
met  his  fate. 

I  shall  be  glad  to  be  affectionately  remembered  to  Mrs.  Harmar, 
while  I  remain  &c., 

To  General  Harmar.  E'   DENNY- 

On  the  25th,  General  Butler  wrote  to  the  General's  son  Enoch, 
at  Marietta,  and  again  December  26th : — 

PITTSBURGH,  November  25,  1789. 

MY  DEAR  SIR. — It  is  with  great  regret  that  I  feel  myself  under 
the  distressing  and  disagreeable  necessity  of  informing  you  of  my 
fears  on  your  worthy  father's  account.  Lieut.  McDowell  informs 
me  that  on  Tuesday,  the  17th,  in  the  evening,  a  man  whom  General 
Parsons  had  sent  from  their  encampment  with  his  horses  that  morn 
ing,  arrived  and  informed  him  that  the  General  had  set  out  in  a 
canoe  with  a  single  man  whose  leg  was  broken,  and  that  he  had  di 
rected  him  to  tell  Lieut.  McDowell  that  he  intended  dining  with  him 
the  same  day.  A  snow  that  had  fallen  prevented  the  man  getting 
in  as  soon  as  he  expected,  but  that  about  mid-day,  the  canoe  came 
past  the  Block  House  broken  to  pieces  and  some  of  the  things  were 
seen  afloat.  Lieut.  McDowell  had  every  possible  search  made  to  find 
General  Parsons,  but  without  effect.  He  renewed  the  search  the 


578  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

next  day  and  more  extensively,  but  was  still  unsuccessful.  In  truth, 
Sir,  it  is  his  opinion  that  both  the  General  and  the  poor  man  with 
him,  have  ventured  rather  imprudently  and  in  all  probability  have 
fallen  victims  to  the  rapidity  and  roughness  of  the  rapids.  I  shall 
send  a  man  or  two  to-morrow  to  make  further  search  for  the  body 
of  your  worthy  father,  though  I  confess  I  have  doubts  of  finding  it, 
the  waters  have  been  so  high  since  the  disaster.  If  it  is  found,  you 
may  depend  on  every  respect  being  paid  should  you  not  arrive  in 
time,  but  I  really  fear  he  has  been  carried  out  into  the  Ohio ;  if  so, 
there  can  be  little  hope  of  his  being  found.  Your  presence,  I  should 
suppose,  will  be  immediately  necessary,  as  he  left  his  papers  with 
me  and  desired  me  to  give  you  both  advice  and  assistance,  which  you 
can  depend  on  as  far  as  it  is  in  my  power. 

I   am  &c., 
To  Enoch  Parsons,  Marietta.  RICHARD  BUTLER. 

PITTSBURGH,  December  26,  1789. 

DEAR  SIR. — A  few  days  since  I  received  your  letter  from  Lieut. 
McDowell,  dated  28th  November.  The  loss  of  your  parent  and  my 
friend  is  great,  and  I  regret  in  addition  to  that  loss,  there  is  no  hope 
of  recovering  the  body,  although  Lieut.  McDowell  assures  me  that 
every  search  has  been  made  and  is  still  continued.  Should  he  be  so 
fortunate  as  to  recover  it,  you  may  depend  on  every  attention  in  my 
power  to  the  decency  of  the  interment. 

The  matters  left  in  my  hands  are  safe  and  shall  be  untouched 
until  you  arrive,  and  as  my  worthy  friend  left  it  a  charge  on  me  to 
give  you  both  advice  and  assistance  in  case  of  any  misfortune  hap 
pening  to  him,  you  may  depend  on  anything  in  my  power.  I  send 
by  Dr.  Allison  the  deed  of  sale  for  my  proportion  of  the  Salt 
Springs  and  land  in.  ...  to  Col.  Meigs  to  be  recorded.  This 
I  request  you  to  do  as  soon  as  possible  and  transmit  the  original  to 
me.  Captain  Heart,  I  believe,  can  give  you  some  information  of 
matters  relating  to  the  country  in  which  your  interest  now  lies,  that 
may  be  useful  to  you,  which  I  have  no  doubt  he  will  do. 

As  the  season  is  like  to  come  on  hard,  it  may  be  inconvenient  for 
you  to  come  up,  but  nothing  will  be  neglected  in  search  for  the  body 
that  could  be  done  by  you.  I  know  of  no  business  that  can  be  at 
tempted  in  that  country  till  Spring  and  until  some  other  arrange 
ment  of  the  troops  takes  place  that  might  cover  our  people,  so  that 
you  may  judge  of  the  propriety  and  utility  of  coming  at  your  own 
time. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  friend, 
To  Enoch  Parsons  at  Marietta.  RICHARD  BUTLER. 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       579 

The  two  following  letters  from  McDowell  relate  to  the  articles 
recovered  by  him  belonging  to  Parsons : — 

BEAVER,  January  25,  1790. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  received  your  letter  of  December  31st  last  night, 
and  embraced  the  first  opportunity  of  complying  with  your  request. 
By  Mr.  Loget's  boat  you  will  receive  a  small  box,  coat,  hat  and  a  tea 
kettle.  The  hat  is  the  only  article  that  was  last  with  him.  When 
Captain  Heart  returned,  he  told  me  all  his  papers  were  in  the  box 
and  he  could  not  do  without  them.  Upon  which  I  suffered  him  to 
open  it  and  take  out  a  packet  marked  "  Capt.  Heart's  papers,"  and 
two  small  pieces  of  parchment,  which  I  suppose  he  informed  you 
of.  You  are  under  no  obligations  to  me  for  what  I  have  done.  The 
esteem  which  I  had  for  your  father  was  a  sufficient  inducement  to  do 
anything  in  my  power.  Believe  me,  I  am  truly  sorry  for  the  melan 
choly  accident  by  which  I  lost  one  of  my  best  friends. 

I  am  with  esteem  your  very  humble  servant, 

N.  MCDOWELL. 
To  Enoch  Parsons,  Marietta. 

The  following  list  is  apparently  part  of  a  letter  (now  lost) 
from  Lieut.  McDowell  to  Enoch  Parsons : — 

Articles  found  with  the  remains  of  the  late  Judge  Parsons,  de 
ceased,  on  the  14th  of  May,  1790. 

A  silver  watch  with  a   silver  seal. 
A  small  compass. 
A  pocketbook  with  several  papers. 
A  silver  shoe  buckle  and  knee  buckle. 
A  pair  of  mitts  and  gaiters. 
A  silk  handkerchief. 
An  ink  stand  and  pen  knife. 
A  pair  of  spectacles. 

Most  of  the  above  articles  were  too  far  gone  to  be  saved.  I  have 
taken  all  the  pains  with  the  papers  I  possibly  could. 

N.   MCDOWELL. 

The  three  following  letters  from  Butler  to  Enoch  Parsons 
relate  to  the  finding  and  disposition  of  the  General's  remains : — 

NEW  YORK,  June  11,  1790. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  hoped  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  at  this  place  to 
converse  on  and  try  to  close  some  matters.  In  this  I  am  disappointed 
for  the  present,  as  I  am  just  setting  out  for  Fort  Pitt.  I  hope  you 


580  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

will  not  pass  through  without  seeing  Gen.  Irvine  and  closing  his 
business  satisfactorily  to  him.  I  also  wish  you  to  succeed  in  some 
matters  we  talked  over,  as  they  may  be  of  use  to  the  parties.  I  can 
say  no  more  on  business  at  present.  Let  me  now  tell  you  that  the 
body  of  your  late  worthy  father  and  my  friend,  was  found  and  his 
remains  laid  in  the  ground  by  William  Wilson  about  the  16th  of 
last  month.  This  account  was  given  me  the  very  moment  I  mounted 
my  horse  to  come  this  way,  by  Mr.  David  Duncan.  When  you  come 
to  Pitt,  I  hope  we  shall  be  able  to  have  his  remains  moved  to  Pitts 
burgh.  It  will  be  a  mitigation  of  his  loss  even  to  have  that  in  the 
power  of  his  friends. 

Compliments  to  your  mother  and  the  family: 

I  am,  dear  Sir,  your  friend, 
'To  Enoch  Parsons.  R.  BUTLER. 

PITTSBURGH,  August  2,  1790. 

DEAR  SIR. — I  received  your  favor  2Qth  June  three  days  since  and 
note  the  contents,  which  shall  do  all  in  my  power  to  comply  with. 
I  wish  I  had  a  copy  of  the  surveys  which  your  late  father  returned 
for  reasons.  I  have  not  yet  seen  Mr.  Duncan.  He  is  busy  with  his 
harvest  since  he  returned  from  Philadelphia,  but  have  no  doubt  of 
his  compliance  with  your  order.  Should  the  appointment  you  hint 
at  take  place,  it  may  be  of  use  to  you  as  well  as.  ...  I  wish 
you  had  the  appointment  I  mentioned  to  you  &c.  I  have  seen  Lieut. 
McDowell.  He  was  at  the  depositing  the  remains  of  your  worthy 
father  and  has  sent  under  sealed  covers  to  my  care  a  bundle  of 
papers  which  he  dried  carefully,  a  watch,  one  silver  buckle  and  a  few 
other  trifling  things.  There  was  no  money  found  with  the  body,  but 
since  it  was  found,  there  has  two  F.  Crowns  and  some  coppers  been 
picked  up.  If  I  recollect  right,  Captain  Heart  told  me  there  was 
money  in  the  portmanteau  or  saddle-bags.  The  body  was  found  just 
below  the  mouth  of  the  Beaver  where  it  is  deposited.  You  shall 
hear  from  me  again  soon.  Please  present  me  respectfully  to  your 
mother  and  family,  and  be  assured  that 

I  am  your  friend, 
To  Enoch  Parsons,  Esq.  RICHARD   BUTLER. 

PHILADELPHIA,  PA.,  December  18,  1790. 

DEAR  SIR. — On  my  arrival  here  I  found  your  letter  of  the  first 
of  November,  mentioning  other  letters  and  enclosures.  These  I  have 
not  seen,  nor  do  I  know  who  brought  them.  The  request  you  make 
respecting  the  remains  of  my  friend  and  your  worthy  parent  should 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS      581 

have  been  complied  with  had  your  letter  arrived  at  a  season  that  was 
practicable.  This  cannot  be  done  until  Spring,  previous  to  which  I 
shall  hope  to  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  or  hearing  again,  as  I 
shall  be  here  through  the  winter. 

I  am  &c., 
To  Enoch  Parsons,  Middletorvn.  RICHARD  BUTLER. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  War  General  Parsons  was  possessed 
of  a  considerable  fortune  and  enjoyed  an  income  from  his  pro 
fession  sufficient  for  the  support  of  his  family,  but  between  the 
depreciation  of  the  Government  Securities  in  which  he  invested 
the  bulk  of  his  property  when  he  entered  the  Arm}',  and  the  loss 
of  his  professional  income  which  was  not  made  good  by  his  salary 
even  as  a  General  Officer,  he  came  out  of  the  War  nearl}'  impov 
erished.  In  the  Ohio  venture  he  hoped  to  recuperate  his 
fortunes,  and  doubtless  would  have  done  so  in  time,  but  he  did  not 
live  long  enough  to  accomplish  it.  When  in  1789,  Letters  of 
Administration  were  issued  to  his  son,  Enoch,  his  estates,  both  in 
Middletown  and  Marietta,  were  found  to  be  insolvent. 

The  two  following  letters  to  Enoch,  one  from  his  brother 
William  Walter,  and  the  other  from  his  mother,  make  clear  the 
straitened  circumstances  in  which  the  General's  wife  and  children 
found  themselves : — 

December  17th,  1789. 

DEAR  BROTHER. — We  have  received  the  melancholy  account  of  the 
fate  of  our  dear  parent.  Your  own  feelings  will  enable  you  to  judge 
of  ours,  but  we  must  not  unman  ourselves  in  a  manner  unbecoming 
us.  We  are  to  consider  that  it  is  a  scene  through  which  we  all  must 
sooner  or  later  pass.  We  can,  my  dear  brother,  reflect  with  the  most 
exquisite  consolatory  pleasure  that  our  dear  father  lived  a  strictly 
virtuous  life,  believed  in  the  Divine  Revelations  and  made  them  his 
rule  of  faith,  and,  having  persevered  in  that  belief  and  line  of  con 
duct  for  upwards  of  fifty  years,  we  know  he  must  have  laid  down 
his  life  with  a  firm  reliance  and  certainty  of  awaking  in  the  blessed 
regions  of  his  God  and  Creator.  A  virtuous  man  never  fears  or 
dreads  the  pangs  of  death.  My  dear  brother,  we  must  not  let  our 
grief  deprive  us  of  our  reason;  we  must  consider  that  the  care  of  the 
family  devolves  upon  us  and  see  that  every  measure  which  prudence 
can  dictate  be  taken  to  make  the  little  flock  comfortable  and  happy. 
I  will  be  their  father  so  long  as  I  have  life,  and  my  estate  to  the  last 


582  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

copper  shall  be  theirs  as  well  as  mine.  You  will  take  every  precau 
tion  with  respect  to  the  estate  with  you;  I  shall  take  care  here  and 
we  must  see  that  it  is  so  placed  as  not  to  be  wrested  from  us  and 
beggar  the  children.  Colonel  Wadsworth  will  be  their  patron  and 
friend.  All  Esther's  relatives  will  do  everything  in  their  power  to 
assist  a  distressed  and  helpless  family.  It  will  be  best  for  you  to 
come  on  here  as  soon  as  possible  with  the  papers.  Should  the  body 
of  our  deceased  parent  be  found,  let  it  be  interred  at  Fort  Pitt;  of 
this  don't  fail  and  I  will  cause  a  monument  to  be  erected.  If  he 
should  have  been  found  and  buried,  don't  fail,  my  dear  brother,  to 
have  him  removed  to  Pittsburg.  I  shall  never  forgive  you  if  you  do. 

Your  afflicted  brother, 
To  Enoch  Parsons  at  Marietta.  WM.  W.  PARSONS. 

.    MIDDLETOWN,  February  15th,  1790. 

MY  DEAR  SON. — Mr.  Meigs  was  kind  enough  to  call  this  day  and 
politely  offer  to  carry  a  letter  for  me  to  you.  I  feel  but  little  courage 
to  attempt  writing  and  the  complicated  miseries  around  seem  often 
times  too  much  for  me.  The  late  death  of  your  father  is  so  dis 
tressing  that  many  times  I  am  obliged  to  try  to  divert  my  mind  from 
the  thought,  or  it  would  sink  all  my  drooping  spirits ;  and  then  again 
how  is  it  possible  to  forbear  deploring  such  a  loss  as  he  is  to  our 
family  and  to  those  at  home  insensible  of  their  irreparable  loss.  We 
cannot  lament  the  loss  of  your  father  too  much.  May  these  grievous 
afflictions  work  for  our  good.  Remember  his  good  advice  as  his  last 
words,  "  we  must  go  to  him,  he  won't  return  to  us."  I  am  exceed 
ingly  concerned  for  you.  I  fear  your  troubles  will  be  too  hard  for 
you.  I  know  they  must  be  great.  Don't  be  concerned  for  me.  I 
hope,  sincerely,  nothing  will  prevent  you  returning  soon  to  us.  Wil 
liam,  I  expect,  will  write  you  upon  business  and  give  you  a  particular 
account  how  matters  have  been  conducted.  I  flatter  myself  that 
some  way  may  be  opened  that  you  may  be  permitted  yet  to  spend 
the  remainder  of  your  life  in  this  part  of  the  world.  I  find  we  have 
some  good  friends,  and  I  think  they  will  prove  themselves  such,  who 
were  such  to  your  deceased  father.  We  have  their  assurances.  May 
I  soon  hear  from  you.  To  see  you  soon  would  be  the  greatest  satis 
faction  and  pleasure  that  I  could  conceive  of  in  this  transitory  life, 
and  none  prays  more  ardently  for  your  spiritual  and  temporal  wel 
fare  than 

Your  Affectionate  Mother. 
To  Enoch  Parsons  at  Marietta.  MEHETABLE  PARSONS. 

The   children   of  General  Parsons   living  at   the  time  of  his 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       583 

death,  were: — William  Walter,  twenty-seven  years  old,  who,  in 
1784,  had  married  Esther  Phillips  of  Middletown;  Lucia,  then 
twenty-five,  who,  in  1785,  had  married  Stephen  Titus  Hosmer, 
then  a  young  lawyer  just  settled  in  practice  at  Middletown,  but 
subsequently  Chief  Justice  of  the  State;  Enoch,  just  twenty, 
whose  good  friends  at  the  Session  of  the  General  Assembly  in 
the  May  following  his  return  from  Ohio,  (1791)  secured  for  him 
the  appointment  of  High  Sheriff  of  Middlesex  Count}",  an  office 
he  held  for  twenty-eight  years.  During  his  long  life  he  amassed 
a  large  fortune,  and  for  many  years  and  until  the  expiration  of 
its  charter,  was  President  of  the  Connecticut  Branch  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States.  Mehetable,  a  girl  of  seventeen, 
whom  the  General  hoped  to  have  taken  with  him  to  the  Terri 
tory,  who,  in  1796,  married  Dr.  William  Brenton  Hall  of  Middle- 
town  ;  Phebe,  then  fourteen,  who  in  1797  became  Mrs.  Samuel 
Tiffin ;  Samuel  Holden,  then  twelve  years  old,  who  married  Esther 
Sage  of  Middletown,  and  died  in  the  West  Indies  in  1811 ;  and 
Margaret,  then  a  child  of  four,  who  was  twice  married,  first,  to 
Stephen  Hubbard  of  Middletown,  and  second,  to  Alfred  Lathrop 
of  Carthage,  New  York.  Among  her  grandchildren  was,  George 
Parsons  Lathrop,  well  known  in  the  literary  world,  who  married 
Rose,  daughter  of  Nathaniel  Hawthorne. 

The  house  in  Middletown  where  Parsons  lived,  on  Main  street 
opposite  the  Park,  is  still  standing.  In  the  old  cemetery  on  the 
same  street,  surrounded  by  the  graves  of  his  kindred,  is  a  marble 
monument  which  records  his  death,  but  marks  an  empty  grave. 
The  inscription  on  the  front  is :  "  In  memory  of  the  Honorable 
Samuel  Holden  Parsons,  who  was  drowned  in  the  Great  Beaver 
Creek  in  the  State  of  Ohio,  the  17th  day  of  November,  A.  D., 
1789,  aged  52  years.  His  body  is  interred  on  the  south  bank 
of  Beaver  Creek  near  its  confluence  with  the  Ohio  River."  On 
the  rear : — "  In  memory  of  Mrs.  Mehetable  Parsons,  relict  of 
the  Hon.  Samuel  H.  Parsons,  who  died  Aug.  7th,  A.  D.,  1802, 
aged  59  years."  Inscribed  on  the  east  and  west  sides  is  the 
Parsons  line  from  the  first  settler.  On  '  the  west  side : — "  I. 
Benjamin  Parsons,  born  in  England;  died  in  Springfield,  Mass., 
Aug.  24,  1689.  II.  Ebenezer,  son  of  Benjamin,  born  in 
Springfield  Nov.  17,  1688;  died  Sept.  23,  1752.  III.  Rev. 
Jonathan,  son  of  Ebenezer,  born  Nov.  30,  1705 ;  died  in  New- 


584  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

buryport,  July  19,  1776."  On  the  east  side:— "IV.  Samuel 
Holden,  son  of  Jonathan,  born  in  Lyme,  Conn.,  May  14,  1737 ; 
died  Nov.  17,  1789,  and  was  buried  at  New  Brighton,  Penn.  He 
was  a  Major  General  in  the  American  Army  of  the  Revolution 
and  from  1787  to  the  day  of  his  death,  was  first  Judge  in  and 
over  the  Territory  of  the  United  States  Northwest  of  the  river 
Ohio.  V.  Enoch,  son  of  Samuel  Holden,  born  in  Lyme,  Nov. 
5,  1769 ;  died  in  Hartford,  July  9,  1846." 

General  Parsons  was  a  man  of  high  moral  and  intellectual 
qualities.  In  religion,  he  was  a  Puritan,  following  in  the  foot 
steps  of  his  honored  father,  as  he  also  followed  him  in  patriotic 
emotions,  aspirations  and  acts.  In  the  law  he  was  able  and 
successful,  to  the  practice  of  which  he  was  admitted  three  years 
after  his  graduation  at  Harvard.  His  election  eighteen  times 
to  the  General  Assembly,  proves  him  to  have  been  a  favorite  with 
the  people.  In  the  Legislature  he  rendered  important  service  to 
the  State.  He  was  one  of  the  earliest  and  most  strenuous  in 
opposing  the  encroachments  of  Great  Britain.  "  The  idea  of 
inalienable  allegiance  to  any  Prince  or  State,"  wrote  Parsons  to 
Samuel  Adams,  "  is  an  idea  to  me  inadmissible ;  and  I  cannot  see 
but  that  our  ancestors  when  they  first  landed  in  America,  were  as 
independent  of  the  Crown  or  King  of  Great  Britain  as  if  they 
never  had  been  his  subjects."  He  was  the  first  to  suggest  a 
general  Congress  of  all  the  Colonies  in  order  to  secure  concert 
of  action,  and  did  not  relax  his  efforts  until  delegates  were 
elected  and  the  Congress  assembled.  As  a  member  of  the  Com 
mittee  of  Correspondence,  he  was  unremitting  in  his  endeavors 
to  arouse  the  people  and  stir  up  a  spirit  of  resistance.  The 
possible  consequences  to  himself  he  fearlessly  disregarded.  To 
Tryon's  brutal  threats  he  defiantly  replied:  "A  justifiable  re 
sistance  against  unwarrantable  invasions  of  the  natural  and 
social  rights  of  mankind,  if  unsuccessful,  I  am  sensible,  accord 
ing  to  the  fashion  of  the  world,  will  be  called  rebellion ;  but  when 
successful,  will  be  viewed  as  a  noble  struggle  for  everything 
important  in  life.  Whether  I  am  now  considered  as  a  revolted 
subject  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  or  in  any  other  light  by 
his  subjects,  is  very  immaterial  and  gives  me  little  concern; 
future  ages,  I  hope,  will  do  justice  to  my  intentions,  and  the 
present  to  the  humanity  of  my  conduct."  Within  ten  days  after 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       585 

the  fight  at  Lexington,  he  set  on  foot  the  expedition  to  surprise 
Ticonderoga. )  A  few  weeks  later,  he  led  in  person  a  regiment  to 
Boston  and  was  present  at  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  All 
through  the  war  he  was  a  rank,  aggressive  Republican,  intoler 
ant  of  the  shortcomings  of  Congress,  and  impatient  of  the 
dilatoriness  and  apathy  of  the  States.  In  the  Cause  of  Inde 
pendence  he  was  a  positive,  compelling  force,  vigilant,  active, 
uncompromising,  fruitful  in  plans  and  suggestions,  full  of  con 
fidence  and  hope  himself  and  a  source  of  inspiration  and  encour 
agement  for  others,  and  never  once  lost  faith  in  the  justice  of 
the  Cause  or  in  its  final  successful  outcome.  There  is  less  of 
doubt  and  discouragement  in  his  letters  than  in  those  of  Wash 
ington  or  of  most  of  the  Revolutionary  writers.  Even  John 
Adams  said  after  the  war  was  over,  "  there  was  not  a  moment 
during  the  Revolution  when  I  would  not  have  given  everything  I 
possessed  for  a  restoration  of  the  state  of  things  before  the 
contest  began,  provided  we  could  have  had  a  sufficient  security 
for  its  continuance."  Parsons  never  conceded  so  much  as  this. 
He  never  uttered  a  word  in  favor  of  a  settlement  on  the  old 
basis.  This  idea  had  many  adherents  in  Connecticut  and  was 
the  main  idea  held  out  by  the  British  to  defeat  Independence; 
but  with  Parsons,  as  with  Washington,  it  was  Independence  or 
nothing.  He  had  sacrificed  the  interests  of  his  family,  his  prop 
erty  and  his  health  to  the  Cause,  and  his  determined,  uncompro 
mising  spirit  would  consent  to  nothing  short  of  unconditional 
surrender  on  the  part  of  the  British  Crown. 

General  Parsons'  military  career  was  honorable  and  successful. 
Had  he  enjoyed  the  advantages  of  a  military  education,  or 
possessed  the  military  experience  of  some  of  the  other  generals, 
it  might  have  been  more  brilliant,  though  perhaps  no  more  use 
ful.  He  made  no  great  reputation  as  a  fighting  general,  for 
few  opportunities  occurred  for  testing  his  qualities  in  this  direc 
tion.  There  was  little  fighting  during  the  Siege  of  Boston.  In 
the  retreat  from  New  York,  the  panic-stricken  troops  could  not 
be  forced  into  action,  notwithstanding  the  united  efforts  of 
Washington,  Putnam,  Parsons  and  his  regimental  officers.  At 
West  Point  and  in  the  Highlands,  where  he  was  stationed  during 
the  greater  part  of  the  war,  scarcely  a  hostile  shot  was  fired.  He 
was  never  out  of  Massachusetts,  New  York  or  Connecticut, 


586  LIFE    AND    LETTERS    OF 

except  when  sent  with  his  brigade  to  reinforce  Washington  in 
New  Jersey,  and  then  the  British  were  in  full  retreat.  The 
right  of  the  army  was  not  seriously  engaged  with  the  enemy 
during  any  of  the  time  which  he  commanded  it.  But  his  nu 
merous  opinions  as  to  the  proper  disposition  of  the  army  called 
for  by  Washington  from  time  to  time,  abundantly  show  that  his 
generalship  was  broad  and  his  grasp  of  the  military  situation 
comprehensive.  When  instrusted  with  an  independent  command, 
he  seems  to  have  been  uniformly  successful.  In  the  fight  on 
Battle  Hill  in  Greenwood  Cemetery,  he  twice  drove  the  British 
from  the  field.  In  his  two  expeditions  to  Long  Island,  he  accom 
plished  fully  the  objects  in  view.  When  Tryon  invaded 
Connecticut  and  burned  Norwalk,  with  the  aid  of  his  Continentals 
he  drove  him  to  his  ships.  His  winter  attack  upon  Morrisania 
displayed  admirable  generalship  and  won  for  him  the  thanks  of 
Congress. 

But  the  great  field  of  his  usefulness  was  in  the  discharge  of 
duties  not  strictly  military.  To  raise  and  maintain  an  arm}7, 
not  how  to  fight  it,  was  the  great  problem  of  the  war.  As  the 
war  progressed,  the  New  England  States  seemed  to  lose  some 
what  of  that  enthusiasm  with  which  they  began  the  struggle. 
In  the  absence  of  immediate  danger,  the  spirit  of  gain  seems 
to  have  dominated  their  feelings  of  patriotism.  Instead  of 
hurrying  en  masse  to  the  field  of  their  own  accord,  infinite  urging 
and  pressing  became  necessary  to  secure  recruits.  It  was  exceed 
ingly  difficult  to  induce  the  States  to  furnish  even  their  quotas 
of  men  and  supplies,  and  the  army  was  in  constant  danger  of 
being  disbanded  through  their  apathy  and  neglect.  It  was 
under  these  circumstances  that  Parsons'  influence  and  address 
enabled  him  to  render  a  vastly  greater  service  to  his  country  than 
he  could  have  done  in  the  field,  by  securing  from  an  unwilling 
people  the  men  and  supplies  without  which  the  war  could  not  be 
carried  on.  As  we  have  seen  in  his  letters  to  Trumbull,  he  was 
compelled  at  times  to  use  plain  language,  but  the  very  people  he 
was  severe  with  showed  their  confidence  in  his  ability  and  patriot 
ism  by  intrusting  him  with  the  defense  of  the  State.  In  this  most 
important,  if  not  conspicuous  service,  tact,  management,  busi 
ness  talent,  diplomacy  and  statesmanship — qualities  which  Par 
sons  possessed  in  a  marked  degree — were  called  for  rather  than 


GENERAL    SAMUEL    HOLDEN    PARSONS       587 

mere  generalship.  The  same  qualities  stood  him  in  good  stead 
after  the  War  when  called  upon  to  negotiate  treaties  with  the 
Indians  in  the  Northwest  Territory ;  and  again,  when  under  the 
Ordinance  of  1787  it  became  his  duty  as  Chief  Judge  of  the 
Western  Territory,  in  conjunction  with  Governor  St.  Clair  and 
Judge  Varnum,  to  frame  and  enact  a  Code  of  Laws  for  its 
government,  a  Code  which  must  have  been  very  largely  his  work 
and  which  stands  as  a  monument  to  his  industry,  good  judgment 
and  intimate  and  accurate  legal  knowledge.  The  death  of  Gen 
eral  Parsons  at  this  time  was  a  great  loss  to  the  Territory,  in 
which,  had  his  life  been  spared,  he  must  have  proved  a  very  con 
spicuous  figure. 

Headley,  in  his  "  Washington  and  his  Generals,"  describes 
Parsons  "  as  one  of  those  generals  whose  services  are  not  to  be 
measured  by  the  battles  they  fought.  They  hold  a  prominent 
place  in  the  military  history  of  our  country,  though  not  so  con 
spicuous  in  its  military  scenes.  General  Parsons  was  a  man  of 
strong  intellect,  a  staunch  patriot  and  rendered  his  country  great 
service.  The  name  is  one  of  the  first  in  New  England."  Hollis- 
ter,  in  his  "  History  of  Connecticut,"  speaks  of  him  "  as  one 
of  the  most  heroic  soldiers,  as  well  as  one  of  the  best  lawyers 
and  most  scholarly  writers  of  the  Revolutionary  Period ; " 
and  again,  "  as  one  of  the  bravest  and  most  accomplished 
officers  of  the  Revolutionary  Era.  .  .  ."  George  Ban 
croft,  in  his  "  History  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,"  characterizes  him  as  "  an  early  and  a  wise  and 
resolute  patriot."  Dr.  Loring,  in  his  address  at  Marietta  on 
the  95th  Anniversary  of  the  Settlement  of  Ohio,  refers  to  him 
as  "  a  sagacious  companion  of  Washington,  one  of  the  fore 
most  and  ablest  citizens  of  the  State  of  his  adoption ;  "  and 
Senator  Hoar,  in  his  oration  on  the  same  spot  in  1888,. 
eulogizes  him  as  "  soldier,  scholar,  judge,  one  of  the  strongest 
arms  on  which  Washington  leaned,  who  first  suggested 
the  Continental  Congress,  from  the  story  of  whose  life  could 
almost  be  written  the  history  of  the  Northern  War." 


INDEX 


Adams,  John,  14,  4-4,  46,  54,  55 

Adams,  Samuel,  20 

Alden,   Major,   332 

Allen,  Col.  Ethan,  25 

Andre,   Major  John,   305-7 

Army,  strength  of,  48,  187,  294;  in 
1778  at  White  Plains,  189;  posi 
tion  of,  194;  reorganization  for 
1781,  318;  at  Peekskill,  364;  joins 
French  army  at  X.  Y.,  368;  al 
lied  armies  march  to  Yorktown, 
392 

Arnold,  Benedict,  5,  24,  93,  301, 
302,  304-5,  307,  308,  310,  311 

Arnold's  treason,  singular  circum 
stance  connected  with,  307-311 

Babcock,   Adam,  24 

Barnes,  Thomas,  174 

Battles  of:  Bemis  Heights,  112; 
Brandywine,  111;  Bunker  Hill, 
30-31;  Germantown,  111;  Harlem 
Heights,  69;  Long  Island,  50-58; 
Monmouth,  188;  Quaker  Hill, 
192;  Saratoga,  112;  White  Plains, 
72 

Barton,  William,  Judge,  N.  W. 
Ter.,  563 

Benson,  Egbert,  499 

Big   Beaver   Creek,   569,   571,   573 

Billy  "The  Midshipman,"  32,  192, 
266,  284,  287,  288,  292 

Bishop,  Samuel,  19 

Bissell,   H.,  338 

"Black   Hall   Boys,"  8 

Blockhouse  on   Big  Beaver,  568-574 

Board  of  General  Officers  on  Andr6 
trial,  306;  as  to  Plan  of  Cam 
paign  of  1781,  361;  Report,  362-3 

Board  of  War,  409 

Boom  over  Hudson  at  West  Point, 
141 

Boston,  Siege  of,  29-38;  Evacuation 
of,  38 


Boston   Port  Bill,  17 

Brackett's  Tavern,  515 

Breck,  Rev.  Mr.,  528 

Brooks,    John,    261 

Brown,   Col.    John,   25 

Bunch   of   Grapes   Tavern,   510 

Burgoyne's  Campaign,  104,  106 ; 
surrender,  112;  his  estimate  of 
American  troops,  68 

Burnett  as  to  first  settlers  of  Ohio, 
495 

Burr,  Aaron,  186 

Burrall,  Col.  Chas.  E.,  3 

Bushnell,  David,  and  his  Submarine 
Torpedo  Boat,  60 

Butler,  Gen.  Richard:  Indian  Com 
missioner  with  Parsons;  left  Car 
lisle  with  future  President,  CoL 
James  Monroe,  470,  564,  572,  575, 
577,  578,  580 

Buzzard's  Bay,  Gen.  Grey's  raid  on, 
towns  of,  199 

Carlisle,  Pa.,  473,  519 
Carrington,  Edward,  472,  498 
Carroll,    Chas.,    of    Carrolton,    12 
Carter,   Robert   Nicholas,  35 
Catharine   of   Russia;   her   reply   to 

George  III.,  35 
Chandler,    Col.,    250 
Chapman,  Capt.   James,  29 
Chatterton   Hill,  72 
Clarke,    Gen.    Geo.    Rogers:    Indian 
Commissioner    with    Parsons    and 
Butler;  the     "Hannibal     of     the 
West,"    470 

Clark,  Maj.  John,  Jr.,  276 
Clinton,  Gov.  George,  73,  79,  116, 
125,  127,  135,  140,  143,  144,  145, 
146,  147,  148,  149,  150,  161,  170, 
174,  185,  199,  207,  211,  240,  248, 
282,  430 

Clinton,  Sir  Henry,  51,  65,  106,  115, 
116,  120;  assumes  command  Br. 


589 


590 


INDEX 


Army,  187;  Washington  suggests 
to  Parsons  his  capture,  158;  ex 
pedition  up  the  Hudson  in  1777, 
116;  in  1779,  247;  S.  Carolina, 
280;  personality  and  character, 
428;  2-23,  306,  456 

Clinton,  Gen.  James,  43-59;  116 

Clothing,  unequal  distribution  of, 
211 

Coast  Guards,  2 

Code  of  Laws  by  Gov.  and  Judges 
for  N.  W.  Tei-.,  524;  differ  as  to 
powers,  524-5 

Coit,  Capt.  William,  28;  Commands 
Privateer  Harrison,  29 

Coit,  Joshua,  525 

Collier,   Sir   George.,   255 

Colonial  Policy  of  Great  Britain, 
16-17 

Committee  of  Cooperation,  292;  of 
Pay-Table,  27 

Conciliatory  Bill  of  Lord  North, 
178 

Congress,  incompetency  of,  211; 
favoritism,  241 ;  arbitrariness, 
303-4;  indiscreet  appointments  of, 
315;  thanks  to  Parsons  and  men 
for  Morrisania  expedition,  335 

Connecticut  Charter  Boundaries, 
548;  adverse  decision  as  to  her 
claims,  549 

Connecticut  Division,  complimented 
by  Baron  Steuben,  270;  unsur 
passed  by  any  corps  in  army,  273; 
assigned  right  of  first  line  in  at 
tack  on  N.  Y.  in  1781,  367 

Connecticut  Line,  1-3;  militia,  2; 
general  officers  and  service,  4-5; 
troops  at  Boston,  36;  homesick 
ness,  36;  organization  for  1776, 
37;  eight  regiments  for  three 
years,  85;  reorganized  in  1778, 
191;  destitution  of,  226;  disaf 
fection  of  in  1780,  370 

Connecticut  Reserve,  549;  Parsons' 
syndicate  to  buy  24,000  acres, 
549;  agreement  with,  550;  dis 
position  of  by  State,  553-4 

Connecticut  Village,  318,  409 

Constitution  of  U.  S.  submitted  to 
Congress,  May  28,  1787;  to 
States,  512;  adopted  by  Conn. 


Convention    by      a      three-fourths 
vote,    512 

Cook,  Gov.,  of  R.  I.,  36 
Cornwallis  Lord,  51,  53,  73,  81,  393 
Councils   of    War;    Brooklyn    Aug. 
1776,  57;  N.  Y.,  63;  White  Plains, 
Nov.    1776,    76;     Fredericksburgh, 
194 
County   Court    opened    at    Marietta, 

526 

Courts-Martial,  213-214;  judg 
ments  of,  215 
Cow-Boys  and  Skinners,  390 
Currency,  the  depreciation  of,  266 
Cutler,  Rev.  Manasseh;  character 
and  ability,  503;  agreed  that  he 
should  continue  negotiations 
with  Congress,  503;  visit  to  Par 
sons  in  Middletown  and  journey 
to  N.  Y.,  503-4;  suggests  amend 
ments  to  Ordinance  of  1787,  505; 
difficulties  in  securing  favorable 
action  of  Congress,  508-10;  over 
comes  them  by  supporting  St. 
Clair  for  Governor  instead  of 
Parsons,  and  doubling  amount  of 
his  purchase  for  benefit  of  Duer 
and  friends,  508-9;  finds  Par 
sons  prefers  to  be  first  Judge  if 
St.  Clair  is  to  be  Governor,  510; 
completes  contract  for  nearly 
6,000,000  acres  of  land,  511; 
settlement  of  Ohio  regarded  as 
an  event  of  national  importance, 
545;  his  visit  to  Marietta,  530-32 

Danbury:  Tryon's  raid  on,  93;  117, 
194,  202,  292,  294,  302,  352 

Dane,   Nathan,   497 

Davenport,   Abraham,  391 

Davenport,  James,  commissioned 
with  Parsons  to  treat  with  In 
dians  on  Conn.  Reserve,  565 

Deane,  Silas,  18,  19,  23,  24,  26 

De  Kalb,   Gen.,   194,  273 

De  Lancey,  Col.  James;  captured, 
his  imprisonment  demanded, 
125;  demand  seconded  by  Gov. 
Clinton,  126 

De  Lancey,  Gen.  Oliver;  burning  of 
his  Bloomingdale  home,  132 


INDEX 


591 


De  Lancey,  Major  Oliver,  431,  436, 
438,  440 

Denny,  Major,  Ebenezer,  517,  576 

D'Estaing,  Count,  arrives  with 
French  Fleet,  191 

Devens,   Judge,   420 

De  Wurmb,  Col.,  437 

Dickinson,  Gen.,  124;  descent  on 
Staten  Island,  133 

Dobb's  Ferry,  367,  368,  389 

Doughty,  Major  John,  523;  de 
molishes  Fort  Mclntosh,  523 

Duer,  Col.  William,  83;  Cutler 
dines  with  him;  is  astonished  at 
the  variety  of  wines  and  liquors 
on  his  table,  505 

Duportail,   Gen.,  361 

Durkee,  Col.  John,  37,  318 

Dwight,  Rev.  Dr.  Timothy,  162; 
chaplain  Parsons'  brigade,  163; 
dedicates  to  Washington  his 
poem,  "  Conquest  of  Canaan  by 
Joshua,"  163;  correspondence  as 
to,  etc.,  163,  164,  165,  237,  339, 
567 

Dyer,   Eliphalet,   18,  23,  548 

Edwards    Rev.   Jonathan,   8 
Ellsworth,  Chief  Justice  Oliver,  10, 

558 

Elmore,  Col.  Samuel,  3 
Emmerick's  Chasseurs,  122,  127,  367 
Encampment    at    White    Plains    of 

Washington's   Army   in   1778,   189 
Evans,  Rev.  Dr.,  229 

Fairfield,  Conn.,   251,  255 

Fairfield  Co.  investigation,  339; 
testimony,  list  of  accused,  344; 
356 

Falls  of  the  Ohio,  478 

Flour,  Scarcity  of,  207 

Forts:  Arnold,  184,  185;  Clinton 
and  Montgomery,  116,  123;  Fin- 
ney,  477;  Griswold,  217;  Harmar, 
516,  523;  Mclntosh,  474,  523; 
Washington,  77;  William  Henry, 
16 

Fredericksburgh    Precinct,    194,    203 

French  Army  rendezvous  at  Provi 
dence,  364;  its  march  to  the  Hud 
son,  constant  ovation,  365 


French  fleet  under  D'Estaing,  191, 
192;  that  under  Admiral  Ternay 
arrived,  296 

French  and  Indian  War,  15-16; 
claims  of  English  and  French, 
15;  Canada  ceded  to  the  English, 
15-16 

French  treaty  ratified  by  Congress, 
187 

Gage,   Gen.   Thomas,   30 

Gates,  Gen.  Horatio,  33,  133;  com 
mands  Nor.  Dept.,  173;  his  army 
joins  Putnam  after  Burgoyne's 
surrender,  133;  commands  Eas 
tern  Dept.,  193,  198,  199;  letters, 
174,  175,  176,  177,  411;  his  home 
in  Va.,  566-7 

George   III.,  35 

Germain,  Lord  Geo.,  59,  68,  269 

Glover,  Gen.  John,  102,  190 

Governing  Families  in  New  Eng 
land;  the  family  circle  of  Ur 
sula  Wolcott  a  notable  example 
of,  9-10 

Government  Securities,  deprecia 
tion  of,  289-90 

Governor  and  Council  of  Conn., 
192,  395,  396 

Graham,   Col.   Morris,   174 

Grant,  Lt.  Col.,  52;  killed,  battle 
Long  Island,  52 

Gray,  Col.,  351 

Great  Britain,  cost  of  war  and  re 
sults,  416 

Greene,  Gen.  Nathaniel;  asks  leave 
to  resign,  227;  indignation  at 
threatened  removal,  303-4;  com 
mands  at  Tappan  at  time  of  Ar 
nold's  defection,  298 

Greenleaf,   Moses,    12 

Greenleaf,  Simon,  12 

Griswold,   Judge   John,   8-10 

Griswold,  Matthew,  9 

Griswold,  Gov.  Matthew,  10,  18,  548 

Grosvenor,   Col.,   233 

Hall,  Gov.  of  Vt.,  24 
Hall,  Dr.  William  B.,  583 
Hamilton,    Alex.,    211,    298 
Hancock,    John,    13,    22,    43 
Hand,   Gen.,   473 


592 


INDEX 


Harmar,  Gen.  Joseph,  520,  570 

Harrisburgh,  473 

Harrison,  Col.,  75,  77 

Harvard  Coll.,  6;  confers  Master's 
degree  on  Parsons  in  1781,  360 

Hawthorne,  Rose,  583 

Hazen,  Col.,  222,  231,  326,  327-8 

Heart,  Capt.  Jonathan,  485-6,  568 

Heath,  Gen.  William,  33,  39,  41,  60, 
71,  77,  78,  79,  81,  82,  83,  84,  249, 
250,  320,  334,  336,  337,  369,  394, 
405,  406,  407,  410 

Heister,   Gen.,  51,   59 

Hendricks,  John  and  Baker,  277 

Heron,  William,  of  Redding  Ridge, 
Conn.,  419;  character  and  connec 
tions,  421-3;  member  Conn. 
Legislature,  420;  of  convention  to 
ratify  Fed.  Const.,  422,  512;  stood 
well  with  the  leading  men  of 
Conn.,  and  believed  to  be  a  "  Con 
sistent  National  Whig,"  422;  em 
ployed  by  Gen.  Parsons  as  a  spy, 
and  found  faithful,  418;  recom 
mended  by  him  to  Washington  in 
a  letter,  418;  letters  and  conver 
sations  noted  in  Sir  Henry  Clin 
ton's  "  Secret  -Service  Record,"  a 
letter  to  Gov.  Robertson,  312,  and 
one  in  1782  to  Clinton,  have  raised 
a  question  as  to  Heron's  loyalty, 
and  been  made  the  basis  of  a 
slander  against  Parsons,  420; 
though  his  evident  purpose  was 
to  gain  the  confidence  of  the 
enemy,  the  more  readily  to  secure 
information,  424;  his  methods  of 
espionage,  424-8;  gullibility  of 
Clinton,  428-9;  his  Adj.  General, 
428-9;  facts  showing  that  he  was 
lying  to  the  enemy,  430-48;  al 
leged  letter  from  Parsons  to 
Heron,  448;  Heron  cuts  off  sig 
nature,  449;  comments  on,  454-6; 
letter,  Parsons  to  Mumford,  four 
days  later,  contrasted,  449-454; 
comments  on  letter  to  Clinton, 
456-9;  estimate  of  Heron,  459; 
the  annotator  of  the  "  Record " 
and  his  mistaken  conclusions,  458-9 

Heth,  Col.,  488 

Hewlett,    Col.    Richard,    108,    109 


Hickey,    plot    to    assassinate    Wash 
ington,  42 

.  Highlands,  where  best  defended,  121 
Hillhouse,  Senator  James,   10 
Hinman,   Col.    Benjamin,    1 
Hoar,  Senator  George  F.,  420 
Horseneck    (Greenwich),      73,      110, 
124,   125,   134,   201,   215,   233,  327, 
329,   336,  403,  472 
Hosmer,  Stephen  Titus,  Chief  Jus 
tice   10,  464 

House  of   Burgesses   of   Va.,   19 
Howe,  Gen.  Lord,  31,  43,  48,  51-58, 

65,  71,  101,  102,  111 
Howe,   Gen.    Robert,   286,   293,   300, 

320,  323,  389,  393 
Hubbard,  Stephen,  583 
Hull,  Col.,  327 

Humphreys,   David,   163;   poem,  205 
Huntington   Bay,  89,   244,  297,  396, 

399,  403 

Huntington,   Jabez,  28 
Huntington,  Gen.  Jedidiah,  2,  5,  40, 
48,   202;   mutiny   in   his     brigade, 
208;  237,  273,  324 
Huntington   and  Chester,  551 
Hutchins,    Thos.    U.    S.    Geographer 
General,   504 

Inaugural   ceremonies,  513-14 
Independence    of    U.    S.    recognized 

by   France,   187 

Indians'  plea   for  their  lands,  474-5 
Inoculation  of  troops,  88-90 
Instructions   as   to   survey   of  Conn. 

Reserve,  550 
Irvine,  Gen.  William,  473,  575 

Jackson,   Isaac   Rand,   12 
Jameson,  Col.,  305 
Jay,  John,  223,  242,  243,  263,  283 
Jefferson,  Thos.,  506;  his  names  for 

State  of  N.  W.  Ter.,  506 
Johnson,  William   Samuel,  461,  464, 

466,  467,  468,  469,  533 
Jones,  John  Paul;  captures  Serapis 

and  Countess  of  Scarborough,  271 
Jones,   Joseph,   291 
Judges,    Superior    Court    of    Conn., 

462 
Jumel   Mansion,    63-4 


INDEX 


593 


Kingstreet,  74,  82 

Kingston,  burned  by  Gen.   Vaughn, 

122 

Kips  Bay  Affair,  64-68 
Kissara,  Maj.,  437 
Knowlton,  Col.  Thos.,  30;  his  corps 

of  Rangers,  69;  killed  on  Harlem 

Heights,    69 

Knox,  Gen.  John,  324,  361,  512 
Knyphausen,  Gen.,  71,  76,  111,  280, 

368 
Kosciusko,     Thaddeus,     the     Polish 

patriot,  161 

Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  joins  Sulli 
van  in  Rhode  Island  with  part 
of  Parsons'  brigade  in  1788,  190; 
in  April,  1780,  at  Morristown, 
commands  Parsons'  Division  dur 
ing  his  absence  in  Conn.,  273;  in 
July  meets  Rochambeau  at  New 
port  and,  en  route,  calls  on 
Trumbull,  Parsons  and  Wads- 
worth  at  Hartford,  296 

Lamb,  Col.,  85,  123,  237 

Lane,    Phebe,   288 

Lathrop,  Alfred,  583 

Lathrop,    Geo.    Parsons,    583 

Laurens,  Mr.,  Pres't  of  Congr.,  128 

Lauzun,  Duke  of,  364,  366,  367,  368, 
390 

Law,  Richard,  23 

Lawrence,  Oliver,  Parsons'  A.  D. 
C.,  351 

Lebanon,  Conn.,  Winter  quarters  of 
Lauzun's  Legion,  318 

Lee,  Gen.  Chas.,  Maj.  Gen.,  33;  col 
lects  troops  in  Conn.,  39;  com 
mands  in  Conn.,  76 

Lee,  Arthur,  opinion  as  to  Pitts 
burgh's  future,  476 

Lee,  Ezra,  operates  Bushnell's  Tor 
pedo  boat,  GO 

Leggett,  Abraham,  125 

Letters    from    General    Parsons    to: 
John  Adams,  54,  55 
Samuel  Adams,  20 
Benedict  Arnold,  302,  302,  308 
Col.  Atlee,  265 
H.  Bissell,  of  Windham,  338 
Board   of   War,   409 


John  Brooks,  261 

Mr.   Burr,  346 

Col.   Edward  Carrington,  472 

His  children,  480,  517 

Gov.    Geo.    Clinton,    73,    127,    135, 

143,  144,  145,  146,  147,  148,  149, 

150,  185,  207,  240,  248,  282,  430 
Sir  Henry  Clinton,  147 
Committee  of  Congress,  292 
Conn.    Gen.    Assembly,   25 
Council   at   Fort   Finney,   address, 

483 
Chief    Justice     Oliver     Ellsworth, 

558 
Gen.  Horatio  Gates,  175,  176,  177, 

411,  557 
Gov.   and   Council  of  Conn.,   192, 

395,  396 

Gen.    Nathaniel    Greene,   225,   227 
Col.    Grosvenor,    233 
Alex.    Hamilton,   298 
Gen.  Wm.   Heath,  60,  405,  410 
Gen.   Robert   Howe,  286,  293,  300 
John  Jay,  223,  242,  243 
Senator     Wm.     Samuel     Johnson, 

461,  464,  466,  467,  468,  469,  533 
Joseph  Jones,  291 
Judges,  Sup.   Ct.  Conn.,  462 
Col.   Lamb,  237 

Mr.  Laurens,  Prest.  Congress,  128 
Eliphalet    Lockwood,    300 
Mr.  Lovell,  241 
Capt.    Thomas    Machin,    157 
Gen.    Alex.    McDougall,    171,    172, 

206,  207,  228,  232,  233 
Thos.     Mumford,     138,     139,     139, 

184,  188,  189,  256,  262,  287,  452 
Norwalk   Selectmen,  350 
Enoch   Parsons,   562,   568 
Thomas    Parsons,   80 
Wm.   W.    Parsons,   471 
Prest.    of    Congress,    415 
Gen.   Israel  Putnam,  114,  115 
Col.   Root,  265 
Gen.   St.  Clair,  552,  563 
Gen.   Silliman,  230 
Mr.    Sproat,    Com.    of    prisoners, 

289 

Troops   on   Setauket   exped'n,   109 
Gov.      Jonathan      Trumbull,      117, 

118,  119,  123,  159,  217,  220,  221, 

222,    227,    239,    299,    319,    324, 


594 


INDEX 


324-5,    336,    337,    341-343,    345, 
3T5,  3T6,  380,  398,  399,  402,  402, 
407,  409,  431 
Joseph  Trumbull,  24 
Rev.  Mr.  Trumbull,  300 
Gen.  Tryon,   129,   130,  258 
Col.     Jeremiah     Wadsworth,     162, 

175,    321,    471 
Lieut.  Daniel  Waite,  89 
Rev.  Dr.  Wm.  Walter,  181,  285 
General    Washington,    86,    87,    90, 
90,90,92,  92,  93,  93,  94,  95,  97, 
100,    102,105,105,    106,135,    152, 
153,  156,  158,  164,  173,  185,  200, 
201,   208,   209-10,   222,   228,   230, 
231,234,  236,  241,  242,  247,  249, 
296,  253,  274,  281,  284,  292,  294, 
252,  298,  302,  302,  307,  307,  307- 
8,  316,   317,   323,   326,   340,   341, 
346,  350,  354,  355,  357,  358,  359, 
370,  374,  390,  411,  414,  414,  418, 
519 
Col.    Samuel    B.   Weob,    108,    110, 

138,    178,    179,   360 
His    wife,    31,    82,    103,    192,    291, 
292,  315,  335,  520,  527,  533,  536, 
554,  556,  560,  562,  565,  567 
President     Willard,     account     of 
Parsons'      discoveries      in      the 
West,   489-495 

Letters    to    General    Parsons    from: 
John   Adams,   14,  44,  46 
Richard    Butler,   564 
Gov.   George  Clinton,   145,   161 
Rev.    Dr.    Timothy    Dwight,    237, 

239 

John   Hancock,   43 
Gen.    Wm.    Heath,    78,    250,    320, 

320,  404,  406,  406-7 
Wm.  Heron,  442,  443 
Gen.   Jedidiah    Huntington,   324 
Huntington   and   Chester,  550 
Gen.  John  Knox,  512 
Benjamin    Lincoln,   Jr.,   488 
Col.   Malcom,   185 
Gen.  McDougall,  171 
David  Parsons,  410 
Gen.  Israel  Putnam,  108,  127 
Gen.  St.  Clair,  552 
Stephen   St.   John,   401 
Joseph    Strang,    144 


Gov.  Jonathan  Trumbull,  345, 
377,  388,  397 

Gov.   Tryon,   129 

Col.  Upham,  Br.  Com.  of  prison 
ers,  400 

Col.  Jeremiah  Wadsworth,  322 

Rev.  Dr.  Wm.  Walter,  314,  463 

Gen.  Washington,  87,  88,  91,  95, 
99,  151,  152,  156,  158,  159,  167, 
234,  253,  275,  339,  341,  351,  355, 
357,  371,  389 

Gen.   David   Waterbury,  403 

Col.  S.  B.  Webb,  338  " 

Letters    from    General    Washington 

to: 
Army    on    success    at    Morrisania, 

334 

Benedict  Arnold,  301,  302,  304 
Board    General    officers    in    High 
lands,  361 

Robert  Nicholas  Carter,  35 
Maj.  John  Clark,  Jr.,  276 
Committee  of  Cooperation,  292 
Congress      as      to      location      of 

troops,  201 
Gen.  Dickinson,   124 
Rev.  Dr.  Timothy  Dwight,  164 
Gen.   Greene  as  to  threatened  re 
moval,  303-4 
Gen.   Wm.   Heath,   78,   79,   81,   83, 

320,  334,  336,  337,  394 
Gen.   Lafayette,   392 
Gen.  Lincoln,  81 
Chancellor    Livingston,    166 
Gen.   Maxwell,  277 
Gen.  McDougall,  94,  168,  170 
Brigadier   Nelson  in   Va.,   190-91 
General    Parsons,    87,    88,    91,    95, 
99,   151,  152,  156,  158,  159,  167, 
234,  253,  275,  339,  341,  351,  355, 
357,  371,  389 

President  of  Congress,  335 
Gen.  Israel  Putnam,  140,  141,  167 
Count   Rochambeau,  365 
President      Siles,      Yale      College, 
thanking     him     for     degree     of 
LL.D.,  360 

Maj.   Tallmadge,   279,   280 
Gov.     Jonathan      Trumbull,     369, 
371,  386 


INDEX 


595 


John        Augustine        Washington, 

192,  193 

Letters      to      General      Washington 
from: 

Board  General  officers  in  High 
lands,  362 

Gov.  George  Clinton,  116 

Abraham    Davenport,    391 

Wm.  Duer,  83 

Rev.   Dr.   Timothy  Dwight,   163 

Col.   Harrison,   77 

Gen.   Wm.   Heath,  83-4 

Chancellor    Livingston,    166 

Gen.  McDougall,  169 

General  Parsons,  86,  87,  88,  90, 
90,  90,  92,  92,  93,  93,  94,  95,  97, 
100,  102,  105  ,105,  106,  135,  152, 
153,  156,  158,  164,  173,  185,  200, 
201,  208,  209-10,  222,  228,  230, 
231,  234,  236,  241,  242,  247,  249, 
252,  253,  274,  281,  284,  292,  294, 
296,  298,  302,  302,  307,  307-8, 
316,  317,  323,  326,  340,  341,  346, 
350,  354,  355,  357,  358,  359,  370, 
374,  390,  411,  414,  414,  418,  519 

General  Israel  Putnam,  113,  116- 
17,  122,  142,  236,  274 

Gen.   Scott,  83 

Gov.  Jonathan  Trumhull,  89-90, 
372,  374,  378,  387 

Capt.     Joseph     Walker,     Parsons' 
A.  D.  C.,  as  to  Parsons'  illness, 
352 
Letters  from: 

John  Adams  to  Gen.  Greene,  47 

Maj.    Alden    to    Maj.    Tallmadge, 

332 

Benedict  Arnold  (Gustavus)  to 
John  Andre  (John  Anderson), 
308 

Same  to   Col.   Sheldon,   310 
Thomas    Barnes    to    Gov.    Clinton, 

174 

Gen.  Burgoyne  to  Lord  Geo.  Ger 
main,  68 
Gen.     Richard     Butler     to     Gen. 

Irvine,  575 
Same  to  Enoch  Parsons,  577,  578, 

579-81 

Gov.  George  Clinton  to  N.  Y. 
Convention,  79 


Same   to   Gen.   Gates,   174 

Same  to  Gov.  Trumbull,  170 

Sir   Henry  Clinton   to   Lord   Geo. 

Germain,  269 
Committee    of    Conn,    officers     in 

N.   Y.   to  Gov.   Trumbull,  382-4 
Conn.  Com.  of  Correspondence  to 

John   Hancock,  21,  22 
Manasseh  Cutler  to  Nathan  Dane, 

497 

Same  to  AVinthrop   Sargent,   496 
Col.     Morris     Graham     to     Gen. 

Gates,  174 
Alex.    Hamilton   to    Gov.    Clinton, 

211 
Col.     Harrison     to     Gen.     Greene, 

74-5 

Same  to  Gen.   Heath,  77 
Capt.     Jonathan     Heart     to     Col. 

Jeremiah  Wadsworth,  486 
Gen.    Heath   to   Gen.    Waterbury, 

406 
Wm.     Heron    to    Maj.    De    Lan- 

cey,   Adj.   Gen.   Br.   Army,  431, 

436,  438,  439 

John  Jay  to   Congress,  283 
Abr'm    Leggett    to    Gov.    Clinton, 

125 
Oliver    Lawrence,    Parsons'    A.  D. 

C.  to  Col.  Gray,  351 
Gen.   McDougall  to   Gov.   Clinton, 

199 

Lieut.    McDowell    to    Enoch    Par 
sons,  579 

Col.  Oswald  to  Col.  Lamb,  123 
Enoch   Parsons   to   Wm.   W.   Par 
sons,  555 

Same  to  his  mother,  560 
Mehetable  Parsons  to  Enoch  Par 
sons,  582 
Wm.    Walter    Parsons    to    Enoch 

Parsons,  581 
Elisha  Rexford  to  Gov.  Trumbull, 

352 
Lt.     Hezekiah    Rogers    to     Phebe 

Lane,  288 

Gen.  St.  Clair  to  Joshua  Coit,  525 
Robert    Troup    to    Gov.    Clinton, 

174 
Col.    Upham   to   Gen.    Waterbury, 

403 


596 


INDEX 


Capt.  Walker  to  Col.  S.  B.  Webb, 

281 
Maj.  Wyllys  to  Col.   S.   B.  Webb, 

352 

Lexington  and  Concord,  1 

Lincoln,  Gen.,  81,  82,  366,  367,  389, 
413,  488 

Livingston,   Chancellor,   166 

Livingston,    Gov.,    120 

Lloyds  Neck,  244,  354,  396,  400,  403, 
404,  407 

Lockwood,    Eliphalet,    300 

London's  contribution  to  the  Bos 
ton  poor,  17 

Long  Island,  Parson's  expedition  to, 
134 

Loring,  Geo.  B.,  420 

Louisburg,  capture  of,   16 

Lovell,  Mr.,  241 

Lyme,  Conn.  172 

Machin,  Capt.  Thomas,   157 

Madison,  James,  499 

Malcom,  Col.,   115,   185 

Map  showing  place  of  Parsons' 
death  and  burial,  570 

Marietta,  516;  named  for  French 
Queen,  517;  4th  July,  523;  civil 
government  organized,  523 ; 
treaty  with  Indians,  536; 
Thanksgiving  proclaimed,  537 

Marquand,  Capt.,  A.  D.  C.  to  Kny- 
phausen,  368 

Mather,    Richard,    14 

Mather,   Mehetable,   14 

Mather,  Rev.  Moses,  401 

Maxwell,  Gen.,  277 

May,  Col.  John,  diary  of,  520-22 

Mayflower  or  Adventure  Galley, 
516 

McCurdy,  Judge,  420 

McDougall,  Gen.  Alex.,  43,  94,  101, 
167,  168,  169,  170,  171,  172; 
opinion  of  Gen.  Gates,  199;  ex 
perience  with  a  Yankee  division, 
200;  204,  206,  207,  228,  232,  234, 
249 

McDowell,  Maj.  Nathan,  522,  569, 
571-2,  579 

McVeigh,  Wayne,  420 


Mead,  Col.,  233;  disobedience  of  or 
ders,  336 

Meeker,  John,  277 

Meigs,  Col.  Return  Jonathan;  Sag 
Harbor  expedition,  97;  voted  a 
sword  by  Congress,  99;  106,  134, 
135,  318,  561 

Memorial  of  the  Ohio  Co.,  pre 
sented  by  Parsons,  499-501 ; 
Bancroft's  description  of  its  ef 
fect  on  Congress,  498 

Middletown,  Conn.,  461 ;  Cutler's 
description,  503 

Mifflin,    Gen.    Thomas,    58,    59,    63 

Miles,  Col.,  51,  53 

Military  opinions  of  Parsons,  given 
at  the  request  of  Washington, 
April,  1778,  as  to  feasibility  of 
attack  on  N.  Y.,  169;  196,  249; 
advises  defence  of  Highlands  and 
recovery  of  Stony  Point.  260 

Montgomery,  Gen.  Richard,  33 

Monument  to  Parsons  in  Middle- 
town  cemetery,  573-4;  inscriptions 
on,  583-4 

Morris,   Gouverneur,   211 

Morrisania,  Parsons'  expedition 
against,  327-335 

Morristown,  81,  272-3,  274,  318,  320 

Mott,   Capt.   Edward,  29 

Mumford,  Thomas,  24,  26,  138,  139, 
185,  188,  189,  220,  256,  262,  287, 
450,  452,  453 

Murray,  Mrs.,  entertains  Gen. 
Howe  while  Putnam  escapes,  65 

Nelson,   Gen.,   190 

New  Brighton,  573-4;  map  of  vici 
nity,  570 

New  Haven,  251,  255 

New  Haven,  Hartford  and  Middle- 
town,  population  in  1782,  461 

New  London;  alarm,  79,  223;  forti 
fications,  217-19 

Newtown   Tories,   300 

New  Windsor,  Headquarters,  July, 
1779,  249 

New  York  City;  fortifications,  41-2; 
proposal  to  burn  city  when 
evacuated  by  Washington,  63;  at 
tempt  on  by  Allied  Armies,  366- 
7;  reconnaisance  in  force,  389- 


INDEX 


597 


90;    evacuated    by    British,    Nov. 

25,  1783,  417 
New      York,      Western;      Parsons' 

proposition  to  settle  with  his  sol 
diers,    282-3 

Nicholas,   Robert  Carter,  35 
Nixon,   Gen.,  43,  49,  250 
North,  Lord;   conciliatory  bill,   178; 

fall  of  his  ministry,  416 
Northwest    Ter.,    organized    Oct.    5, 

1787,  511 

Norwalk,  Conn.,  252,  255 
Norwalk     Selectmen,     as     to     Thos. 

Taylor,   349-50 

Ohio  Company;  organized  March, 
1787,  496;  Parsons  elected  direc 
tor,  496;  his  memorial  to  Con 
gress  for  sale  of  Ohio  lands,  499; 
purchase  effected  by  Cutler,  511; 
settlement,  515-16;  regarded  as 
an  event  of  national  inportance, 
545;  character  of  settlers,  495, 
517,  545;  eminent  men  among  the 
stockholders,  546;  directors  meet 
at  Marietta,  521 

Ohio  Company,  of  1748,  builds  fort 
at  Pittsburgh,  15  , 

Ordinance  of  1787,  505;  delayed  by 
the  memorial  of  Ohio  Co.,  till 
July  13,  1787,  506;  Southern 
members  opposed  introduction  of 
slavery,  507;  John  Randolph  re 
ports  against  permitting  it  in  In 
diana,  507;  N.  W.  Ter.  organized 
under  it,  Oct.,  1787,  511;  Par 
sons'  commission  as  Judge,  511 

Osborne,  Thomas,  a  spy,  302-3 

Oswald,  Lieut.  Col.,  123 

Oyster  Bay,  89,  403 

Parsons,  Enoch;  returns  with  his 
father  from  Philadelphia,  555; 
appointed  Reg.  of  Deeds  and 
Clerk  of  Probate  Court  of  Wash 
ington  Co.,  559;  his  diary,  559; 
describes  the  first  celebration  of 
Independence  in  the  N.  W.  Ter., 
560;  Letters,  562,  568,  577,  578, 
579,  580 

Parsons,  Rev.  Jonathan,  8;  marri 
age,  8;  character,  10;  death,  11 


Parsons,  Mrs.  Mehetable  (wife  of 
the  Gen.),  31,  82,  103,  192,  291, 
292,  315,  335,  520,  527,  533,  536, 
554,  556,  560,  562,  565,  567,  582 

Parsons,  Gen.  Samuel  Holden,  1; 
birth  and  lineage,  8;  graduates  at 
Harvard  and  studies  law,  13;  his 
college  mates,  13;  marriage,  14; 
elected  to  Conn.  Assembly,  18; 
King's  atty.  for  New  London  Co., 
19;  member  Com.  of  Correspon 
dence,  19;  first  to  suggest  a 
general  congress  of  the  Colonies, 
20;  plans  capture  of  Ticonderoga, 
24;  Colonel  of  6th  Regt.,  28; 
part  of  his  Regt.  engaged  at 
Bunker  Hill,  31;  Col.  of  the  new 
10th  Regt.,  37;  Boston  evacuated 
March,  1776,  38;  commands  three 
regiments  on  march  to  N.  Y.,  40; 
Brigadier  General,  August  9, 

1776,  43;   ordered     to     Brooklyn, 
48;  as  brigadier  of  the  day,  opens 
the  battle  of  Long  Island,  51-53; 
exploits      Bushnell's        submarine 
torpedo   boat,   60;   affair   at   Kips 
Bay,  64;  at  Harlem  Heights,  69; 
holds      extreme     left      at     White 
Plains,    74;    reinforces    Washing 
ton  in  New  Jersey,  78;  commands 
the  left  of  line  in  Heath's  demon 
stration    against    N.    Y.,    82;    or 
ganizes   the  Conn.   Line   for   1777, 
85;   orders   inoculation   of  troops, 
88;   Meigs'   expedition     to     Long 
Island,     97;     in     New     Jersey  in 

1777,  102;      expedition      against 
Setauket,   108;   against   Long   Isl 
and,    134;    Clinton    captures    the 
forts   in    Highlands,   116;   Parsons 
collects  troops  to  oppose  him,  117; 
Parsons-Tryon        correspondence, 
128-132,    258-9;    in    Nov.    aids    in 
movement    against    N.      Y.,      134; 
Feb.,  1778,     commands     at     West 
Point,   142;     difficulties     in     con 
structing     the     Works,     143-156; 
Washington    suggests    to    him    to 
capture  Sir  H.  Clinton  in  N.  Y., 
158-9;    social    life    at    the    Point, 
161-166;   Dwight's  poem,  163;  ad 
vises    against    attack    on    N.    Y, 


598 


INDEX 


168;  in  camp  with  Washington's 
army  at  White  Plains  in  1778, 
189;  winter  quarters  at  Redding, 
204;  commands  at  New  London, 
Feb.,  1779,  217;  succeeds  to  per 
manent  command  of  Conn.  Divi 
sion,  244;  at  West  Point,  246; 
in  Conn,  to  oppose  Tryon's  raid, 
252;  Dec.,  1779  in  winter  quar 
ters  at  Morristown  with  main 
army,  273;  proposes  to  Gov.  Clin 
ton  plan  to  settle  Western  N.  Y. 
with  his  soldiers  after  the  war, 
282;  Parsons'  estate,  291;  call 
from  Lafayette  at  Hartford,  296; 
Andre's  court-martial,  306;  his 
health,  315;  leave  of  absence,  316; 
Major  General,  Oct.  23,  1780,  317; 
reorganizes  the  Conn.  Line  for 

1781,  318;    Fairfield    investigation, 
339-357;    his    serious    illness,    352; 
Yale    College    confers    on    him    a 
Master's    degree,   360;    army   con 
centrated   at   Peekskill,  364;   com 
mands  the  right  of  the  first   line 
in  the   demonstrations   of  the   Al 
lied    Armies    against    New    York, 
367;     occupied     the     Heights     at 
Kingsbridge,  368;  spirited  corres 
pondence      between      Washington, 
Trumbull   and   Parsons   as   to   the 
demands   of   the     Conn.   Division, 
3^0-78;    in   the    Highlands   during 
the      Yorktown      campaign,      394; 
urges    capture    of    Lloyd's    Neck, 
396;     organizes     the     defence     of 
Conn.,    397;    in    April,    1782,    his 
health  compels  him  to  retire  from 
active   service,   412;    his   discharge 
granted     by     Congress,     July     22, 

1782,  416;   removes   his    family  to 
Middletown,   Conn.,      461 ;   elected 
to   Conn.   Legislature,   462;    Sept., 
1785,     a  commissioner     to     extin 
guish    Indian    claims    to    land    N. 
W.    of   the   Ohio,   470;   left   home 
for   the   mouth   of   the   Miami    in 
Oct.,   471;   incidents   of  the   jour 
ney,  471-477;  arrives  at  Fort  Fin- 
ney,    477;    treaty  completed,    485; 
returns   in   March,   1786,   489;   or 
ganization  of  Ohio  Company,  496; 


elected  director,  496;  his  me 
morial  to  Congress  for  sale  of 
land  to  Co.,  498;  effect  of,  498- 
9;  sale  concluded  in  July  fol 
lowing,  509;  N.  W.  Ter.  organ 
ized  in  Oct.,  St.  Clair  Governor 
and  Parsons  first  judge,  511; 
both  reappointed  by  Washington 
upon  organization  of  Fed.  Govt., 
563;  Jan.,  1788,  member  of  Conn. 
Convention  to  ratify  Fed.  Const., 
512;  settlement  of  Ohio  begins  in 
spring  of  1788,  515-16;  arrives  at 
Marietta,  May,  1788,  520;  code 
of  laws  for  the  Ter.  prepared  by 
Gov.  and  Judges,  524;  Cutler's 
visit  to  Marietta  and  diary,  531-3; 
Parsons  preaches  a  Thanksgiving 
sermon,  the  first  in  the  Ter., 
537-542;  visits  Philadelphia,  554; 
appointed  by  Conn,  commissioner 
to  treat  with  Indians  on  the  Re 
serve,  565;  forms  syndicate  to 
purchase  24,000  acres  in  the  Re 
serve,  549;  returning  from  a  visit 
to  his  purchase,  Nov.  17,  1789,  at 
tempting  to  shoot  the  rapids  of 
the  Big  Beaver,  his  canoe  was 
wrecked,  and  both  he  and  a  man 
with  him  were  drowned,  570; 
map  of  vicinity  of  the  accident, 
570;  the  inscriptions  on  his 
monument  at  Middletown,  583-4; 
a  fac-simile  of  his  signature, 
454;  his  children,  583;  his  charac 
ter,  his  public  services,  the  esti 
mate  in  which  he  was  held,  584- 
5-6-7 

Parsons,  Wm.  Walter  (Midship 
man  Billy,  284),  32,  192,  266, 
284,  287,  288,  292,  471,  555,  582 

Parsons,    Thomas,   80 

Patterson,   Gen.,  361 

Payne,    Benjamin,    19 

Peabody,  Rev.  Dr.,  420 

Peekskill,  rendezvous  for  troops, 
1777,  101;  364 

Pennsylvania  Line,  mutiny  of,  320, 
323' 

Penobscott  expedition,  266 

Phelps,   Noah,  24 

Phillips    Manor,    127 


INDEX 


599 


Pitkin,   Martha,    10 

Pitkin,    Wm.,    10 

Pitt,  William,   16 

Pittsburgh,  476 

Prentice,   Maj.   Samuel,   28 

Prescott,  Col.,  Wm.,  30,  31 

Private  warfare,  242-4 

Purchase   Road,   74 

Putnam,  Capt.  Ezra,  515 

Putnam,  Gen.  Israel,  1,  4,  5;  Major 
Gen.,  33;  51,  108,  113,  114,  115, 
116,  120,  122,  124,  127,  133,  134, 
140,  141,  142,  142,  166,  167,  194, 
204,  212,  213,  226,  236,  244,  2734 

Putnam,  Gen.  Rufus,  515,  517,  523, 
526,  531,  545 

Quaker  Hill,  engagement  at,  192 

Rail,  Col.,  72 
Redding  Ridge,  204 
Reed,    James    R-.    43 
Rexford,  Elisha.  352,  353 
Robertson    dispatch,   312 
Rochambeau,    Count    de,    296,    364, 

365,    366,    391-2 
Rogers,  Lieut.   Hezekiah,  288 
Romaine,  Bernard,  24 
Rowland,   Uriah,  356,  359 
Root,   Col.,   265-7 
Rum,   an   indispensable   article,   205, 

246 

Rye  Affair,  75 
Rye  Pond,  74 

Sag  Harbor,  Meigs'  expedition  to, 
97 

St.  Clair,  Gen.  Arthur,  43,  273; 
reception  at  Marietta,  523-25;  re- 
appointed  Governor  by  Washing 
ton,  563;  522,  552;  his  Thanks 
giving  proclamation,  537 

St.   John,  Stephen,  401 

St.    Mary's   Pond,   72;   affair   at,   74 

Saltonstall,  Gurdon,  28 

Salt  Springs  of  the  Mahoning,  560, 
567 

Sargent,  Winthrop,  496,  523,  563 

Saw  Pitts  (Port  Chester),  74,  77, 
110 

Scammel,  Col.,  327 


Schuyler,  Gen.  Phillip;  Maj.  Gen., 
33 

Scott,  Gen.  John  Morin,  63,  82, 
83 

Secret  Service  Record  of  Sir  If. 
Clinton,  423-4 

Senecas,  home  of  the,  260 

Setauket,  Parsons'  expedition  to, 
108-110 

Settlement  of  unoccupied  lands  in 
the  West,  546 

Shawanese   Indians,  478 

Shay's  rebellion,  468;  described  by 
Parsons,  468-9 

Sheldon,  Col.,  85,  302,  310,  366,  405 

Sherman,  Roger,  18,  23,  548 

Sherman,  Gen.  W.  T.,  Loring's 
pamphlet  dedicated  to,  421 

Sherman,  Col.,  318,  327 

Signature,  fac-simile  of  Parsons', 
454 

Silliman,  Gen.  Ebenezer,  19,  59,  93, 
230,  285 

Smallwood,   Gen.,   314 

Smiths  Clove,  77,  249 

Society  of  the  Cincinnati;  institu 
ted  in  the  Highlands,  May  13, 
1783;  basic  principles,  deemed 
anti-republican,  463-4 

Sound,  Long  Island,  those  living 
near  in  fear  of  attack,  391 

Southampton,  223 

Spencer,  Gen.  Joseph,  1,  4,  33,  34, 
39,  41 

Sproat,   Col.   Ebenezer,   515 

Sproat,  Mr.,  Coin.  Gen.  of  Priso 
ners,  289 

Spy  System  of  the  Revolution,  274- 
281 

States  composing  N.  W.  Ter.,  524 

Steuben  Baron;  compliments  Conn, 
troops,  270 

Stiles,  Prest.  Yale  Col.,  360 

Stirling,  Gen.  Lord  Wm.  Alexan 
der,  41,  42,  49,  51,  52,  53;  in  New 
Jersey,  78,  194 

Stony  Point,  247,  249,  259,  269 

Strang,   Joseph,    144 

Strike  of  artificers  at  West  Point, 
149 

Strong,  Jedediah.   18 

Sullivan,  Gen.  John,  33,  39,  41,  48, 


600 


INDEX 


192;      expedition        against        the 

Senecas,  259-60 
Sumrill's    Ferry,   515-16 
Swift,  Col.,  4,  318 
Symmes,  John  Cleves,  Judge  N.  W. 

Ter.,  563 
Syndicate  to  purchase  land  in  Conn. 

Reserve,  549-52 

Tallmadge,  Maj.  Benj.,  279,  280, 
305,  332,  404,  407-8 

Taylor,  Thomas,  of  Norwalk,  349- 
50 

Ternay,   Admiral,  296 

Thomas,  Gen.  John,  33,  34 

Ticonderoga,  facts  as  to  expedi 
tion  against  in  1775,  24;  capture, 
25;  its  great  value,  27 

Treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  Oct.  22, 
1784;  of  Fort  Mclntosh,  Jan.  21, 
1785;  territory  ceded  by,  482;  of 
Fort  Finney,  Feb.  1,  1786,  482- 
486;  territory  ceded  by,  485;  Par 
sons'  address  and  terms  of  treaty, 
477-85;  of  Fort  Harmar  in  Jan. 
1788,  536-7 

Trenton  and  Princeton,  battles  of, 
80-81 

Troup,  Robert,  Gates'  A.  D.  C.,  174 

Trumbull,  Gov.  Jonathan,  1,  90,  117, 
118,  119,  123,  159,  170,  217,  220, 
221,  222,  227,  228,  239,  299  319, 
324,  325,  336,  337,  341-343,  345, 
352,  369,  371,  372,  374,  375,  376, 
377,  378,  380,  382-4,  386,  387,  388, 
397,  398,  399,  402,  407,  409,  431 

Trumbull   Joseph,   19,   22,   24 

Trumbull,  Rev.   Mr.,  300 

Tryon,  raid  on  Danbury,  93;  burns 
E.  Haven,  Fairfield  and  Nor 
walk,  251 ;  property  destroyed, 
255;  burns  Continental  Village 
122;  Phillips  Manor,  127 

Tupper,  Gen.   Benj.,  526 

Tyler,  Col.  John,  28 

Upham,  Col.,  Br.  Com.  of  Priso 
ners,  400,  403 

Valley  Forge,  winter  of  1777-8,  160 
Van   Cortlandt   Manor   House,   368 
Varnum,   Judge   James    M.,    arrives 


at  Marietta,  521;  delivers  Fourth 
July  address,  523;  assists  in  mak 
ing  code  of  laws,  524-5;  death, 
Jan.  10,  1789,  544 

Vaughn's,  Gen.,  expedition  up  the 
Hudson  to  relieve  Burgoyne,  121, 
122 

Verplancks  Point,  116,  123,  247, 
249,  269 

Vigo,    Francis,    Indian   trader,   532 

Virginia   accounts,   487-8 

Virginia  House  of  Burgesses,  reso 
lution  of,  19 

Wadsworth,  Col.  Jeremiah,  161,  175, 
321,  322,  471,  486 

Waite,    Lieut.    Daniel,    89 

Wales,  Nathaniel,  19 

Walker,  Capt.  Joseph,  339;  Par 
sons  recommends  him  to  Gen. 
Gates,  411;  281,  352 

Walter,  Rev.  Dr.  Wm.;  notable 
letter  from  Parsons,  179-184;  192, 
285,  314,  354,  462-3 

Ward,  Gen.  Artemas,  33,  34,  37 

Washington,  George;  elected  gene 
ral,  June  15,  1775;  assumes  com 
mand  July  2;  reports  situation 
of  the  army,  33;  fortifies  Dor 
chester  Heights,  38;  Boston  evac 
uated,  the  army  ordered  to  N.  Y., 
39;  fortifies  N.  Y.  and  Brooklyn 
Heights,  41;  battle  of  Long  Isl 
and,  retreat  to  N.  Y.,  and  to 
White  Plains,  50-73;  campaign  of 
1777  in  New  Jersey,  100-112;  July, 
1778,  entire  army  at  White  Plains, 
189;  his  method  of  espionage, 
275-280;  Arnold's  treason,  304- 
14;  meets  Rochambeau,  304;  the 
N.  Y.  and  Yorktown  compaigns, 
364-93;  his  scheme  of  slack  water 
navigation  for  the  Potomac,  520; 
election  and  inauguration  as 
President,  513;  writes  to 
Lafayette  of  Parsons  and  others 
proposing  to  settle  in  Ohio,  546 

Washington  County  organized  and 
County  Court  opened,  526 

Waterbury,  Gen.  David,  1,  366,  390, 
403,  405,  406 


INDEX 


601 


Wayne,  Gen.  Anthony;  captures 
Stony  Point,  259 

Webb,  Col.  Chas.,  2,  26,  106 

Webb,  Col.  Samuel  B.,  105,  108,  109, 
110,  124,  134,  136,  138,  178,  179, 
281,  318,  338  360 

West  Point,  106;  Parsons  in  com 
mand,  142;  description  of,  161-2; 
social  life  at,  165;  246,  318 

Whale  boats  concealed  in  inlets  on 
the  Sound  from  Rye  to  Nor- 
walk,  110 

White,  Maj.   Haffield,  515 

Whitefleld,  Rev.  Geo. ;  buried  be 
neath  Rev.  Jonathan  Parsons' 
pulpit,  11 

White  Plains,  great  encampment  at 
in  1778,  189 

Williard,  Prest.  Harvard  Coll.;  Par 
sons  send  him  account  of  his 
discoveries  in  the  West,  489-495 

Williams,   Rev.   Elisha,  8 


Williams,    Wm.,    18,    19 

Wilson,  Wm.,  Indian  trader,  571 

Wilton,  216,  253,  254 

Windham,    Co.    Conn.,    its    original 

financial    scheme,   468 
\Volcott,  Gen.  Erastus,  10,  23 
Wolcott,   Henry,  9 
Wolcott,  Gen.  Oliver,  10,  565-6 
Wolcott,    Roger,    10 
Wolcott,    Ursula,   10 
Woodward,  Hon.  J.  G.,  459 
Wooster,   Gen.   David,   1,   4,   33,   77, 

82;  killed,  93 
Wyllys,    Col.     Samuel,    24,    26,    37, 

48,    106,   318 
Wyllys,   Major,  352 
Wyoming    District    in    Pa.    claimed 

by  Conn.,  18,  19,  326 

Yale  College,  6;  May,  1781,  con 
fers  honorary  degrees  on  Wash 
ington  and  Parsons,  360 


Barber  in  his  Historical  Collections 
of  Connecticut  says  West  Greenwich, the 
present  village  of  Greenwich, was  formerly 
called  Horseneck  from  a  peninsula  on  the 
bound  used  as  a  horse  pasture.  This  pe 
ninsula  must  have  been  either  yield's 
Point  or  the  point  on  the  east  side  of 
the  Hyram  river. 

October  27, 1777, after  the  surrender  of 
of  Bunroyne  and  upon  the  retreat  of  Clin 
ton   to  New  York, General  Parsons  was  or 
dered  with  his  brigade  to  white  Plaint, 
where, NOV. 3, Col .  Samuel  B.  Webb  was  order 
ed  to   join  him  with  his  regiment .  Later 
in  the  month  Webb  was  ordered  to  the 
coast   and  went  into  camp  on  Kin^street 
near  Horseneck,to  await   the  sailing  of 
an  expedition  to  Lontr  Island  which  1  arson*? 
was   to  command  in  person  and  in  which  he 
was  to  take  part.  The  following  ig  Webb's 
•journal  of  the  events  of  the  month  from 
which  it   appears  that   Putn am, Par sons, Webb 
and  other  officers  when   temporarily  at 
Horseneck, stopped  either  at  Knapo's  Tav 
ern  or  at  Bush's, but  usually  at  the 
former.      (Webb's   Lifetpaf?e  235  to   23i).) 

Monday, NOV. 3,1777 .Received  orders  to 
loin  Parson's  brigade  at.  Whit**  Pl«iins. 

Horseneck, Nov. 5, 1777.  Arrived  here 
from  Stamford  about   9  AM.  FounJI  Parsons' 
Quarters  at   Kriapp's;   continued  here  for 
the  dav  bein?-  a  little  fati^n^ed. 

Thursdav,K'ov.o.  An  exceeding  storm 
from  the  northeast;   close  in  Quarters 
till  evening;   aassed  ah  hour  or   two  with 
the  Mis-^  Bushes . 


Thursday, Nov. 13. Hode  to  Horseneck  with 
Ma.lor  Huntin^ton;    lodged  at  Knam^s. 
Friday, Nov.   14.  Quarters  between  Mamaroneak 
and  White  Plain??.  Returned  from  Horse- 
neck  with  General  Parsons  and  dined  at  mv 
quarters;   preparing  to  march. 

Sunday, NOV. Id  .  Rode  in  company  with 
General  Parsons  to  Horseneok;   suooed  with 
Humphreys   at  Bushes;   lodged  at 


Wednesday, NOV.   19.  This   forenoon 
rode  to  Mamaroneok  and  thence  to  White 
Plains  with  Major  General  Putnam  and 
Brigadier  parsons;  evervthimr  indicates 
something  to  be  done . 

Nov.   2(>.    1777.   H>de   to  Krapp's   in 
Horseneck  where  we  found  a  larjF>   circle  of 

gentlemen   and  ladies  and  an  elegant -rath 
er  sayji»«rood-entertainment  prepared;  we 
passed  a  sociable  afternoon  and  spent  the 
ni^rht  till  oast  twelve  in  dancing. 

Rye f NOV. 21.  This-  beint?  Thanksgiving 
day, rode  with  General  Parsons, Major  Hun- 
tinfrton  and  Captain  Bull  to  Krtapp's  in 
Horspneok. 

hye,Kov.  21.  Note  from  General  Par 
sons  that  he  received  information  that 
the  enemy  intended  to  burn  Tarry town  and 
to  have  my  regiment  ready  to  march  at 
shortest  notice. 

Saturday, Nov. 29*  Last  night  scouting 
party  went  down  to  fcestohester  and  made 
jfhrisoner  of  Col. James  PeLancey  and  seve 
ral  others . 

Sunday, NOV.  3U,1777.  With  Brigadier 
Parsons  rode  to  Hors^neck. 

Horseneok, Monday  Deo. I.  This  day  mv 

o  tj-t"      •   •  -?t 

4  r> '  _ 


regiment  marched  Into  this  Place;  expect* 
to  cross  to  Lon*»  Island  to-morrow  evening. 

Horseneok, Tuesday, pec. 2.  With  Gene 
ral  Parsons  and  Col.  DeLanoev  dined  at  Mr. 
Bushes.  (PeLanoey  had  been  paroled  by 
Putnam  to  remain  at  Hartford.) 

Wednesday, Peo .5.  My  regiment  marched 
at  9  AVI.  At  i  P4.  Brigadier  Pardons  and 
myself  set  forward  and  arrived  at  Norwaiic 
about  dark. 

Norwalk, Thursday, Pec .4  .  wind  too  hi^h 
to  cross  the  Sound. 

Pec. 9, the  expedition  sailed  from  Nor- 
walk, and  the  next  day, Webb  "having  encounter 
ed  an  armed  veStel  of  the  enemy  was  taken 
prisoner. 

I'utnam  remained  near  Iftie  bound  until 
after  Parsons  returned  from  Loner  island, 
when  by  Washington's  orders  he  returned 
with  his   troops  to  his  Headquarters  in 

the  Highlands . 

Fev.Pr  .Marasseh  Cutler  in   the  diary 

of  his    loumev  from  Boston  to  New  york 
ten  vears   later    (1787), thus   locates   and 
describes  Knaop's  tavern, now  known   as 
Putnam's  Headquarters. 

Julv  4,1787.  Arrived  at  Knapp's  in 
Horseneck  about  ten  o, clock  in  the  evening. 
The  extreme  heat  prevented  me  ridiner  in 
the  middle  of  the  day.  His  house   is   sit\i% 
a ted  on  a  verv  hi^h  hill  of  most  difficult 
access  .  At   a  sna$l  distance  from  his  house 
the  road  ascends   a  precipice  by  different 
windings, which  appear^to  me  to  be  nearly 
sixtv  feet  hif?h  and  almost  perpendicular. 
As  vou  anproach  it, it  appears  inaccessible, 
byt  nature  has  formed  crevices   in  certain 


directions  which  seem  to  have  been  des- 
. tined  for  a  road, and  hy  labor  it  has  been 
nade  tolerably  ^ood .  Both  Knapp  and  his 
wif*  have  much  the  air  of  a  erentleman  an* 
lady  and  they  keep  #ood  attendants  and  a 
house  well  furnished  with  everything  ne- 
cessarv  for  k  tavern.  I  felt  more  anxious 

;  f or  my  horse  than  myself:  but  it  wa«  very 
dfrrk  and  bein^r  much  fati;rued,  I  asked  to 
be  excused  from  eroin^r  to  the  stables.  The 
hostler  is  "Cuff.  After  he  had  fed  my 
horse  with  oats, I  Tave  him  a  very  serious 
charge  to  rub  him  well  down  and  «rive  him 
a  j=rood  supper.  His  ready  promise  to  do  it 
^*de  me  susoeat  him  the  more,  "well",savs 
J.,  "my  lad  if  you  do  rot  take  ^ood  care  of 

him  my  horse  will  certainly  tell  me  in 
the  momim?  and  you  may  depend  on  a  flo^ 

erinrr."  "whatv  you  hoss  tell  vou;  de  deb- 
ble:  you  hoss  sneak:  I  no  b»lieve  that." 
Yes  Cuff, vou  shall  see  what  he  will  do  in 
the  morninpr."  In  the  morning  Cuff  oame 
*rrinnin*r  with  my  horse.  "Now  Master, what 
you  ho-^  say?  If  he  say  I  no  ^ive  him 
Rood  supner  he  will  lie  like  de  debble." 

We  passed  Hyram  river  thre^  miles 
from  Knapp's, which  is  the  boundary  betwea 
New  York  and  Connecticut . 

P.Hamilton  Hurd  in  his  history  of 
Pair-field  County  ( 188 1), says  of  Putnam's 
Kill;  the  main  country  road  led  through 
the  village  (of  Horseneck)  to  a  point 
near  the  edqre  of  the  precipice  and  then 
ran  northerly  for  some  300  feet.  At  the 
latter  point  it  turned  sharply  to  the 
south  and  hu^?in*r  the  hill  beneath  the 
rocks  which  frowned  above  it, descended 


with  a  steeo  incline  to  a  point   about  80 
feet   south  of  the  nr^sont   causwav,then  bend- 
in^  to  the  east   it   ran   in  the  direction  of 
Stanford.  Westerly  from  the  summit   of  the 
hill  and  opposite  the  present  rectory  of  tfee 
fcloiseopal  church.twas  the  old  tavern   keM    at 
that,   time   (during  and  after  the  tevclutiofli} 
hy  Israel  Knapp.  Th*  original  building  is 
still   in   existence, the  stone  win**  having 
been  constructed  since  the  War,  The  ore- 
vailing  opinion  seems  to  be  that  Putnam's 
fie  ad  Quarters   at  the  time  of  his  famous   ride 
were   et    the  nub lie  house  kent  by  Israel 
Knanp, which  was   known   in   after  vear<?   as  the 
Tracv     Place .     The  Headquarters  of  Putnan»s 
Pi  vision  at  the  ti^ne  of  the  Trvon  r«id  were 
at  h e dd in e% Conn .where  it  wai   cantoned  for 
the  winter . 

From  the  forc^qinffr  ^vtraots  it  is  cer 
tain  that    Kn arm's  Tavern  was  n*a?   IMtna^n 
Hill;   trat   both  Bu?5h  and  Knano   kent   ooen 
house   for   travellers*    that  Pai son1?, Webb  and 
other  officers   in   1777  and  doubtless   in   1779 
lodged   so^eti^es  at  Bush's  but  \nually  at 
Kna.fcn*s;   that  }\itnarntwho  was  often   at  Ho^sf- 
neckfas  his  official  renort   s^.vs/to  see  the 
situation  of  the  aruards*  ,oresu^ablv  did  the 
saTne.  Hut  whether  he  was  at   Knann>s  at   the 
time  of  the  Tryon  raid  is  quite  r^naterial, 
for  he  was   so  freauentiv  there  in  the  dis 
charge  of  his  duties   as   to  fullv   lustifv 
the  difrnifvint?  of  the  old  tavern   as  Putnam's 
He ad Quarters  even  though  never   such  in 
itarv  parlance . 


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